RECORD: Owen, William Fitz William. 1833. Narrative of voyages to explore the shores of Africa, Arabia, and Madagascar; performed in H.M. Ships Leven and Barracouta. 2 vols. London: Richard Bentley. Volume 1.

REVISION HISTORY: Transcribed (single key) by AEL Data 7.2013. RN1

NOTE: This work formed part of the Beagle library. The Beagle Library project has been generously supported by a Singapore Ministry of Education Academic Research Fund Tier 1 grant and Charles Darwin University and the Charles Darwin University Foundation, Northern Territory, Australia.


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NARRATIVE OF VOYAGES

TO EXPLORE THE SHORES OF

AFRICA, ARABIA,

AND

MADAGASCAR;

PERFORMED IN H. M. SHIPS LEVEN AND BARRACOUTA,

UNDER THE DIRECTION OF

CAPTAIN W. F. W. OWEN, R. N.

BY COMMAND OF THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS OF THE ADMIRALTY.

IN TWO VOLUMES.

VOL. I.

LONDON:

RICHARD BENTLEY, NEW BURLINGTON STREET,

Publisher in Ordinary to his Majesty.

1833.

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LONDON:

PRINTED BY SAMUEL BENTLEY,

Dorset Street, Fleet Street.

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ADVERTISEMENT.

IN presenting these Volumes to the world, it may be necessary to make a few observations upon the delay that has attended their publication.

It was the intention of Captain Owen to have arranged his manuscripts for the press shortly after his return from the long and adventurous Voyage which they relate; but he was almost immediately appointed to his Majesty's ship Eden, with orders to take out and establish the settlement of Fernando Po. The active preparations for this expedition prevented him from fulfilling his intentions at that period.

In 1831 he again returned to his native shores; but instead of enjoying that calm leisure which

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his arduous services both called for and deserved, his whole time has since been occupied in settling Colonial accounts, and other public matters.

At this period, the Editor was informed that it was still the wish of Captain Owen to prepare his narrative for publication, though he had not sufficient time to devote to that purpose. Under these circumstances, the Journals of Captain Owen and of the officers engaged under him in the expedition, were entrusted to the Editor, and they are now presented to the world in the full conviction that their varied and interesting details will afford both entertainment and information.

HEATON BOWSTEAD ROBINSON.

Montpelier Place, Twickenham, June 1833.

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INTRODUCTION.

THE intention and extent of this expedition will in some measure be shown by the annexed instructions from the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty; in addition to which, Captain Owen had a further power to increase the limits of the survey, if required, by any local information. These instructions, as stating the deficiencies in our hydrographical knowledge of the African shores, were sufficient in themselves to point out the course to be pursued by Captain Owen; and had it been left to his own discretion, he might have obtained the required information without the dreadful sacrifices, which it is the duty of these pages to record; for in a climate subject to such varied and deadly changes, a discretionary power was certainly advisable, in order, by a judicious arrangement and attention to the seasons, to avoid as much as possible its fatal effects upon Europeans. It will be observed that this power was not given to Captain Owen, and in the course of the work it will be seen how melancholy were the consequences.

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No. 1.

By the Commissioners for executing the Office of Lord High Admiral of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, &c.

YOU are hereby required and directed to put to sea with his Majesty's ship Leven and Barracouta sloop under your orders, as soon as they shall be in every respect ready, and to proceed with all convenient expedition to the Cape of Good Hope, where you are to communicate with the Astronomer, and regulate your chronometers at the observatory established there, and to receive on board water and such refreshments as you may stand in need of. You are then to proceed to the eastward, and commence your survey either at the mouth of the Keiskamma, the present boundary of the colony of the Cape of Good Hope, and continue it as far as Delagoa Bay, or to commence at this bay and continue it southwesterly to the Keiskamma, according to the season of the year when you shall arrive off that coast, and as the north-west or north-east wind shall be found to prevail. In the latter case it may be advisable to commence with the bay itself, and to make a complete and accurate survey thereof with the two rivers, as far as may be safe and practicable, which are described as falling into it, collecting information of the numbers and character of the natives, their occupations, modes of subsistence, &c. the nature of the soil, and also

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of the productions of the surrounding country. By the time that these operations are concluded, the north-westerly winds will have set in, when the interjacent coast between the bay and the Keiskamma may with more safety and convenience be approached. You will ascertain whether any and what bays, harbours, and inlets, may exist on that coast, examining the entrances into all the rivers that may occur, whether they are navigable, and by what description of vessels, and to what extent.

When this part of the coast has been completed, together with Delagoa Bay, which it is to be understood are the first in order to be surveyed, it will probably be found necessary to refresh and replenish the ships, in which case, if Algoa Bay should not afford sufficient means for that purpose, it may be advisable that you should proceed to the Cape of Good Hope, from whence you are to send home the result of your operations to that period, accompanied with whatever information you may have been able to collect.

Having replenished the ships, you are again to proceed to the northward, and, commencing the second part of the survey at Delagoa Bay before-mentioned, continue it along the coasts of Sofala and Mozambique, examining and surveying every bay, harbour, and inlet, and ascertaining the course of all the various rivers that empty themselves into the sea and Mozambique Channel, their size, depth of water, whether navigable or not; and, in short, endeavouring to obtain any information

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respecting them that may be practicable, observing that the bay and rivers of Inhamban, the Sofala, and the Quilimaney will require your particular attention; and you are also to survey the several islands which lie near the coasts you shall examine. As this second survey will probably terminate in the Mozambique Channel, or at the farthest at Quiloa, it may be proper to endeavour to replenish your provisions and water at the Portuguese settlement of Mozambique; but failing in this, either from the scantiness of supplies at that settlement, or an unwillingness on the part of the Portuguese authorities established there, it may probably be advisable to try the northern part of Madagascar, where it is stated that the natives are friendly to us, and that cattle is in the greatest abundance. Failing here, the next place that offers itself is the island of Mauritius, where a supply may with confidence be expected. As soon as the two ships shall be in a state to proceed again upon service, you will take up the survey at the point on the coast where it had been discontinued, and carry it on in like manner as before directed to Cape Guadafui, where you are to consider the survey to terminate; but if the ships and ships' companies are in a state to continue in those seas, you may employ them in examining and observing the true position of the numerous islands and shoals between Madagascar and the main and north and north-eastward of Madagascar, and also such parts of the coast of Madagascar as you may conceive not to have been

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accurately ascertained; after which you are to return to the Cape, and having there refreshed your crews, make the best of your way to Spithead, reporting your arrival and proceedings to our Secretary for our information. And whilst employed on the service above directed, you are to embrace every opportunity of transmitting to our Secretary an account of your proceedings, and to send to him at such times such results of your labours as the progress you may have made may enable you to furnish.

Given under our hands the 4th of February 1822.

MELVILLE.

G. COCKBURN.

G. CLARK.

To William Fitz William Owen, Esq. Captain of his Majesty's ship Leven, At Spithead.

By command of their Lordships, J. W. CROKER.

Upon the return of the Leven to the Seychelles, in 1824, Captain Owen received the following further instructions from the Hydrographical Office, to continue the survey along the shores of Arabia Felix.

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No. 2.

Hydrographical Office, May 20, 1823.

DEAR SIR,

The Topaze has lately sent us a sketch of the South Coast of Arabia, from the Red Sea to Dofar, where it joins that made by Captain Smith in the Indian Chart-book, and with which it perfectly agrees. He found some ports, particularly Maculla, forty-five miles out in latitude, but the great error appears to be between Shoal Cliff and Ras-al-Had. Captain Horsburgh in giving the coast the same trending as in other charts, has altered Captain Smith's nearly two degrees more westerly, although that officer's accuracy has been verified by the Topaze and Bacchus. Captain Horsburgh appears to think Ras-al-Had correctly placed in our charts; if so, the coast from Shoal Cliff to Ras-al-Had, must trend north-westerly, instead of north-easterly, which has hitherto been considered the fact. Should your orders permit you to go to Bombay, you might easily settle this to our satisfaction. You will no doubt have the full particulars of Lieutenant West's discovery of the Telemaque shoals, and will be upon the look-out for them. Captain Horsburgh does not believe in their existence; he says, a bank of such extent must have been discovered and examined long before this period,

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and as the Lieutenant did not take soundings, he cannot place any confidence in his supposition.

(Signed) P. WALKER.

During the equipment of this expedition, both Captain Owen and his officers were constantly exposed to the frivolous annoyances so often complained of in the administration of our civil departments of the Navy. No office ever defeated the intention of its projectors so perfectly as the Navy Board; for instead of expediting the equipment of his Majesty's ships, they threw every obstacle in the way, either by an ingenious misconstruction or wilful delay. Every application made by Captain Owen to the Admiralty was instantly ordered; while by this Board nothing was granted, however important to the service; every thing obtained from them being after long and constant importunity. Under these circumstances, the Navy in particular, and the public generally, may congratulate themselves upon being no longer burdened with so expensive and unnecessary an establishment; as the duties which they ought to have done are now performed by a branch of the Admiralty.

Upon the second return of this expedition to Seychelles in December 1824, the following letter, together with the annexed memorandum, from the Hydrographical Office, was received by Captain Owen, calling upon him to complete a survey of the west coast of Africa.

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No. 3.

Admiralty Office, June 30, 1824.

SIR,

It being the intention of my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, that on your return to England from the surveys in which you have been engaged on the eastern side of Africa, you should employ yourself with the vessels under your orders in making a complete survey of the western coast of Africa, from Cape Mesurado to the River Gambia, and the Bight of Benin; I am commanded by their Lordships to signify their directions to you, to return with the Leven and Barracouta to the Cape of Good Hope, to report their labours in time to enable you afterwards to reach the coast between Cape Mesurado and the Gambia about the middle of November 1825, when you are accordingly to employ yourself in making accurate surveys of the coasts and dangers above mentioned, and having completed the same, you are then to make the best of your way with the said vessels to Spithead, and report your arrival and proceedings for their Lordships' information.

I am further to acquaint you, that a packet containing some charts and a memorandum from the Hydrographical Department of this office for your information, in regard to the surveys above directed on the western coast of Africa, is for-

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warded for you to the naval store-keeper at the Cape of Good Hope, to whom you are to apply for the same.

I am, Sir,

Your very humble Servant,

J. S. BARROW.

MEMORANDUM.

Their Lordships being desirous of having the Coast of Africa, between Sierra Leone, and the River Gambia, with its dangers, completely surveyed, have directed me to give you a detailed account, not only of what we possess, but also of our wants, that you may be the better enabled to fulfil them. I shall also give you a short statement of the whole coast, that you may know what is wanted to complete it.

I should recommend you to begin at Cape Mesurado, a little to the southward of the shoals of St. Ann, where Mr. De Mayne left off. A survey of these shoals lately made by Lieutenant Hagan, will accompany this, which may be of use for you, either to verify or amend if necessary. We know nothing whatever of the river Sierra Leone, as far as is necessary for navigation: it will, therefore, be desirable to obtain the requisite information. The Isles de Loss are frequently resorted to by His Majesty's ships; you have a copy of the only plan we possess, in the first volume of plans you were furnished with, but it is reported to be very erroneous: a survey, therefore, of them, on a good-sized scale, is very

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desirable. The whole coast line from Sierra Leone to Cape Roxa, we know little or nothing about, though it contains the entrances of four large rivers, besides a number of smaller ones, but the most dangerous part is the Bissagos Archipelago, or as they are generally called in the charts, the Shoals of Rio Grande. The French have lately made a survey of the two channels which nearly surround these shoals, the one leading into the Rio Jaba, the other into the Rio Grande, a copy of which accompanies this: you will see they only just touch upon the Islands and Shoals; a more detailed one would be desirable, as far as prudence will allow you to risk your ships.

From Cape Roxo to the River Gambia, being a straight coast and no dangers, you will have little to do, as it was surveyed in a former voyage in the Leven, by Lieutenants Vidal and Mudge, except the entrances of three or four rivers which were thought too insignificant to lose their time about; but the Gambia it will be necessary to survey very minutely, so far up as may be necessary for navigation, it being a place of great trade; and there are said to be many dangers, but which we are totally unacquainted with.

The Coast from the Cape of Good Hope to Benguela, has been fully examined and surveyed by Captain Chapman, of His Majesty's ship Espiegle, and as we have a former survey of that part taken in one of His Majesty's ships, these combined with Mr. De Mayne's survey from Benguela to the Congo, will be fully sufficient for

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every purpose of navigation. But from the Congo to the Bight of Benin, we are very defective; it is represented as a straight coast, and I believe no dangers exist on it. Yet it is desirable to have its situation exactly ascertained, and to know what rivers may empty themselves into the sea Within that space. Should you therefore arrive on that part of the coast before the fair weather commences, (about the middle of November,) or be driven away from it before you have completed the survey of that part between Sierra Leone and the Gambia, you might take that opportunity to inspect that between the Congo and the Bight of Benin. When these two objects are accomplished, I conceive the whole western coast of Africa will be sufficiently known for every purpose of navigation.

P. WALKER.

Hydrographical Office,
June 30, 1824.

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ILLUSTRATIONS.

VOL. I.

A Hollontonte To face the Title
Chart of Delagoa Bay Page 1
Entrance to the Kye River 75
English Bill 101
Black Rocks 281
View of Mombas 399
Land-Gate, Mombas 404
Chart of Mombas 412

VOL. II.

View of Sierra Leone To face the Title
Chart of the Ports of Conducia, Mozambique, and Mokamba Page 1
Sepulchral Tablet 78
Native of Madagascar 87
Radama, King of Madagascar 119
Chart of the Cape of Good Hope 224

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CONTENTS

OF

THE FIRST VOLUME.

CHAPTER I.
Trial of rockets.—The Confiance.—A gale of wind.—Departure from England.—Enter the Tagus.—Chronometers.—Parses over the country.—Astronomical observations.—A man overboard.—Madeira.—Feudal tenure.—Culture of the vines.—Santa Cruz.—A public ball.—St. Patrick.—Deviation of the compass.—Eagles.—Experiment with rockets.—Mr. Forbes's Narrative 1
CHAPTER II.
Arrival in Porto Grande.—Joined by the Barracouta.—Tanafal Bay.—Leaving the Bay.—Trinidada.—Geographical falacy.—a French squadron.—The Cockburn steam-boat.—Desertion of seamen.—Country around Rio.—Extracts from the Journal of Mr. John Forbes.—Vegetation at Rio.—Public Garden.—Peculiar oranges.—Boto Fogo.—Botanical garden.—

VOL. I. B

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Excursion by water.—Porto d'Estrella.—Mr. Langsdorff's home.—A little colony.—The Araucanian pine.—Museum of natural history 28
CHAPTER III.
A man overboard.—Towing the Cockburn.—Arrival at the Cape.—Heavy gales.—Survey of the Peninsula.—Desertion.—Dangerous error.—War of extermination.—Kaffer interpreters.—The Cape peninsula.—Barracouta's proceedings.—The Cape Coast.—Bays and harbours.—Insecurity of Table Bay.—Algoa Bay.—Port Elizabeth.—Loss of the Doddington.—Defective charts.—The negro Kaffers.—The Keiskamma River.—Tribes on the coast.—Entrance to English River.—Senhor Oliva.—Native boats.—Boundaries 51
CHAPTER IV.
Jem of the Water.—Awkward craft.—Personal adornment.—Factory officers.—Intestine war.—Rivers.—Jacket and Fire.—English River.—The River Mattoll.—The River Temby.—Improvidence of the natives.—Traffic with the natives.—A native village.—Termination of the survey.—A hippopotamus.—A night-scene.—A party of natives.—Dress of the chief.—The Hollontontes.—Night-precautions.—Terrific attack.—Defeat of the barbarians.—Return to the boats.—Native warriors 76
CHAPTER V.
English Bill.—Native Secretaries.—Prince Slangelly.—Slangelly's family.—His riches.—Fondness for smoking.—Wretched fugitives.—A group of hippopotami.—A party of natives.—Traps for hippopotami.—Mattoll's people.—Smoking the hubble-bubble.—Infatuation 101

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CHAPTER VI.
Quarter-deck market.—Native Liquors.—Death and burial of Mr. Tambs.—Hostilities. A Deserter.—Death of a Seaman.—Portuguese atrocity.—Native feud.—Captain Lechmere's illness and death.—His Servant's illness.—A man lost.—Dangerous situation.—Fresh water.—Trap for Hippopotami 117
CHAPTER VII.
Fever on board.—Seizure of Roberts.—Mission to King Mayetta.—The royal hut.—Approach of Mayetta.—Interview with Mayetta.—The River Manice.—Parties of Hollontontes.—Interview with them.—Their retreat.—Musquitoes.—Curiosity of the natives.—Two victims to the fever.—Astonishment of the natives.—Timpson's cross.—Increase of fever on board.—Its serious character.—Sufferings of the Sick.—Lieutenant Gibbon's.—Death of Captain Cutfield 135
CHAPTER VIII.
Superstitious fear.—Fatal presentiments.—More victims.—Prudence of the Natives.—Change of Officers.—Track-surveying.—Aspect of the coast.—Naming of places.—Ridge of mountains.—Islands.—French settlements.—Native hair-dressing.—Native costume.—Native dance.—Dexterity of the natives.—Their huts and looms.—Animals and vegetables.—Natural affection.—Laxity of virtue 155
CHAPTER IX.
The seasons at St. Mary's.—Treatment of fever.—Going on shore.—Landing.—The royal palace.—Interview with the King.—The Prince's-house.—Market on the beach.—Johanna.—Its natives.—Leave Johanna 175

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CHAPTER X.
Mozambique.—Garrison and forts.—The city.—Its population.—Portuguese jurisdiction.—The Governor's house.—Mrs.Guest.—A mutiny.—Senhor Alvarez.—Fraudulent Practices.—A wilful wreck.—Angozha River.—Mohammedan tomb.—Angozha islands.—The coast.—An adventure.—Interior of the country.—Europa Island.—The Cockburn.—Lieutenant Owen's narrative.—The Sincapore.—The Orange Grove.—Unexpected recovery.—Meeting of relatives 187
CHAPTER XI.
Lieutenant Owen's narrative continued.—Shores of the Mapoota.—Embassy to Makasany.— Interview with him.—His reply.—Hospitality.—Mode of barter.—Exploring party.—Terrific conflagration.—The fatal disorder.—Musquitoes.—Ravages of the fever.—Lieutenant's Owen's illness.—Mr. Tudor, and Cooper.—Fatal result 212
CHAPTER XII.
The gun-room steward.—Effects of imagination.—Excuses for shipwreck.—Barlow's plate.—English Bill's mimicry.—Superstition.—Natives at dinner.—A native culprit.—Features of the country.—A severe gale.—Algoa Bay.—A mysterious appearance.—The flying Dutchman.—Wreck of the Cockburn.—A Dutch frigate wrecked.—Finishing our charts.—Bill at Cape Town.—Sale of a gift 229
CHAPTER XIII.
Ball on board.—The Albatross.—Missionaries.—Betheldorp and Uitenhage.—Trade with Delagoa.—Perfidy.—Expedition against the Zoolos.—Point Reuben.—Native plants.—An elephant.—A Portuguese Lady.—Cowardly revenge.—Expedition in boats.—Matchakany.—A Portuguese suppliant.—Unburied bodies 249

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CHAPTER XIV.
Ascend the Dundas.—Hippopotami.—Imprudence.—The Hunters entrapped.—A liberated Captive.—Seizure of Slaves.—English Merchant-ships.—Shores of the Mapoota.—Hunting Hippopotami.—Regulations for Trading.—Miss the Barracouta.—A new Tribe.—Their Conduct.—A curious Custom.—Traffic 265
CHAPTER XV.
Meet the Barracouta.—The Black Rocks.—A Critical situation.—Island of Piquena Banca.—Arrival at Quilimane.—Conduct of the Governor.—Origin of the Town.—The Slave-Trade—A gale.—A heavy sea.—Desperate alternative.—Houses in. Quilimane.—Vegetables and Animals.—Mart for Slaves.—Native Marriage.—A bereaved Mother.—Tattooing.—Costume.—Medical treatment 280
CHAPTER XVI.
Anchor recovered.—Bazaruta Islands.—Inhamban.—A rejoicing.—Trade at Inhamban.—Courage of the Natives.—Dance of Women.—A procession.—An oration.—A boat lost.—Shells.—Musical Instruments.—Arrival at Sofala.—The Governor's Deputy.—Ignorant Pilot.—His despondency.—Murderous attempt.—Dr. Guland's wound.—Recover the Guns 297
CHAPTER XVII.
Islands of Boene and Chuluwan.—Rivers of Eastern Africa.—Port of Sofala.—Dr. Cowan.—Early Navigators.—Commandants of Factories.—Whales.—Convivial lizards.—An earth-

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quake.—Sea-birds.—Joys of civilization.—Remarkable meteor.—Naval discipline.—A military officer arrested.—Survey of coast above Zanzibar.—Arrival at Muskat.—The town 316
CHAPTER XVIII.
Town of Muskat—The Sultan's horses.—A royal merchant.—Merchant-frigates.—The Sultan's pilgrimage.—Exchange of gifts.—Pearls.—The coast.—A man drowned.—Island of Massera.—Bays.—Islands and reefs.—Erroneous chart.—The north coast.—Abdul Koory.—Its bay 336
CHAPTER XIX.
Cape Guardafui.—Peninsula of Hafoon.—Rocky coast, called Hazine, the Ajan of the maps.—Wreckers.—The Somauli.—The Galla, a wild people.—Mukdeesha.—City of the dead.—Jealousy of strangers.—Treacherous act.—Aspect of the coast.—Devastation.—Tower of Manara.—Rocks and islets.—The Hakeem.—Lamoo.—The Governor's visit.—Arrival at Mombas.—Cession of Mombas and dependencies to Great Britain.—Pemba, or Green Island.—The Perseverance.—Ingratitude.—Ports and Bays.—Bay of Mizimbaty.—Picos Fragos 353
CHAPTER XX.
Lieut. Boteler's Journal.—Distressed Fugitives.—Steer for Patta.—Native timidity.—Visit from a Chief.—Island of Patta.—Conquest of Patta by the Imaum of Muskat.—Arab Dows. Lamoo.—Buildings and Costume.—Military Weapons.—Arab fortification.—Arab Women.—Education and Food.—Coasting Trade.—The Galla.—Surprise of the Arabs.—A Hog.—Survey to the Southward.—Shooting Elephants.—Dread of Fire-arms.—An accident 376

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CHAPTER XXI.
The Leopard's Bank.—Memorial Pillars.—City of Maleenda.—Its Decline.—Arrival at Mombas.—The Fortress.—Old Portuguese Inscription.—Interior of the Fort.—Decline of Arab Power.—Sheik of Mombas.—Prince of Maleenda.—An of Territory.—The English Flag.—Arab Repast.—Harbour of Mombas.—Commercial Facilities.—History of Mombas.—Going without Arms 399
CHAPTER XXII.
Arrival at Pemba.—Capture of Pemba.—Arrival off Zanzibar.—Harbours.—The Chief's visit.—Deserters.—Unhealthy climate of Zanzibar.—Latham's Island.—Sea-fowl.—Cunning expedient 425

ERRATUM.

For Lieutenant Rozier, read Lieutenant Rogier.

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NARRATIVE OF VOYAGES,

&c.

CHAPTER I.

Trial of rockets.—The Confiance.—A gale of wind.—Departure from England.—Enter the Tagus.—Chronometers.—Parties over the country.—Astronomical observations.—A man overboard.—Madeira.—Feudal tenure.—Culture of the vines.—Santa Cruz.—A public ball.—St. Patrick.—Deviation of the compass.—Eagles.—Experiment with rockets.—Mr. Forbes's Narrative.

AUGUST the 10th, 1821, H. M. S. Leven was commissioned by Captain W. F. W. Owen, who commenced her equipment at Woolwich for a voyage which it was calculated would occupy about four years.

On the 2nd of October a new ten-gun brig, named the Barracouta, was also commissioned by Captain William Cutfield, and placed under the command of Captain Owen; who at the same time had authority to add a smaller vessel to his squadron when on the ground of his operations, as both the Leven and Barracouta drew

VOL. I. B

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too much water for many of the services upon which they would be required. As so many operations of surveying are carried on in boats, each vessel was supplied with two additional four-oared gigs expressly fitted for that purpose. It became necessary in consequence of this irregularity in their equipment to distinguish them by proper names. Accordingly they changed their usual appellations of "pinnace, gig, cutter," and "jolly-boat," into Melville, Cockburn, Croker,&c.

Whilst at Woolwich various experiments were made upon the flight of rockets, which had been recommended by Captain Owen to the Admiralty, as a ready and simple method of measuring the difference of longitude between two places not very distant. Sir W. Congreve kindly ordered numerous trials to be made of their efficacy for this purpose; a thirty-two pound rocket sent up from Shooter's Hill was seen at Deal, a distance of about fifty-five geographical miles. It was found that the thirty-two pounders attained a perpendicular height of 6,000 feet, the twenty-four pounders about 4,500, and so in proportion to their magnitude down to the half-pound rocket, which ascended about 2,400 feet, and the quarter-pound 1,500.*

In consequence of the success of these experi-

* We measured these heights by the angle of elevation at Woolwich Warren, the distance from the spot where the rockets were fired being previously ascertained; consequently the correctness of the results depended upon their ascent being perpendicular.

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ments, the Admiralty permitted us to embark as many rockets as we could conveniently stow for the proposed purpose.

Both vessels were fitted with Captain Phillips's capstan, to which a fourfold power could be applied if necessary; and also three iron cables instead of one. The equipment and manning the vessels were completed by the 10th of January 1822; when the Leven quitted Woolwich and moored to a buoy at Northfleet; at which place the Barracouta joined her the day following. Here we both took in our guns and powder. The Confiance joined us at this place from Deptford, commanded by Captain Morgan, who was first lieutenant of the Endymion, when she captured the President American frigate. Having fitted out together we naturally felt an interest in one another's fate. The Confiance was on her way to the coast of Ireland, and was not long afterwards wrecked upon the Mizen-head when every soul on board perished. The account of this melancholy event reached us at the Cape of Good Hope in August 1822.

We sailed with a fair wind down the river in company with the Barracouta and Confiance, and took this opportunity to try our sailing properties in smooth water, the Leven having obtained unjust notoriety as a bad sailer; but upon this occasion she beat the Barracouta, and sailed quite as well as the Confiance, much to the disappointment of their respective officers and men.

We remained in the Downs until the 25th,

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during which time we fitted our chain-pumps to work by the capstan, upon a plan suggested by Mr. Edwards, as an economical mode of applying personal labour.

On the 25th we arrived at Spithead, where we experienced a severe gale of wind from the southward, which was so violent as to drive the Euryalus into our hawse. We veered out a whole chain, which being shackled round the main-mast, we endeavoured to clear both at the first and last link, but the joint of the shackle-bolts being rusted in, we were obliged to ride in an extremely dangerous situation with the frigate still driving in our hawse, until the fury of the gale brought our anchor home, much to the joy of all; and when we had drifted far enough from the Euryalus, we brought up in safety by another anchor.

The Horticultural Society, desirous of extending the boundary of human knowledge in natural history, obtained from the Admiralty an order to embark a botanist for this purpose; and here Mr. John Forbes, the gentleman appointed, joined us, with an allowance from the Society of 200l. a year during his absence. After Spithead we anchored in Cowes road, where we were obliged to remain all the next day by a thick fog; but on Wednesday the 13th of February 1822, we passed out to sea by the Needles, and took a farewell of our native shore for some years.

Who can say what varied feelings were stirring at that moment in the breasts of all? Two hundred Britons were leaving the land of their affec-

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tions—the soil that had cherished them from infancy, and which was endeared to them by every tie of love, of hope, and of memory—in search of what? Ask the young and thoughtless midshipman, whose tender frame and boyish cheek seem little suited for the adventurous sailor's life, why he leaves his parent's arms to seek a distant, friendless shore? His sanguine imagination will answer—honour, promotion, wealth, and all that fancied something so often seen in the glittering sunshine of romance, but which sad reality so soon blackens into shadow and disappointment. And what says the hardy seaman, as he leaves for so long a time all that he loves—wife—children—friends? he has no romance or hope to light his toilsome course, yet he goes on ever ready and cheerful. But if a tear moisten his eye for those at home—he wipes it from his cheek, and duty calls him to forgetfulness. Had the book of fate been opened to us at that moment, "how many a heart that then was gay" would have seen its fond hopes end, and have shrunk from the distant solitary grave that awaited it! But it was mercifully closed; and curiosity, with the hope of seeing new and strange lands, was the prevailing feeling after we had lost sight of our native soil.

In six days we made Cape Finisterre, and then sailed down the coast of Portugal, passing between the Benling rocks and the main land, taking views of its most interesting features.

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The morning of the 23rd we stood into the channel, took a pilot on board, and beat into the Tagus; when, having passed the city, both vessels moored close to the arsenal. Immediately on our arrival, Captain Owen waited on Mr. Ward, our Chargé d'Affaires, through whom he presented to the Minister of Marine, Admiral Quintella, a copy of the Leven's survey of the Cape de Verd islands, made during her former voyage: at the same time requesting directions from the Portuguese ministry to their authorities in Eastern Africa to favour the objects of our present enterprize.

The well-known jealous character of this nation, in regard to her colonies, rendered this proceeding necessary, in order to prevent any misunderstanding whenever we might come in contact with her Colonial officers at places which our orders required us to survey. The Portuguese minister in England had written a letter for the Governor of Mozambique to this effect, but the political changes in the mother country had brought another party into power,—the Cortez at this time reigning almost absolute.

Flattered by the frank manner in which the charts of the Cape de Verd Islands were presented, strong letters to the Governor of Mozambique to render all possible assistance in the prosecution of our labours were furnished us, as well as others to those subordinate to him. The minister Quintella also gave us permission to land our instruments at the arsenal, to make what as-

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tronomical observations we required. It was a most important point with us to obtain the rates of our chronometers at this place, as the climate assimilated nearer to that of our future operations, and the extreme precision and care necessary for the required observations could not, in our case, be bestowed upon them in England.

Without considering the great improvements which have taken place in this instrument, and its supposed perfection, Captain Owen felt that, to place implicit confidence in it, might probably be fatal to the correctness and utility of our work: and the result proved the justice of this supposition, for, not one of our nine chronometers kept its rate without fluctuation, produced either by change of weather, climate, or position. In some this variation was very trifling, but in all sufficient to produce much error, unless corrected by a great deal of care and attention. We likewise made daily observations on the deviation of the compass by the vessel's local attraction, the knowledge of which was important, as it was quite a novelty in the practice of navigation: besides, we had not an officer on board who did not require much instruction to obtain the information our future work was likely to demand.

Although we had a great many young officers, yet in astronomical science most of them were mere novices, and almost all were destitute of that elementary knowledge by which it can be acquired. We therefore took advantage of our situation near the arsenal, the liberal permission

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of Admiral Quintella, and the polite attentions of Admiral May, the Commissiena, to keep up a continued course of observations, both by day and night, during our stay, principally with a view to acquire the use of the different instruments.

The attentions of Messrs. Ward, the Chargé-d'Affaires, and Jeffereys, the Consul-general, deserve our sincere acknowledgments, as well as those of the Vice-consul, Mr. Phillipps, who was unremitting in his endeavours to meet our wishes in every respect. His brother, Mr. George Phillipps, a young man of twenty, was pilot to our parties over the country in quest of game, plants, scenery, and novelty. In the first, Captain Lechmere and Mr. Forbes were foremost, and the latter forwarded from hence numerous botanical specimens, while Mr. Browne found many subjects for his pencil.

As much of the accuracy with which we hoped to be able to measure the meridian distances, or differences of longitude between the numerous places we were to visit, would depend on the uniformity of the rates of our chronometers, we made a resolution never to fire any of the great guns from the deck on which they were kept, if it could be avoided, nor indeed from either ship any at all, unless in cases where the public service absolutely demanded it; and, immediately on entering the river Tagus, Lieutenant Vidal was dispatched to Mr. Ward, begging him to explain that, being on a voyage of survey, we could

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not salute without detriment to our instruments, from which, therefore, we begged to be excused: and, at the same time, obtained the permission we required to make use of the arsenal. It will be seen in the course of this narrative how necessary this precaution was, for we never departed from it without completely deranging our chronometers.

We here obtained the Ephemerides of Coimbra, as far as they were published, as they contain much that is deficient in our own nautical almanack. Having completed our provisions, and obtained all the desired astronomical observations, we sailed from the arsenal on the 4th of March, and beat down the river to Belem, where we anchored for the night, and, on the following morning, at daylight, left the Tagus, taking a long farewell of the coast of Europe.

Whilst at Lisbon the Barracouta was rigged as a bark, on account of the particular service of survey; by removing the main-boom, which would certainly have obstructed those operations, she was rendered more manageable with a reduced crew, which, to us, was a very material consideration, as our boats would very commonly be detached for the critical examination of the coasts and rivers.

By the intercourse of Mr. George Phillipps with our officers a spirit of adventure was awakened, which induced him to solicit Captain Owen to receive him on board, who, finding he was an excellent linguist, and a good scholar in English, French, Portuguese, and Spanish, acqui-

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esced from an anticipation of his utility in the future stages of our voyage.

We had a fair wind to Madeira. The day after our quitting Lisbon, going nine knots, or at the rate of about ten English miles and a half, in an hour, W. Duckett, a seaman, fell from the fore-top-sail-yard; he however swam well and caught hold of the line by which one of Massey's patent buoys was towed. But this giving way, the patent life-buoy was immediately detached from the stern, and the man soon picked up. This adventure excited great admiration amongst some of our English acquaintance at Madeira, and one party, a Mrs. Kerr and friends, whilst taking an evening excursion upon the water, came alongside and requested to see the method by which the poor fellow was saved. The buoy was liberated from the stern of the vessel for their examination, and, when a hundred yards off, the same man Duckett jumped overboard, and swam to it, thus explaining more fully the manner of his escape.

We had a fine run, and on the 8th made Porto Santo by moonlight, at two in the morning, and anchored in Funchall Road at 2 P.M. We took immediate advantage of the kindness of Mr. Veitch, our Consul, by sending the instruments on shore to his garden in the upper part of the town, where he had a neat little cottage; this he gave up entirely to the botanist and officers, who remained there, each being fully occupied in his respective department until the 12th, on

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which evening we should have sailed if Captain Owen could have opposed the united solicitations of the English gentlemen and his young officers, for whom a ball and supper had been prepared; but at daylight all were embarked, and both ships were under way.

Madeira is too well-known to require any observations. Many of our officers made excursions into the interior of the island. The botanist, Mr. Forbes, and our second lieutenant, Boteler, set out with several of the younger officers, meaning to visit the highest peak of the island. Their guides, however, misled them, carried them round the Curral, and brought them back again sufficiently fatigued.

The Curral means simply a sheepfold, and is an immense valley, completely surrounded by hills, whose sides are literally perpendicular, in no part being less than 1000 feet high. Round a part of these cliffs is a narrow road, leading to the garden-houses and country plantations, cut out of the rock, about ten or twelve feet wide. Such was the effect of riding along the road over the Curral, which seemed like an unfathomable abyss, filled only by clouds and vapours, rolling in a constant motion over each other, that our party instinctively pressed their horses so close to the rocks to avoid the giddy abyss, that some of them absolutely rubbed the skin off their legs. One only seemed dead to this nervous feeling: this was Captain Lechmere, who skipped from rock to rock on the very edge of the precipice,

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with the facility and almost the activity of a goat, to the great terror of the rest of the party, whom the Consul had accompanied to his country house, called the Jardine; a delightful but neglected spot, completely overlooking the part of the coast in the vicinity of Funchall, from which it was distant about nine miles, on an elevation 3000 feet above the sea.

This town is, from its situation on the side of a hill, very clean, and has various marks of opulence and industry. The peasants are an athletic and free race, very laborious and frugal. They hold their lands by a feudal tenure, and cannot be removed from them by the lord, nor can he raise their rent unless he first pay the occupier the full value of every improvement made, such as buildings erected, vines or fruit-trees planted, grounds cleared, &c. which renders it almost equal to copyhold in England, and may perhaps account, in part, for the evident difference in the habits of the Portuguese of Madeira, and of almost every other colony to the southward. Here the meanest subject can acquire and enjoy property; ends never attainable where the wretched system of slavery is established.

The Consul, Mr. Veitch, who was nearly related to the unfortunate Mungo Park, made almost every officer in both vessels grateful for his hospitality. His house was our house in every sense of the word, and his liberality was not singular at this happy little spot, for our merchants all overpowered us with kindness and attention.

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In five days no less than three balls were given to us, and every officer who could be spared from duty had invitations daily.

It is seldom expected of sailors to make remarks on the cultivation of land; but one peculiarity in the culture of the vines at Madeira struck us very forcibly, namely, the great depth at which they were planted. The soil is trenched up from three to seven, and even to nine feet, at which depth the roots of the vines are laid and trained thence to the surface. The reason given us was, that some part of the root must be in a moist soil at all times, and the trellis-work, with the vines trained over it, forms a shade for the ground, preventing the exhalation of its moisture, to maintain which seems absolutely necessary to secure a harvest of good grapes. At the Cape of Good Hope the method differs very materially.

We sailed from Funchall Road to the westward, in order to determine the longitude of the extreme western point of Madeira, called Punte del Porgas, which we found to be 17° 15′ 9″. The charts and common plans of the island make it too long from east to west by one third of the actual length of the whole island, and this mistake, considerable as it is, still remains unrectificd. But, although a good survey of the coast of Madeira was evidently wanted, yet, as our orders did not direct it, the Captain was satisfied with obtaining a passing observation for the Iongitude of the above point, to show how much its

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magnitude had been mistaken: of which, indeed, he was before partially informed by his brother, Sir Edward Owen, at whose suggestion this inquiry was made.

It being Captain Owen's intention to touch at Santa Cruz to take a stock of wine and cocoa, the opportunity was favourable for measuring the meridian distances to certain points of the Canary Islands. We therefore made all sail with a strong north-east wind for Allegranza, a small island at the north-east end of Lancerote. After beating about these islands for two days, we came to an anchor in the road of Santa Cruz, about 100 yards from the Mole. Our approach was past a line of fishing boats, each of which had a fire of Canary pine at the bow and stern, which produced a beautiful effect; and, as they anchor to fish on the outer verge of the bank, they are good marks for vessels in the night, being sure of soundings when in the same line with the fishermen's lights. Immediately on anchoring they brought their fish alongside for a market. The stock consisted principally of a species of horse-mackerel caught with a rod and line.

It being night when we arrived, we could not land the following morning to take our observations until the health-boat had visited us, which was not until nine o'clock. Lieutenant Boteler was sent to the governor to state our reasons for not saluting, and to obtain his permission to make our observations. Lieutenant Owen and Messrs. Gibbons and Watkins from the Leven,

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Lieutenant Mudge and Mr. Hood from the Barracouta, were landed for that purpose with their instruments.

On the following day Mr. Forbes, Lieutenant Boteler, and Mr. Fisher visited Laguna, and picked up some of the curiosities of the island. The next day, being the anniversary of the proclamation of the Constitution, the officers of both vessels were invited to the public ball given on the occasion, many of whom attended. Several of the Spanish gentlemen were in their volunteer uniforms, and seemed highly to value their newly acquired liberties. Many of the ladies were extremely beautiful, and their manners particularly amiable and fascinating, and we all agreed that the Spanish dance was the most rational, pretty, and sociable entertainment of this description we had ever seen. In their manners both sexes are extremely easy and sociable, and so used are all classes to perfect decorum that a master of the ceremonies is unnecessary. The orchestra is composed of amateurs from the company, the ladies taking the piano, and the gentlemen other instruments according to their ability; there seemed to us to be no fixed rule or restraint, yet we did not understand that their harmony was ever disturbed by disagreements among themselves. The ladies were all dressed in the English style, and their strong resemblance to our fair countrywomen in every respect was very striking; and, upon this resemblance being remarked, we were informed that most of them were of English or Irish ex-

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traction. The only thing that surprised us was to observe that many of the gentlemen enjoyed their delicious Havannah cigars in the ball-room without offending the ladies' nerves.

In one of the churches may be seen the figure of St. Patrick decked in his original costume of green coat, yellow brogues, blue stockings, covering a purely Irish calf, a small hat stuck on one side of his head so as to leave fair space for a sprig of shillaleh to take effect upon the other; and his hand embellished with as "iligant" a branch of "that same" as ever Donnybrook could boast. His face possessed all the ruby richness so peculiar to his nation; while his sort of "ready-for-anything" attitude conveys an admirable idea of the native activity and archness of a "broth of a boy." It was stated that the ladies of Santa Cruz paid particular attention to this saint, as conveying to them a combined notion of the "sublime and beautiful."

Our gentlemen did not get on board before day-light, and some of them met with trifling losses, such as a sword, a hat, &c. which in those days of general volunteering must have been desirable prizes. The defences of this place, which baffled the daring genius of our Nelson and deprived him of an arm, were at this time in a state of dilapidation; but were it not so, they could never prevent a landing from a good seaforce, because the shores are everywhere approachable within pistol-shot, at which distance no battery can withstand a line-of-battle ship's broadside.

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The situation of the town appears badly chosen, as regards anchorage for ships, the communication with the shore, and obtaining water; in all which particulars the next bay, about a mile to the eastward, has great superiority.

All these islands have considerable trade with England, which is much more to their interest than a connection with Spain.

The winds were very light the whole time of our stay, and the last two days the weather was so thick that we could not see the Peak, nor any point sufficiently remote for our observations on the deviation of the compass.

March 20, at four P. M. we weighed, and at five received our officers and their instruments. The Barracouta sailed two hours before us, and proceeded direct for our next rendezvous at the Island of Sal, one of the Cape de Verd islands.

Whenever we were at sea it was our practice to exercise a part of the crew every evening at small-arms, at reefing sails, and to see that every man was clean and sober at his quarters, and as this practice was always continued when circumstances of weather or service did not interfere, it will not be necessary again to make the remark.

In shaping our course for Sal, we steered southwest (a half west), being half a point more to the westward, than the course should have been, had the compass been uninfluenced by the local attraction of the ship, or by what is called deviation. The Barracouta shaped her's without regard to this deviation, which in her was full

VOL. I. C

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one point on the south-west: the consequence was, that she was carried considerably to the eastward of her direct course, which prevented her reaching Sal until two days after our arrival. This is mentioned to show the probability that many of the extraordinary currents said to be found in the ocean do not exist; or rather that the discrepancies between the observations and dead reckoning may as frequently be attributed to the unthought-of deviation of the compass as to other occult causes.

On the 25th we were joined by the Barracouta in Mordeira bay of Sal, where we caught a great many most delicious fish. This place is of considerable extent, yet produces little else but salt and orchilla; a few goats contrive to pick up a scanty subsistence, but eagles are particularly abundant.

The means by which these birds obtain their subsistence is strange and apparently an infringement upon the just laws of nature, for, the place being totally devoid of any animal productions suited to their food, they were necessarily much puzzled to make "both ends meet," as our housewives say. They saw the sea-birds enjoying themselves and getting fat by their aquatic excursions. But the lordly eagles could not stoop to fish even for a livelihood; in fact they have an objection to wet feet. Every effort to obtain their winged neighbours was vain on account of their superior fleetness and activity; they soon however discovered that the terror of

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their pursuit induced the little divers to relinquish their ocean prey; and now, seated on a rock, they watch them following their finny victims until successful, when they commence their flight to land. The eagle immediately gives chase—the terrified bird drops his spoil, which the piratical pursuer seizes for his own use—thus on this inhospitable spot supporting his lordly character by making the weaker of his own species administer to his will.

Our object in visiting these islands was to verify the longitude of their different points as determined by the Leven during her former survey.

Having landed our astronomers and botanist, an experiment was arranged to be made with the rockets for the purpose of measuring the meridian distance between Sal, St. Nicholas, and St. Vincent, three of the Cape de Verd Islands, to effect which Monte Gardo, eighty geographical miles from Sal and forty from St. Vincent, was fixed upon as the intermediate point for the rockets to be fired; the Barracouta was left in Mordeira bay for three days, and Lieutenant Owen from the Leven remained with her to carry on the astronomical observations.

We sailed in the evening of the 27th, and next morning landed Captain Lechmere, Lieutenant Mudge, who had charge of the party, Mr. Forbes, the botanist, Mr. Ewing, the gunner, Mr. Phillips, the interpreter, and some hands, to proceed to the summit of Monte Gardo, a perpendicular

C 2

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height of 4200 feet, about ten miles from the beach where they were landed.

Although the west point of the island is completely sheltered from the prevailing trade winds, yet the rollers and surf were so heavy that our party were obliged to pass through the latter; the only damage they sustained, however, was getting wet, as they contrived to land their instruments, chronometer, provisions, and rockets, uninjured; and they were not long in getting their clothes dry, by stripping and spreading them upon the beach, which was so hot that they could not walk upon it without their shoes.

As soon as the boat returned, we proceeded to St. Vincent, and landed Lieutenant Vidal and Messrs. Gibbon and Browne, at a small cove on the north side of that island, leaving them the jolly-boat to return to the ships in Porto Grande, on the north-west side, where we anchored in the evening before sunset.

As the proceedings of the St. Nicholas party possess some interest, the following account is extracted from the narrative of Mr. Forbes, the botanist:—

As soon as dressed we divided ourselves into two parties to look for asses to carry the baggage. Captain Lechmere and Mr. Mudge found a single hut, under a projecting rock at the bottom of a deep ravine; the only inhabitant seen was a woman, who screamed violently, and ran off at full speed. The news of our landing being thus announced, a negro soon joined the party, who,

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being informed of our wants, left us, and in two hours returned with about a dozen asses and as many men to drive them, with whom we agreed to take us to the summit of Monte Gardo, from whence it was intended to fire our rockets.

On our way we passed the village of Praya Branca, (the white plain,) and pitched our tents a little above it, in an enclosure amongst some trees of euphorbium and jatropha. Every creature in the village came forth to see us, and perhaps it was the first time that most of them had ever beheld a white man. It was sunset before we got ourselves in order, when, having eaten a moderate supper from the provisions brought with us, we were all soon asleep.

Praya Branca has about thirty stone-built houses, thatched with reeds: the scenery, being on the side of a stupendous mountain, is both picturesque and magnificent; a small stream of water issues from it near our encampment, and supplies the village: numerous bananas and papayas are planted on the borders of the brook, and cassada and vines on the banks of the valley; these latter grounds are so laid that they can be irrigated, for which purpose the soil is supported on its different levels by stone walls about three feet high. At the spot where irrigation may be required, a temporary dam is made across the brook, and the water trained into it in the rudest manner; being turned into the upper level first, it passes from one to the other, until the whole is saturated. The vines are planted as at

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Madeira, and with a similar trellis, about two or three feet above the surface to train them on. Sugar-canes are cultivated in small quantities, but apparently merely to be used in their natural state, as it did not appear that any sugar was manufactured. Bread is made from Indian corn, or maize, and cassada flour.

I had walked out in the morning to collect plants and seeds, and, on my return, found that we could not have asses farther on our journey, nor any assistance from the village, until an order should be received from the Governor. A person had been dispatched to his house, a distance of about twelve miles, to inform him of our arrival and the object of our visit, but was not expected to return for some hours, the road being of the most miserable description, as we afterwards found by experience.

It was intended to fire the rockets from the summit of Monte Gardo in the evening, but the place was still ten miles off, and it was doubtful whether, when the asses came, they could travel the road. We therefore divided the baggage, tent, and rockets amongst us, and resolved upon a pedestrian excursion. Our path lay up a narrow ravine, in many places almost perpendicular, and across bare rocks, where we were obliged to crawl upon our hands and knees. The thermometer was 95° in the shade, and scarcely a breath of wind, so that we had not proceeded far before several of our party found it impossible to carry their loads: seeing two men at work in a vine-

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yard we hailed them, and they were induced, for a trifling remuneration, to bear some of our burdens. Still we were obliged to leave many things behind us, with instructions to have them forwarded so soon as the messenger should return with the Governor's permission, of which having no doubt, we had thus far anticipated it.

When we had proceeded about a mile and a half we stopped at a small spring, jetting from the side of the mountain, where I obtained several pretty plants with the assistance of a man that had been gathering orchilla, who had a long stem of reed, (arundo donax,) about sixteen feet long, and a piece of wood at the end, with which he scratched them from the inaccessible parts of the rock.

We reached the top of the first ravine about one o'clock, where we rested after our fatiguing ascent, by a road worse and worse, and the day hotter and hotter, at every step. From the point where we halted the view was magnificent; it overlooked three very considerable valleys, surrounded on every side by stupendous, steep, and rugged mountains, along which it was a novel but pleasing sight to observe the clouds rolling like billows over each other beneath our feet.

From hence the road gradually improved, until our arrival in a village at the foot of Monte Gardo; this place is named Ribeira de Calhao, and consists of about a dozen dwellings, similar to those of Praya Branca. We found the natives extremely civil, poor, and kind; they sold us

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milk, eggs, bananas, papaws, and sugar-cane, of which we ate heartily; we also hired two asses to carry the baggage and water.

Our road was now much better than it had been, although the day was hotter; part of it lay through a wood of euphorbium balsamifera: in three hours we reached the summit, and were not a little rejoiced to see a man following with our tent and the baggage we had left behind.

The summit of Monte Gardo does not form a peak like many of the smaller ones on the same island; but, in this last stage, the ascent was tolerably regular and even, and appeared the same on all sides: this circumstance gives it a fuller and more robust appearance, and hence its name, The Fat Mountain.

It is composed entirely of volcanic soil, so fragile and porous that, when taken up in lumps, they fall to pieces with their own weight, like cinders loosely caked together.

It is well clothed with vegetation, even to the summit—the euphorbium balsamifera growing about 3700 feet above the level of the sea and no higher; the bupthalmum sericeum and several others quite to the top. The prospect of the island from this elevated spot is calmly beautiful, a quiet and rustic scene, diversified only by a few humble dwellings, which distance showed in their brightest colours: fancy pictured them the abode of peace and cleanliness, but, like many speculations of that pleasing visio-

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nary, the charm was broken upon a nearer acquaintance.

We measured the height by barometer 4380 feet. The tent was pitched upon a little piece of flat ground, under shelter of a rock, but the earth on the summit was so dry, and the wind so strong, that between being nearly blinded and half choked with the dust we got but little sleep: our discomforts were also considerably increased by the thermometer being at 45°.

The sky was too cloudy for the experiments with the rockets, which Mr. Mudge therefore deferred.

During the night our slumbers were most disagreeably interrupted by the sudden disarrangement of our tent; this was occasioned by the soil refusing to hold the pegs with which it was fastened, in opposition to the wind, and in consequence down came the whole construction upon our wearied bodies: with great difficulty we got it again rehoisted, and were enabled to resume our rest.

In the morning we went down to Ribeira de Calhao to breakfast, which consisted of tea, sugar, (which we furnished,) and goat's milk, all boiled together in an iron pot, and drunk out of calabashes, earthenware appearing almost unknown in the island of St. Nicholas. I employed the day in botanizing round the summit of the mountain as far down as the village; but, as this was not the season for flowers, I found very

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few specimens which I considered worthy of preserving; in fact, the principal verdure of the island appeared in the euphorbium, which seldom attains a greater height than ten or twelve feet, and is used by the inhabitants for fuel. They here make a soap from the oil of the jatropha, Caucus nuts, and ashes of the burnt papaw-tree leaf; the oil and ashes are mixed in an iron pot, heated over a fire, and stirred until properly blended. When cool it is rolled up into balls, about the size of a six-pound shot, looking much like our mottled soap, and producing a very good lather.

At night, although the atmosphere below us was not altogether so free from clouds as could have been desired, Mr. Mudge thought it sufficiently clear, and we commenced letting off the rockets at one in the morning, which we continued until half-past three. One of them carried a parachute light, which hung suspended above the summit of Monte Gardo, at the height of 6000 feet, upwards of six minutes. But the points from which they were to have been observed were themselves enveloped in the dense haze usual in tropical countries during the dry season, and neither the party at Sal, nor that on St. Vincent's, saw any of these rockets. Although we failed in the object intended, viz. the exact measure of difference of time, they had the effect of terrifying the inhabitants of St. Nicholas, many of whom, at some miles distance, ran from their houses in the belief that a volcano was bursting

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forth on the top of Monte Gardo, and even those who had seen our preparations, and were informed of our purpose, were scarcely less terrified. The night was still, and the sound of the large rockets was heard more than twelve miles off.

All our baggage was carried down to Praya Branca in the course of the day, and the tent once more pitched in its valley, under some banana-trees.

In the morning we received a note from the Governor, requesting us to pay him a visit before leaving the island, and most kindly offering any assistance we might require; but, as our time did not admit of this, we requested him to order some asses for our baggage, nine of which joined us at Praya Branca, which we left about eight o'clock in the morning of the 31st, and descended by a much better road than that by which we had come three days before. At eleven o'clock we heard the signal gun for us from the Barracouta, which about noon, upon our arrival on the beach, we answered, and, as the weather was fine and sea smooth, we had little difficulty in our embarcation."

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CHAPTER II.

Arrival in Porto Grande.—Joined by the Barracouta.—Tanafal Bay.—Leaving the Bay.—Trinidada.—Geographical fallacy.—A French squadron.—The Cockburn steam-boat.—Desertion of seamen.—Country around Rio.—Extracts from the Journal of Mr. John Forbes.—Vegetation at Rio.—Public Garden.—Peculiar oranges.—Boto Fogo.—Botanical garden.—Excursion by water—Porto d'Estrella.—Mr. Langsdorff's house.—A little Colony.—The Araucanian pine.—Museum of Natural History.

On the Leven's arrival in Porto Grande, we sent on shore to the few houses called a town, at the bottom of the bay, to inform the Governor who we were and what were our wishes. We could only find one miserable Portuguese, the rest being all negroes; but most of them appeared free. The whole population did not exceed a hundred, without any plantations near their houses, as the soil is so very dry and sterile; but on the sides of the mountains, in parts where there is water, they are said to have some good gardens. Indigo grows everywhere wild; and with it they dye the coarse cloths, which they manufacture from cotton which (if ever planted by them)

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appears to be left entirely to Nature's cultivation and care.

We pitched a tent upon the beach; cleaned a well in a ravine, which, during the rainy seaaon is a water-course; then landed the woman and a party to wash. During our stay, the sea-breeze every day blew furiously over the hills to the north-east of our anchorage; and although the whole bay is nearly landlocked, yet the surf is very high all round, except in one spot near the town. We therefore only embarked a ton and a half of bad water, and caught a few fish.

Sunday 31st, Lieutenant Vidal, and Messrs. Gibbons and Browne, joined in the hookey from St. Vincent's; and on the following day the Barracouta, from St. Nicholas, with our Monte Gardo party. She brought intelligence of an unfortunate accident which had happened to Lieutenant Reitz, who, whilst standing on an immense mass of rock, taking observations, suddenly found his footing begin to tremble; in some alarm, he attempted to retreat, but before he could do so, the whole fabric fell with him into the abyss beneath. It is surprising that he was not dashed to atoms, although it is true he suffered severely, having a leg dreadfully shattered, and numerous bruises upon other parts of the body. It afterwards appeared that this stone was, by some action of nature, placed upon an exact balance, the one half projecting over the cliff, and the other resting upon the main land. The weight of Lieutenant Reitz was sufficient to give a bias, when the whole fabric "toppled down headlong."

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We weighed and followed the Barracouta, coasting the shores of St. Antonio, not more than five hundred yards from the beach, which is a narrow strip of sand, under steep and jutting rocks twelve hundred feet in height. The roadstead is open; but as the wind scarcely ever blows home against the steep cliffs which are so close to the vessels, the anchorage is generally considered safe. Our object here was to obtain water, and to measure the meridian distance.

As this watering place of Tanafal bay is one of the most convenient for that purpose amongst the Cape de Verd Islands, a slight description of it may be desirable. From the high mountains over the bay a small stream descends which is never dry; on the first level spot a large pond has been formed as a reservoir to receive the stream, with a sluice to conduct it to the sands between the flat and the beach, which is a gradual descent: the flat may be about sixty or seventy feet above the level of the sea, and is generally moist and cool. In the vicinity of the pool is a fine plantation of bananas, papayas, &c., and in the lower sandy grounds a cotton plantation, with some trees of the asclepias procera. Just above the beach is a well, and, when the water is let off from the pool, all the soil between it and the well must be saturated before any can arrive at the latter. The reservoir, it appears, was formed with a view to water the plantation only, but the crews of the small trading vessels which take off the orchilla moss dug the well below, rather than

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have the trouble of going to the pool. Three huts are used as orchilla stores for Mr. Martinez, who farms that weed.

The negroes at first mistook our vessels for privateers, and would not, therefore, assist us in obtaining water. We were, consequently, obliged to employ our own people to keep it turned into the pool, and to open the sluice to obtain our supplies, which were completed in the course of a day, and the next morning we sailed for St. Jago. In going out of the bay the wind was light, and we warped out by sending a streamanchor a-head, with two hawsers on end, where it was thrown overboard, the boat having had a depth of thirty-five fathoms the instant before; but it appeared to have fallen over a precipitous cliff, similar to that which lined the beach half a mile within it, for the anchor would have carried out cable, seemingly, as long as we would have veered it, and the boat could get no soundings with sixty fathoms: the consequence was, that the hawser was cut through at thirty or forty from the anchor and lost. We inferred from this that the superstructure of this volcanic island was quite similar to that below the surface of the water; in short, that it was but the summit of an immense mountain, whose base may be as far below the surface as if it were an iceberg. As the highest mountain of St. Antonio is eight thousand feet high, and as the mean height of the island may be taken at fifteen hundred, the base may be three or four miles deep. But as

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these speculations constituted no part of the object of our voyage, we made the best of our way to Porto Praya.

We were caught between the islands with a calm and thunder squalls, so that we did not get into Porto Praya until the 5th. In the morning we obtained equal altitudes on Quent Island, procured some stock, and at eight o'clock in the evening sailed for Rio Janeiro.

On the 25th we made the rocks of Martin Vas. The Barracouta passed through them, and we made sail for Trinidada. On the 26th, the two vessels coasted that island, which, except at the south-east bay, appeared but a mass of rocks. Many voyagers have described it as having plenty of water and wild hogs, but no good anchorage. We found Peyrouse's longitude near forty-five miles in error: in short, his chronometers must have been bad. The Ninepin Rock, on the west side of the island, appears to be a basaltic column of eight hundred feet in height, and is very remarkable from a slight inclination in its position, which makes it look, from certain points, as if about to fall. A few stumps of euphorbia, and some other shrubs, were scattered over its otherwise barren soil, the neighbourhood of South-east Bay alone bearing an appearance of fertility; but we could not observe any signs of inhabitants.

Several vessels have at different times been wrecked upon this island, and its situation has been laid down with so much uncertainty, that two islands are described near each other under

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the names of Aseensao and Trinidada. One object of Peyrouse's voyage appears to have been to establish whether the first-named did exist or not, and he decided clearly in the negative. Captain Owen, however, ran down the parallel to establish the point with more certainty, particularly as it has, since that navigator's time, been positively stated to exist. At Rio he obtained the journal of a whaler, the Swan of Shields, which most decidedly asserted its existence. This ship, during a whaling voyage, had fallen in with an island, at which she watered, in longitude 37° west, or near eight and a half west of Trinidada: a pen-and-ink sketch of the appearance of the island had so striking a resemblance to Trinidada in the point of view assumed, that there could be no doubt of their being the same.

It may be asked what inducement the master of a Whaler could possibly have for such a deception? The answer is easy. He fell in with an island, and his estimated latitude and longitude, carried to Hamilton Moore's table, pointed out Aseensao as that most nearly agreeing with it, and he was himself deceived; but, in making Cape Frio afterwards, and discovering that his longitude differed 8° from that assigned to the Cape, he determined not to permit such a record of his bad reckoning to meet too suddenly the eyes of his owners or others with whom his reputation as a navigator might be of importance.

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The general appearance of the island is rocky and barren, but we observed in some places symptoms of vegetation. Near the Ninepin Rock are two streams of water, but a tremendous surf was breaking on the shore near them, and the place altogether presented so forbidding an aspect, that we were not tempted to remain for watering or any other purpose.

On the 30th of April we made Cape Frio, when we encountered a heavy gale of wind dead on shore during the night, and the next day arrived at Rio Janeiro, where we found his Majesty's ship Aurora, Captain H. Prescott; also a French squadron, under the command of Commodore the Baron Roussin, consisting of the Amazone, one of the largest class frigates, with a round stern, two other frigates, a store ship, and a schooner. This squadron was employed ostensibly on a survey of the coasts of Brazil, and, as some of their work was published, the Baron presented Captain Owen with a copy. He had also been surveying a part of the coast of Africa, but had overlooked the river Ouro, into which the Leven afterwards sailed; of this river Lieutenant Vidal gave the Baron a copy to add, if he wished, to the French charts.

Our principal object at this place was to purchase a small vessel for a tender and transport, as the Leven could not stow more than sufficient provisions for four months' consumption on full allowance, while the Barracouta had not

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stowage for three months, without carrying it upon deck. As the voyages which would be necessary to obtain supplies would very much retard our operations, and as neither of the vessels were calculated for river navigation, Captain Owen purchased an American steam-boat for a trifling sum, which he named the Cockburn, in honour of the Admiral Sir George, one of the Lords of the Admiralty, and she was put under the command of Mr. R. Owen, the junior lieutenant: the equipment of this vessel for sea detained us until the 9th of June. She was 160 tons burthen, and drew under eight feet water, was schooner-rigged, and could be worked with few hands.

The Creole, Commodore Sir Thomas M. Hardy, the Liffey, Commodore Grant, for the East Indies, and the Andromache, Commodore Nourse, for the Cape of Good Hope station, were all here, but the two latter sailed about a week before us.

We employed four boats for a few days to survey a part of the great harbour of Rio Janeiro, and Lieutenant Vidal with great difficulty landed on Raza, where he remained six days to get observations for the situation of the new lighthouse being erected there.

The desertion of seamen at Rio had lately become a great evil; a regular gang of thieves had been long established there, composed principally of desperate English and Irish, who had deserted from different merchant vessels. Some of these

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men were contractors for labour with different planters, who had not sufficient slaves, and indeed could often, by means of these wretches, get what they called free labour much cheaper.

On the arrival of any vessels they find their way on board, paint in glowing colours the wealth and pleasures awaiting free-men on the shores of Brazil, and too commonly succeed in inveigling away most of the crews of merchantmen, and many from ships of war; and the chance of recovering them in so vast a country is but small.

Above twenty of our men, principally the smugglers and malefactors, embarked, by what must be considered a very mistaken policy, on board our ships of war, deserted at different times; but Captain Owen determined if possible to recover them, not so much for their value, as to put a stop to the mischievous display of love of novelty and change so common to British seamen; for which purpose, according to the letter of our treaties, he demanded the aid of the police, which he obtained to cover our proceedings.

Our midshipmen, under the direction of Lieutenant, now Commander Mudge, scoured the whole country for thirty miles in every direction, and from the neighbouring plantations recovered not only our own men, but many others belonging to different ships.

This was effected solely by the enterprize and address of our young officers, who also brought on

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board five ringleaders of this gang of desperadoes, nicknamed Robin Hood, Little John, &c. &c. these were punished by our crews, marked by a gallows painted on their clothes, and sent ashore the morning we sailed.

The country around Rio not only presents the most varied and majestic scenery, but is entirely a garden of Nature. Every spot, even of the soil-less rock, is covered with beautiful flowers, very many of which are not to be found enumerated in the general synopsis of botanists. It would appear that botanical science has suffered by the diffidence of travellers in this country, who fearful of multiplying genera, have forced every new plant they found into that to which it appeared to be most nearly allied; for example, there are numerous melastomas, rhesias, tradescantias, &c. differing very materially in the characters which are considered essential to them in the Linnean synopsis.

Our young botanist, Mr. Forbes, was here indefatigable in the service of his honourable employers, the Horticultural Society; he collected about three hundred specimens for his hortus siccus, besides numerous roots and seeds; and his Journal during our stay, which is inserted here, will hardly fail to be read with the interest naturally excited by the untimely death of so young and talented an individual, whose zeal and perseverance would have brought honour upon himself and country.

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On entering the harbour of Rio Janeiro, the mind is at once struck with its magnificence and beauty. The vast expanse of water bordered with bright green, the numerous inlets and islands, the rich verdure of the hills, studded with villas, and the lofty chain of mountains, form a dark and distant back-ground, and make altogether a picture more like the poet's fancy than a reality of earth.

The town of St. Sebastian is situated on the left shore of the harbour, in a valley surrounded by little hills, one of which has a convent and church upon its summit. The streets are regularly laid out, generally intersecting at right angles, about twenty-four feet wide, having a channel down the centre to carry off the filth if it can; but frequently the water is so deep that canoes are paddled through the streets for the use of passengers. The houses are of various sizes; those of the merchants and principal inhabitants are two or three stories high, with balconies to the windows. These balconies are in fact the general residence of the inhabitants, who are seen constantly lolling over them and amusing themselves by spitting into the streets. The houses of the lower classes have only one story, with lattice windows or jalousies that open upwards, and form a protection from the sun: from these the inmates are enabled to take a peep at the passers-by, which, like their more wealthy neighbours, is nearly the only occupation they indulge in, as all labour in

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this country is performed by negroes brought from different parts of Africa, constituting in fact the greater part of the population. This is now the principal depôt of the slave-trade, and I was informed that not less than 20,000 were sold within the last twelve months.

I was very anxious to get on shore, and accordingly made every preparation for landing in the morning, in anticipation of a rich harvest from the luxurious appearance of the vegetation, although the season was not favourable, being almost the middle of their winter; notwithstanding which the thermometer was scarcely ever below sixty-four, and often as high as eighty-four degrees in the shade.

Many plants are not to be met with either in flower or fruit at this season, which could be obtained with great facility at another; and I had frequently to regret being obliged to leave some of the most magnificent foliage for want of their fructification.

In the morning we were waited on by Dr. Dickson, to whom I had letters of introduction; he kindly offered Captain Owen, whose surgeon he had formerly been in the Cornelia, the use of rooms in his house in town; but as Captain Owen did not intend to reside on shore, he very obligingly gave them to me. Accordingly I went on shore with the Doctor, and delivered my letters to Alexander Cunningham, Esq. his Majesty's Deputy Consul-general in the absence of

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Mr. Chamberlain (from whom my letters were), and from this gentleman I experienced the greatest kindness and hospitality during my stay.

The morning after landing, I waited on Senhor Leandro de Sacramento, to whom I had letters, and saw his collections of birds and insects, which are extensive and well preserved. I also visited the public garden, which was under his charge, and was informed that it had been in pretty good order, and possessed a tolerable collection of plants, but since the King left St. Sebastian it had fallen very much into decay. It had been under his direction five or six months, and was now greatly improving. The mango-trees in the garden are fine, as are also some of the mesphitus japonicus, in a bearing state.

The dense foliage of the mango forms an agreeable shade in hot climates: the leaves are so numerous and closely set, that the sun's rays can scarcely penetrate them; they make a cool and delightful walk, but afford little shelter against the heavy rains.

I was introduced by Captain Prescott, of the Aurora frigate, to a Spanish gentleman named Senhor Gervasio Algarote, who was tolerably acquainted with the plants in the neighbourhood of Rio and natural history in general. I made several excursions with him, and found him very intelligent. We took a journey of a few miles into the country, and intended to go much farther, but I found so many things to attract my attention,

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that I could not proceed any great distance without leaving much that I wished to collect; we therefore returned laden with new and rare plants.

The land here is rich and well cultivated, and the oranges are perhaps the finest in the world. There is a peculiarity in the formation of these not generally known; it consists in the part where the seeds are formed being removed near the crown, and in some instances outside the pulp, but beneath the rind, giving it, upon the peel being removed, the appearance of two oranges. The part containing the seed is a kind of excrescence into which is drawn the fibre, and in fact all the objectionable portion of the fruit, leaving the legitimate production free from every impurity and rendering it the most delicious of its kind. The esculent vegetables are not numerous, and those that are grown are far from being fine; although with proper attention I have no doubt but most of those cultivated in England would succeed. Water cresses and lettuces are the only vegetables grown as salad; the radishes are a kind of degenerated turnip-radish, and their cabbage and cole are also of a poor description, never forming a head. Bananas, papaws, pumpkins, cucumbers, tomatoes, of many varieties, with most of the other tropical fruits, are in abundance. The vines in general are not good, their culture for wine being forbidden by the common colonial policy, which has so long disgraced Europe by pretending to legislate for Nature. Pineapples, I was informed, were very fine at the proper season,

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but those I tasted were greatly inferior to many produced in England.

I went to Boto Fogo, about three miles from the city in a southerly direction; it is one of those beautiful inlets of which there are so many in the harbour of Rio Janeiro, and is the residence of many of the principal families, particularly the English merchants, who all have villas, either in the neighbourhood of Boto Fogo or Gloria. The scenery is extremely fine, commanding a view of the mouth of the harbour. Before vessels cross the bar, they are seen by the inhabitants of Boto Fogo, and again when they get inside the harbour, after passing the Sugar-loaf, and the three forts that command the entrance. Close to the back of these houses are the lofty mountains of the Curcuvado, with all their rich and beautiful scenery, forming wild and luxuriant landscapes.

I here delivered my letters to Brigadier-General the Chevalier Gomez, who treated me with great kindness, and appointed the following Wednesday for our meeting at the Botanical Garden, of which he had the management.

Colonel Cunningham also took me to see the collection of insects belonging to Mr. Binns, a merchant. I found them extensive and well preserved, especially the orders of lepidoptera, nemiptera, and nauroptera.

The heat was great, with a sky clear and cloudless, and scarce a breath of wind; the thermometer being at eighty-four degrees in the shade.

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I next made an excursion along the aqueduct, or covered water-course, that supplies the city; it is a pleasant walk, and commands many fine and extensive views. The land in this direction is good, but very little of it, comparatively speaking, cleared of the wood. I caught several species of insects, but they, as well as the birds, were much hunted after by some French collectors, of whom I met at least half-a-dozen in my day's walk.

Agreeably to appointment, I rode out to the Botanical Garden, with Mrs. Cunningham and Miss Hayne, Captain Owen, Captain Cutfield Colonel Cunningham, Mr. Nusherty, and several others. The garden is situated three miles and a half from Boto Fogo, and six or seven from the city, at the foot of the Curcuvado mountain, on the south-east side, at the corner of a bay or inlet that is open to the main sea at certain seasons of the year. The road is partially good. I found many new plants, particularly the contretum laxum, with its golden flowers; and a space of ground near the beach, at least half an acre, entirely covered with the magnificent meniscium daripslum.

Upon our arrival at the garden, we were very kindly received by the Brigadier-General, who had reached it some time before us. I immediately proceeded to collect specimens of every thing I wished, having previously received permission so to do.

The garden consists of about four acres, and

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one of tea plantation; it is laid out in regular squares, with straight walks, and kept in good order. The chief trees are some particularly fine of the bread and Jack fruit; also the clove, which only grow in the more sheltered situations, chocolate-nut, cinnamon, camphor, arotha, and some of the alcurites triloba. Plants indigenous to the country are not cultivated, the object appearing to be the introduction of those from foreign climates, while the equally or perhaps more splendid ones of Rio are totally neglected.

The ground appropriated for the cultivation of tea, which is under the management of a Chinese, brought from China for the purpose, appeared in a bad state, the plant looking stunted and unhealthy, and evidently much injured by the weeds that were choking it in every direction.

We were provided with an excellent pic-nic dinner by the General and Mr. Cunningham. I laid out all the specimens obtained in the garden, as well as several Captain Owen and myself had collected in some adjoining ground, which afforded nearly as great a variety as the garden itself. These were not so rare to the Brazilians as the Oriental species, yet almost as interesting to me; for many of them were entirely new, while most of the others were familiar, excepting the clove, which is a beautiful shrub. The bread-tree I had never seen in fruit before; it has a very noble appearance when full of hanging fruit, but I cannot say much for its masticatory qualities, as it is a

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poor substitute for bread, and as a vegetable is by no means equal to a good yam, or potato, although far from unpleasant: many of the party liked it much. We left the garden a little before sunset, greatly to my annoyance, as I was not enabled to procure specimens of the plants I had seen in the morning, which I had intended to do on my return.

I next visited the Braganza, or eastern side of the harbour, in company with Dr. Osborne, where the scenery is not so fine as near the city, the land being sandy, but moderately well cultivated, producing cassava, sugar-cane, rice, and a great quantity of fine oranges.

For some days I was occupied in drying and arranging my specimens, many of which I found the small ants had very much injured, particularly the seeds that were of a pulpy nature; these insects swarm in almost all the houses at Rio and its neighbourhood, and devour every thing eatable that comes in their way.

Having made an appointment with Mr. Langsdorff to go to his estate at Mandivea, on the 17th, I went in company with Mr. Langsdorff, Captain Lechmere, and Dr. Osborne. We embarked in a boat that Mr. Langsdorff had provided to go up the harbour to Porto d'Estrella; there being very little wind, the men were obliged to row most of the way. We proceeded gently up the harbour, and passed by the numerous islands of Governador, or Governor's Islands, Illa d'Agua, or Water Island, Illa Seca, or Dry Island, and many others. The first of these is of the same size as St. Helena, the

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second a little smaller, and all covered with palm-trees.

We arrived at the top of the harbour about five o'clock, after a pleasant voyage, amidst beautiful scenery. The entrance to the river, upon getting out of the harbour, is not very good, with only three or four feet water, and unless the boatmen are well acquainted with the navigation, one has a chance of getting on the mud, and of sticking there for eight or ten hours.

This river is from twenty to thirty yards wide, and from three to four fathoms deep. For two miles up, the banks are low and the land marshy, after which they are higher, and the country more diversified.

We arrived at Porto d'Estrella about eight o'clock. The influence of Mr. Langsdorff procured us lodgings for the night at the house of one of the principal people of the village, who treated us very hospitably; but the beds in this country are not made for cold weather—a mat and sheet is generally all their covering; and upon this occasion, although all my clothes were on, I never suffered so much from cold in my life. Having unfortunately left my cloak, with the rest of my things, in a warehouse that was locked up, and could not be got at, I was obliged to rise towards daylight and walk about the room to warm myself.

This village is chiefly composed of warehouses by the side of the river. It is a place of considerable business; all the goods that come from the

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interior, the mines, St. Paul's, &c. on mules, are here deposited, until they can be sent down by boats to St. Sebastian's, which is only a passage of twelve hours. Boats of from ten to fifteen tons burthen, leave every evening at sunset, and arrive at St. Sebastian's the next morning by daylight, most of them being covered over with a thatch of reeds for the accommodation of passengers.

After getting a bad breakfast for a good deal of money, we set off, and as we had only three horses for four people, myself and the doctor chose to walk, but we were afterwards obliged to ride, as much of the way was above our knees in water. This is the public road to the mines, by which all the wealth of the provinces is brought down, yet it still remains in this unfinished state. The country is very fine, capable of producing almost everything, yet, comparatively speaking, little of it is cultivated; the soil is a rich loam, mixed with decayed vegetable matter or sandy earth, but by far the greater part of the former.

We arrived at Mandivea, which is about ten miles from Porto d'Estrella, at three o'clock, and, after getting some refreshment, took an excursion into the woods and lands of Mr. Langsdorff. The situation of this place is very fine; the house stands at the foot of the Organ mountains, looking down on a richly wooded and beautiful country. Mr. Langsdorff cultivates coffee, sugar-cane, mandioca, cassava, oranges, lemons, limes, rice, fesongs, (a species of phaseolus, or ra-

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ther many different species of kidneybeans,) which stand until they are ripe; the negroes are fed principally upon them and carne secca, or jerked beef, that is, the bones taken out and dried in the sun.

Mr. Langsdorff has formed a little colony here of Europeans brought from Germany; of these colonists Mr. Langsdorff brought about 200, but, his terms of agreement being loose and by far too hard, they left his service almost immediately on their arrival, so that he had not, perhaps, at that time, more than fifty attached to him. This Mr. Langsdorff is, it appears, a pensioner of Russia, and is the same naturalist who landed at St. Peter and St. Paul in Kamtschatka, from La Peyrouse's ship.

I found several plants here that were new to me. The Doctor and Captain Lechmere shot several birds, some of brilliant plumage, amongst which was the loxia mexicana, the crotophaga, a species of psittacus, and several others, that we were employed most of the evening in skinning.

We next made an excursion to the top of the hill, during which I found a great variety of valuable plants: from the summit can be seen the whole of the beautiful harbour of Rio Janeiro to the ocean. About four miles from Mr. Langsdorff's house, we stopped at one of the vendas or public-houses, where he had ordered some refreshment to be got for us: this consisted of stewed fowls, with a considerable portion of garlic, fesongs, and port wine, which is to be

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got at all these vendas tolerably good. After this meal none of the party seemed willing to go farther to see the Araucania (pine), which grows on the top of the hill; so, Mr. Langsdorff having procured me a horse, I set off alone, and, after riding about two miles, came to that stately tree, like an immense candelabrum, the branches growing out horizontally, with tufts of small branches at the ends. This tree, which is about seventy feet high, measured twelve feet in circumference. There are two or three small ones growing near it, about twenty or thirty feet high, the offspring of this majestic sire. On our way back, Mr. Langsdorff informed us that the height of this part of the mountain by barometrical measurement was 5000 feet, and the soil excellent to the very summit. The following day we left Mr. Langsdorff and returned to the city. During several days I made short excursions into the country, and along the shores of the bay, adding to my collection.

I had also prepared some boxes of specimens, and went on board the Beaver, Captain M'Lean, to know if she would take them to England for me. The answer I received was, that she was "going to take dollars and so could not." The Captain of the Beaver was a nephew of the First Lord of the Admiralty, and a very young man.

I took an opportunity to visit the Museum, which is situated in a retired part of the town, and is kept very clean and neat: the collection of quadrupeds is by no means extensive; the birds are much

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more numerous, and include some very fine specimens; but there are many of one kind, and not so great a variety as might be expected, nor are they arranged systematically, but placed without regard to order in glass-cases. Some of the insects are very fine, particularly those of the orders coleoptera and lepidoptera; but they are also arranged without regard to system, though in the most advantageous situations to please the eye. There are some very fine skins of snakes, and a great variety of corals. The collection of minerals is very extensive; the specimens are good and well arranged: they are the same that Werner once possessed, and which were purchased by the King of Portugal. There are also a few shells. We were in addition much gratified by the specimens of politeness shown us by the gentlemen under whose management the museum was placed."

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CHAPTER III.

A man overboard.—Towing the Cockburn.—Arrival at the Cape.—Heavy gales.—Survey of the Peninsula.—Desertion.—Dangerous error.—War of extermination.—Kaffer interpreters.—The Cape peninsula.—Barracouta's proceedings—The Cape Coast.—Bays and harbours.—Insecurity of Table Bay.—Algoa Bay.—Port Elizabeth.—Loss of the Doddington.—Defective charts.—The negro Kaffers.—The Keiskamma River.—Tribes on the coast.—Entrance to the English River.—Senhor Oliva.—Native boats.—Boundaries.

It is now time to return to our proceedings. Having remained at Rio Janeiro nearly six weeks, and completed all the objects of our stay, we sailed on the 9th of June with a light land-wind. The Cockburn, steamer, had left before us, and, on joining her under Raza Island, we found that her foretop-mast had rolled away. We accordingly took her in tow and made all sail in company with the Barracouta.

Our voyage to the Cape of Good Hope was attended by many disagreeable circumstances and one melancholy event. On the night of the 14th, a seaman, James Garson, fell overboard from the

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jib-boom, which was not discovered until nearly a quarter of an hour afterwards. We were at the time towing the Cockburn, and were afterwards informed that a dreadful scream was heard by her people, for which, as it was heard no more, our informants could not account; and there appears little doubt that he was run over by the ship immediately after falling overboard, and did not rise again until the schooner was passing. There remained nothing for us but to regret the poor fellow's untimely fate; for so long a period had elapsed before he was missed that any efforts to save him must have proved fruitless: we had in addition to this to keep a constant look-out upon the Cockburn, whose condition was any thing but agreeable.

On the 22nd the wind became extremely boisterous. Captain Owen had before directed the Lieutenant of the tender to use his own discretion, either in letting go or cutting away his vessel whenever he thought she was impelled through the water with too much velocity; but by some means he had forgotten, or did not understand these instructions; and, fearful of doing so upon his own responsibility, he and his crew were for four hours in the most anxious state of suspense; their little bark being dragged through a heavy sea at the rate of eleven or twelve knots an hour; the timbers groaning and trembling at every joint until she may actually be said to have burst. The water then began to pour in at the

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rate of eight feet an hour; but still they neglected the only remedy that suggested itself of disengaging themselves from the Leven; and, had not the immense strain ultimately parted them, their destruction would have been almost inevitable. At midnight the cable broke,—when the leakage became considerably lessened. We kept as near to her as possible during the night, and when in the morning we were made acquainted with her situation and could get on board, we were much surprised at her appearance. It soon became evident that the velocity with which she had been towed, had caused so much resistance from the water, that it had burst open the copper, and afterwards the wooden sheathing at the stern, then forcing its way under, torn off half one side and nearly as much from the other, leaving nothing but badly caulked planking to keep out the water: we were however enabled after some difficulty to put her into a fit state to continue the voyage.

On the 7th of July we made land near the Cape of Good Hope, the weather at the time being extremely thick. We however rounded the Cape within the Bellows Rock, and passed over the tail of the reef of rocks running out from its south-west extremity, over which the sea was breaking with tremendous violence. Of this danger the charts did not give us the least idea. On the following morning we beat into Simon's Bay, and found His Majesty's ships Andromache,

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Commodore Nourse, Hyperion, Barracouta, Heron, and Cygnet, in Table Bay; the Cockburn had also got in during the night.

On the day after our arrival, in a heavy gale of wind from the north-west the Sarah, private East India ship, foundered at her anchor in Table Bay; two merchant vessels were driven ashore, and the Cygnet narrowly escaped.

Having unmasted and cleared the Cockburn, we got her on a slip for examination and repair. Her equipment, in consequence of the serious accident she had met with, would of itself have detained us some time, had not the contractor for the supply of bread broken his engagement, his excuse being the scarcity of flour. We were given to understand that he frequently made a good speculation by paying his fine, and then taking a new contract on his own terms. We, however, could not get our supplies before the first week in September. On the 20th of July, another severe gale of wind from the north-west blew seven more merchant-vessels on shore in Table Bay; from which, it would appear, that most of them were either extremely ill-found in ground tackle, or grossly mismanaged, the port being apparently left without any superintendent to secure these essentials to all vessels entering; neither is there any establishment of boats to carry off anchors or cables, even for the relief of sufferers.

Finding that the equipment of the tender and the collection of our provisions would occasion

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considerable detention, Captain Owen ordered the Barracouta to prepare for sea, and on the 3rd of August she sailed to proceed coastwise to Algoa Bay, and to determine the latitudes and longitudes of the different points; to take Kaffer interpreters on board, and proceed thence to the Keiskamma and the Kye, and to meet us again in Algoa Bay, or English river of Delagoa Bay.

This part of the coast was not included in Captain Owen's orders for particular survey, but was considered by seamen to require it not less than that to which his attention was more particularly directed.

Our delay induced the Captain to direct Lieutenant (now Captain,) Vidal to take all the junior officers under his direction and instruction, to survey the whole peninsula of the Cape, and the shores of False, Haut, and Table Bays.

All the observations were not completed for this laborious undertaking before the 10th of September. The scale for this survey, measured astronomically from the Devil's Peak to the peak on Cape Point, was 24′ 33″ geographical miles of latitude. We also, by the rockets, measured the difference of longitude from our station in Simon's town to that in Gordon Bay. Much precision was required in obtaining these observations, as on similar practice depended the perfection of our future operations.

During our stay here Lieutenant Vidal was employed in a small boat to survey and delineate the shore from Cape Hangclip to Gordon Bay,

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and returning late was cast ashore to the southward of the latter place and the boat swamped. As no part of this coast was cleared, or had any settlers, he and his men were trying for a considerable time in the dark to squeeze through the rocks and bushes to Gordon's Bay, where a party were letting off rockets. This disaster was so unfavourable a specimen of the service upon which they were to be employed, as to induce William Smith, the cockswain, to desert. This man was a few days afterwards met in Cape Town by the Lieutenant, who brought him on board, when he confessed that he ran away from dislike to engaging in so arduous a service, subject to so much exposure, varying from the ordinary duties of a seaman, and without any further reward than if he were on board a guard-ship in an English port. He nevertheless afterwards performed many laborious services without a murmur, until January 1824, when he died, leaving, it was understood, a young and respectable wife in England.

Commodore Nourse, with the view of ascertaining positively whether the numerous dangers did really exist to the southward of the Cape, which had so long been the terror of navigators; and having no immediate object on which to employ the Heron, called on Captain Owen to draw up a memorandum for the necessary research, from which he founded instructions for Captain Job Hanmer to proceed with his brig (a fine vessel of eighteen guns) on that service; the result of which, added to the testimony of many other voyagers

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may be considered as decisive against the existence of the Telemaque shoals and other dangers.

The Barracouta was obliged to leave Lieutenant Reitz behind, being not yet sufficiently recovered from the fracture of his leg; and Mr. Edward Owen Johnes was appointed to perform his duty, whilst Mr. Henry Astley Gibbons was to officiate in the Leven for Lieutenant Richard Owen, he being in command of the Cockburn.

On the 28th of July, the Arleston, a whaler, belonging to Mr. Ward of London, laden with sperm oil, arrived in the night, and had nearly run on the beach of Musemberg; in the morning she made a signal of distress, and our boats brought her into Simon's Bay, all her crew being ill with the scurvy.

This circumstance is mentioned as a general caution to seamen visiting the Cape: several vessels had been lost, as the Arleston had nearly been, and as the Cockburn was in the month of April following, by mistaking the northern extremity of the high-land, seen in the night at Musemberg, for the south point of Simon's Bay. To remedy this dangerous error the late Commodore Nourse proposed the erection of a small light-house on the rock called Noah's Ark, which would at all times render the navigation of False Bay safe and easy, neither of which it ever can be without some good night-mark or marks.

There are three whale-fishing establishments in False Bay, viz. in Fishhook, Kalk, and Gordon's Bay. The cow whales generally come into all the

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bays on the coast for still-water and sand, both of which are said to be necessary to the black whale in parturition. These shore establishments are, therefore, extremely destructive to the species, which in consequence has become very scarce, and although three good whales will generally pay all the expenses, they do not now always succeed in getting that number; whereas, on the first establishment of the fishery in Kalk Bay, they sometimes killed upwards of forty in a season.

Much information is already before the world relative to the interesting colony of the Cape of Good Hope, which may be said to extend from Olifant river on the north-west, to the Keiskamma on the east: coastwise an entire distance of nearly 400 leagues.

Our opportunities of acquiring minute information relative to the interior of this and the other countries we visited were necessarily very limited. Consequently the few remarks here ventured are offered with diffidence, though, being made on the spot, they will perhaps be found not devoid of interest.

The system of warfare pursued on the Eastern frontier appeared to have for its object the extermination of the native Kaffers from our settlements, so that passing over our boundary was universally punished by death or captivity. As the peculiar habits of this race rendered them at all times most unprofitable and dangerous prisoners, very few were subjected to the latter misfortune.

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There were, however, seven of them in captivity on Robben Island, whom the Government sent to us for interpreters, on the application of Captain Owen. Only one of these, named Jakot, spoke a little Dutch, the others nothing but their native tongue. They were very handsome, strong, and tall negroes, with habitual freedom strongly marked in their gait and carriage. When first received, their gloomy countenances bespoke their uncertainty as to the purpose for which they were sent on board ship, a circumstance in itself considered by them as worse than death; such is the antipathy and dread of the sea felt by all the native tribes of South Africa.

The purposes for which they were embarked having being explained to them, with the promise of being set at liberty in their own country if they behaved well, they were stripped of the greasy skins, which served them for raiment, and which were covered with vermin, washed and clothed in wholesome jackets and trowsers, and in halfan-hour appeared as much at their ease as if they had never worn any thing else. They were placed in different messes, for the purpose of making them learn English, but it was soon found that this arrangement disturbed the domestic economy of our seamen very materially; for a Kaffer, in his natural state, always eats as long as any thing remains, particularly of flesh, and some time was occupied in breaking them into rational feeding. Three were kept in the Leven,

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two sent to the Barracouta, when she joined us, and the others put on board the Cockburn; they entirely failed as interpreters, but in other respects they were excellent trustworthy men.

Six other negroes were also selected from the Government slaves in the dock-yard, natives of different parts of the Eastern coast and Madagascar, to be used as linguists, all of whom turned out most orderly and useful people, and were, after some time, discharged in their respective countries, enriched by a considerable accumulation of wages.

The Cape Peninsula may be said to be composed of two mountainous tracts, separated from each other and from the main by a narrow isthmus of low sandy plains.

The northern tract is composed of the famed Table Mountain, that of Constantia and several others of less note, and contains many very valuable estates, particularly those of Constantia and Haut Bay; while on the southern range from Haut and Fish Hook Bays, southward to the Cape point, there is not one estate valuable for its productions, although the land is capable of great improvement in every point of view.

Both the peninsulas of the Cape seem well adapted to the culture of the vine, which, however, does not appear to be at all understood: their grapes for eating are generally excellent, as well as some of their wine, but much more of it is bad.

The greater part of the common wine for ex-

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portation is brought from other parts of the colony by land-carriage, and pays a considerable tax before it can be exported, the particulars of which are not connected with this narrative. But it is believed that were the Cape wines freed from vexatious imposts, and were water carriage commonly available, those of a very good quality might be exported at a lower price than porter is now sold in London.

The repairs of the Cockburn were completed by the 31st of August, when she was immediately equipped and stowed with provisions for eight months for both vessels. We then sailed for Delagoa Bay, and touched at Algoa Bay on the way; but, learning that it was uncertain whether the Barracouta would return to that port, we continued our voyage until September 27th, when we came to an anchor in Delagoa Bay, where it was intended we should await the Barracouta's arrival, an account of whose proceedings is here extracted from the journal of an officer on board.

We left Table Bay on the 3rd of August, our intention being to make a general survey of the South coast of Africa, from Cape Hangclip to the eastward, as far as the Keiskamma river, and from thence northward to Delagoa Bay. As the operations attendant on a coast survey must depend almost entirely upon the weather, it was a matter of much importance to secure as much of the north-west monsoon as possible. This

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wind blows generally in an oblique direction off the coast, and prevails about the latter end of September, and was therefore the most favourable for our operations.

As all the descriptions of the Cape colony proceed from persons who followed in the track of the settlers, and as these apply only to the inland country, a few observations illustrative of the coast may be interesting In all parts the approach for ships is free from danger, with good anchorageground, but, being quite open, it is exposed to the southern ocean. During both monsoons a heavy swell sets in-shore, yet there are few points where boats may not land more than half the year; and there is no doubt that vessels, properly constructed, might carry on a coasting trade with much safety and advantage: the Government, however, have not given sufficient attention to this subject, their only settlements upon this coast being Port Elizabeth and Kowie river. There appears, nevertheless, one sure source of gain open to enterprise in the great bank of Lagullas, which is equal to that of Newfoundland, and would probably be as productive a fishing establishment as any in the world. Salt is destructively plentiful, being the principal drawback to the fertility of the soil; while a market for salt fish may be found in every direction, including Cape Town, Bourbon, Mauritius, Mozambique, and even India. Not a European fisherman is now to be seen excepting the whalers, and nothing but an alteration in the oppressive and

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unjust fiscal laws, to which the poor Malay fishermen are now subjected, will induce them to venture upon this field for speculation. There are many desirable situations along the south coast for the establishment of fishing towns; amongst them may be enumerated Haut, Table, Simon's, and Gordon Bays. To the eastward of Cape Hangclip is also a large bay, which had escaped the notice of navigators until lately discovered by Mr. Walker, a Master in the Navy: the eastern side of the peninsula of Cape Vachez offers no less than three good harbours. Between Mussel and Plettenberg bays is the river Knysna, an excellent port; and within sight of the latter, the Bays of St. Francis and Algoa. From Cape Padrao, along the eastern coast, are numerous situations adapted for such establishments. All the rivers on this coast are overflowed and their course lost during the rainy season, when the rush of water carries off the alluvial and other deposits; these are, however, returned by the constant south-east winds that prevail during the dry weather, and which then produce bars of sand at their entrances, making most of them unnavigable for decked vessels, and often dangerous for boats of common structure, the usual rise of the spring tides seldom exceeding five feet. This is also the case on the coast of Portugal, where, however, much has been effected by science and industry to remedy the evil.

This may not be an improper place to offer a few remarks on the peninsula of the Cape of Good

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Hope, and the improvements which suggest themselves for Table and False Bays.

At this point of the colony, the population is already sufficiently numerous to carry any rational works into effect, and a finer opportunity for the investment of British capital will not readily be found.

The greatest evil in the situation of Cape Town is the insecurity of Table Bay as a port; and a temptation is thus offered to unprincipled men, who have ensured their vessels at high premiums, to choose this spot for the termination of their voyage. Of the numerous wrecks which occurred in Table Bay and its vicinity during the term of our voyage, there was not one, at least where we had the means of inquiring, which could not be traced either to extreme ignorance, negligence, or design. The evil that has been done to the colony by the frequent recurrence of such events is incalculable.

Many years since, it is said, the Dutch had a plan for building a pier, which should form Table Bay into a secure harbour; this idea has recently been revived, and several plans for that purpose have been suggested and made public; but none are without objections. It need only be remarked, that such a work is practicable at a reasonable expense; and there can be no doubt that it would quickly repay the speculators, provided the navigation of the port were made the property of a corporate body, under well-digested rules and re-

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gulations. But the first step which appears necessary is to build a lighthouse, either on Noah's Ark, or some as convenient spot. It will be needless in this place to recount the numerous fatal accidents that have occurred from the want of this, or to show by argument how much the prosperity of Cape Town in particular, and of the colony in general, would be improved by it.

The Barracouta was employed thirteen days in tracing this coast as far as Port Elizabeth, in the large bay of Algoa, but in that distance two spaces remained unexamined, which were not completed until the conclusion of our voyage to the eastward of the Cape in 1825.

Algoa Bay is the name applied to all the country between Capes Reciffe and Padron or Padrao. The former is a low point of land, composed of rocks and a few sandhills: it appears to have been so named from the sea breaking constantly on a few scattered rocks about half a mile to the southward. Cape Padrao is from the Portuguese term for a pillar, one having been erected on it, according to the early practice of their navigators, by Bartholomew Diaz, in 1486.

About three miles north of Cape Reciffe, is the new town of Port Elizabeth. The Dutch colony formerly extended no farther eastward than the Camtoos river, about forty or fifty miles to the westward; and although there are some scattered farms to the eastward, all that has been regularly settled from that place has been undertaken since the conquest of this colony by Great Britain.

VOL. I. F

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Port Elizabeth, being the best sheltered spot on the coast for six hundred miles from Cape Town, was very properly considered as a point of great importance to the colony, and General Donkin, whilst acting governor, traced out the town, which was named after Lady Elizabeth, his wife, to whose memory has been erected a small sea-mark called her tomb.

It has before been observed, that the number of settlers here who are not in the pay of Government is very small; the depot for commissariat stores being the only establishment of importance.

The bay is open to all winds from south to east; and many vessels have been wrecked; a circumstance which may be attributed principally to having no seamen established there in charge of the port duties.

The south-east gales generally give a few hours' notice, in which time ships may either put to sea, or prepare to ride out the gale; but for this latter purpose hempen cables and long scopes must be used, either with or without the chaincables.

Near Cape Padrao, on the eastern side of the bay, are some small rocky islands, usually called Chaos, a corruption of the Portuguese term Chao, a descriptive name, meaning "superficial," "flat." They are also called Bird Islands, from the numerous sea-birds always found on them, which name is equally applicable to all islets in these seas. They are rendered famous by two events; the first,

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that they were the termination of the voyage of Bartholomew Diaz, who got thus far eastward without seeing the Cape promontory; the second, of a more modern date, was the loss of the Doddington East Indiaman, which is said to have happened on a rock, lying about three miles to the southward of the Chaōs: the distance of the said rock (which is always covered, and very small) from the others, where a part of the crew and most of the wreck were thrown, renders it more probable that she ran on the rocks near the same spot. The people who were saved remained on these rocks about eight months, and built themselves a good long-boat, in which they made a voyage to St. Lucia River, about fifty leagues to the southward of Delagoa Bay, and two of their party walked thence to the said bay, and rejoined their boat in English River, at which place some of them were received into other ships, and the remainder, with their boat, made their voyage to Bombay. An account of this very interesting shipwreck has long been published; and since we have visited the places mentioned, the veracity of every word has been ascertained, so far as regards the localities. On our visit, however, the River St. Lucia could not be entered even by a canoe, its entrance having been blocked by a dry bar of sand, which, like all the others on this coast, is annually swept away by the floods.

A whale fishery is established at a convenient spot about two miles from Elizabeth Town. The

F 2

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parties who formed this establishment have, it is said, lately obtained a grant of the Chaos, which had long been prayed for by the Deal settlers, who were in a most distressed state.

We know but little of the late Dutch voyages, or the history of the wreck of one of their three-deckers, near the Twarlkops river, about forty years since, would furnish some very interesting particulars.

Having remained in Algoa Bay from the 16th to the 23rd of August, we proceeded to trace the coast eastward, and had finished it completely by the latter end of September, when we returned to Algoa Bay for water, four days after the Leven had quitted. We again left Port Elizabeth on the 27th September, and, after a boisterous and disagreeable passage, made the land a few leagues to the northward of Delagoa Bay on the 16th of October; but so defective were the charts and plans in Captain Cutfield's possession, that, having no marks to guide him, we grounded on the Barracouta shoals in the middle of the bay, but fortunately got off without damage, and next day rejoined the Leven in English River.

Before concluding these remarks upon this coast, it will perhaps be expected that some notice should be taken of the native inhabitants. The following may, therefore, be depended upon, being drawn from authentic sources and personal observation.

All the country to the east and northward of

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the Camtoos River was formerly inhabited by a race of negroes very distinct from the Hottentots, and who appear to have peopled it from the northward, generally by the interior, whence they have spread towards the coast.

These negroes were formerly termed by the Arabs and Portuguese Kaffers, or Koffers, meaning literally infidels, or pagans, and the same term is still used in a general sense by both those people.

When the Dutch first colonized the Cape, all the country beyond their settlements was, in conformity with the language of the first discoverers, called the country of the Kaffers. But, from Delagoa Bay to the northward, the names of places were in early times marked by the Portuguese according to the native phraseology; whilst, to the southward, where none were known, the places on the coast received Portuguese names, and the country is still known under the general appellation before mentioned, and since Latinized into Caffraria, which, however, is a term totally unknown to the natives themselves.

By the encroachment of the Dutch colonists the negro Kaffers were driven back from Camtoos and Sladen Rivers, first beyond the Twarlkops, in Algoa Bay, and at length to the Great Fish River. But a system of border war continued long afterwards, of which Mr. Barrow has given some interesting anecdotes.

To remove this evil, the country beyond the Great Fish River, as far as the Keiskamma, was

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ceded to Great Britain by the native chiefs, who by this cession were acknowledged to have been the exclusive sovereigns of this territory.

From the Keiskamma along the coast to Delagoa Bay, the country is still in possession of several tribes of these negroes, who have been visited but little by Europeans. Some Wesleyan missionaries have, however, advanced a short distance beyond the Keiskamma, but an absolute barrier to further progress appears to exist in the prejudices and cruelty of the natives.

The sea boundary of this country is one of the most varied and interesting that can possibly be imagined, presenting every diversity that rich hills and fertile meadows can produce. It is divided from the interior by a range of mountains of considerable elevation—some of the highest being nearly six thousand feet above the sea.

One objection must however be remarked respecting this coast, which is its total want of harbours; but to compensate for this deficiency it has an abundance of rivers, many of which might, at trifling expense, be made to receive vessels of considerable burden; amongst them may be mentioned the River Kye, or St. John's, which has one of the most extraordinary and picturesque entrances in the world, forming by its abrupt and perpendicular heights a natural lock, wanting only a flood-gate to make it a perfect wet-dock. But it is to be feared that Europeans will not venture upon this coast until the inhabitants are become more civilized.

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These people have no fixed situation for their towns or villages, which are scattered over the face of the country, and are called kraals by the Dutch; a kraal for the cattle being an essential part in every Kaffer village, as they are their principal wealth and source of subsistence.

To all appearance, the tribes which inhabit these coasts, even from the confines of the Cape colony, are not the descendants of the aboriginal inhabitants, but of conquerors from the interior, who have replaced each other in succession. This remark is, however, less applicable to the countries immediately round Delagoa Bay than elsewhere, although they have undergone great changes of this description; but north and south, even as far Sopala, the greater part of the old tribes have been entirely cut off, and replaced by others.

At this time the work of depopulation was carried on with savage rapidity by the merciless and destructive conquests of a tyrannical monster named Chaka, whose bloody proceedings promised soon to leave the whole of the beautiful country, from the River St. John to Inhamban, totally desolate.

The state of these countries, which have scarcely had any intercourse with civilized nations, is a direct proof in refutation of the theories of poets and philosophers, who represent the ignorance of the savage as virtuous simplicity—his miserable poverty as frugality and temperance—and his stupid indolence as a laudable contempt for wealth. How different are the facts! We ever found un-

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cultivated man a composition of cunning, treachery, drunkenness, and gluttony."

It is now time to return to the Leven, who had anchored in English River, before the Portuguese factory, about three miles from Point Reuben, a bluff cape, about two hundred feet high, forming the northern entrance to the river. Whilst off the little island of Shefeen, before coming into the river, the masters of two English whalers, the Ratcliffe and Shakspeare, belonging to Mr. Wood, of London, came on board, a distance of about eight miles from their vessels. Mr. Riddell, master of the former, appeared a very intelligent and steady seaman, his ship presenting the rare spectacle for a whaler, of a sober, steady, contented crew, kept in good order and discipline, to which may perhaps be attributed the extraordinary success of his voyage, having been from England only one year, and his vessel fully laden with sperm oil.

We entered this river at night, being perhaps the first time that ever so large a vessel attempted such an undertaking without any person on board being acquainted with the navigation. On the following morning Lieutenant Vidal was sent to wait upon the Portuguese commandant, to excuse our not saluting. The remainder of the day was passed in an interchange of civilities and explanations of the object of our visit.

The Shakspeare and Ratcliffe sailed next day; the former first exchanging some seamen with us

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for the remainder of those who had deserted at Rio Janeiro; the captain having discharged them in succession as soon as their places could be supplied.

The Shakspeare had lost her master and one seaman whilst in the river, by fever, and they reported the place to be very unhealthy, which at that time we could not from appearances much credit; but alas! we were soon to learn the dreadful truth.

The factory has a small redoubt of about fifty yards square, with a few honeycombed pieces of very small ordnance mounted on its mouldering parapets. Like all the Portuguese establishments in Africa, the military garrison is charged with the factory and the collection of the royal customs. It was composed of a major, commandant, captain, lieutenant, adjutant, secretary, priest, and surgeon, with about fifty soldiers, some of whom were Europeans, expatriated for murder or other crimes, all the remainder being negroes.

The late commandant, Senhor Oliva had about half-a-year before our arrival, been brought to his post by an English brig called the Sincapore, which he had chartered—(this vessel will be the subject of further remark in the course of our operations); he had, within a few weeks, killed himself, like a true Roman, by falling on his sword, finding the golden dreams which he had cherished before his arrival never likely to be realized.

His house was very politely given to us for an

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observatory and head-quarters on shore. It was a good brick hut, with four small rooms on a floor, some convenient outhouses, and a spacious garden, of which Mr. Forbes took possession, to leave behind him some excellent fruits. There had formerly, it would appear, been much more intercourse between India and this part of the coast than at present. The boats at Delagoa Bay and Fisher's River are counterparts of the Masoola boats of Coromandel and Malabar, but on a smaller scale; they are flat-bottomed and wall-sided; their planks being sewed together against a wadding of tow, sufficiently elastic to keep them tolerably tight.

This method of tying the planks seems to be practised in all the boats and vessels which are, strictly speaking, of native manufacture, on this coast. But Delagoa Bay and Fisher's River are the only points where we saw any of them south of Zanzibar. English River may be considered the estuary of three rivers, none of their sources being more than thirty miles from the entrance; only one of them having fresh water in the dry season. During the rains, however, the freshes are so strong that it is constantly brackish. These rivers are the Temby on the south-west, the Dundas on the west, and the Mattoll on the northwest.

In the countries inhabited by the Diligo people the same language is spoken, from Mapoota to Inhamban.

Mapoota, or Oil Country, is to the southward

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of the great bay of Delagoa, bounded by a fine navigable river on its west, which separates it from Panegola, forming a part of Temby, the dominion of King Kapell, which extends entirely to English and Dundas Rivers on the north.

The eastern peninsula of the great bay, and the island named by the Portuguese St. Mary, are known by the natives as Inyack, and Little Inyack, and are now both subject to Mapoota. On the north of English River is the country of Mafoomo, in which is situated the Portuguese factory; the tract immediately northward of Mafoomo is called Mabota, as far as the banks of the river King George, or Mannees, while on the west is Mattoll, the southern boundary of which may be considered the Dundas river.

 

ENTRANCE TO THE KYE RIVER.

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CHAPTER IV.

Jem of the Water.—Awkward craft.—Personal adornment.—Factory officers.—Intestine war.—Rivers.—Jackot and Fire.—English River.—The River Mattoll.—The River Temby.—Improvidence of the natives.—Traffic with the natives.—A native village.—Termination of the survey.—A hippopotamus.—Night-scene.—A party of natives.—Dress of the chief.—The Hollontontes.—Night-precautions.—Terrific attack.—Defeat of the barbarians.—Return to the boats.—Native warriors.

THE morning of our arrival, so soon as the day made us visible to the natives, they were observed making preparations on the Mafoomo side of the water to pay us a visit. The first who came was "Jem of the Water," as he called himself. This fellow was in the native costume, which is literally worse than nothing, consisting only of a straw tube, about a foot long, with a shred of blue dungaree hanging from its upper end. He was ornamented by a necklace of charms, composed of small shells, eagles' talons, brass buttons, coloured beads, medicinal roots, &c. not arranged according to taste, but to produce the effect which he could not hope for without their assistance. He

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was a good-looking well-made man, and offered his services to supply us with water and guard our casks; an office which he usually performed for the whalers when they entered English River.

These people have no canoes in the bay or in the rivers falling into it, the native boats already described being the only vessels seen. We were rather surprised to see them continue the use of such awkward and unmanageable craft, employed as they are, not only for continual communication with strangers, but also for fishing and other domestic purposes, the owners serving every season in the whalers, by which they become excellent boatmen. The cause of this apparently obstinate retention of ancient habits may, when we come to give some description of these people, be proved not to arise from prejudice or ignorance but from the unhappy state of their government, riveted on them by the miserable policy of the Portuguese pedlars, and his Most Faithful Majesty's malefactors at their trading establishments.

The first boat was followed by many others in the course of the day, bringing to market, poultry, vegetables, eggs, spears, tusks of the hippopotamus, &c.

A much greater variety is observable in the countenances and features of these people, than is usually perceived in negro countries, being all jet black, with thick woolly heads, differing in nothing but this well-marked variety of feature from those of the Coast of Guinea. The men are stout, handsome, and athletic, and the women well-made,

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but generally not so well-featured as the men; still, many might be called pretty.

On all this coast the custom of tattooing, (or, as practised here, notching,) the face is universal, each tribe having its distinctive mark. This is common to all the negro nations in Africa: but the people of Delagoa Bay and to the southward have also a peculiar fashion for shaving and dressing their hair. The chiefs of Mapoota and Temby wear their heads shaved, except a large tuft on the crown, on which is placed a small pad, or roller, into which the wool, after being combed out straight and tight, is tucked with much neatness. The Zoolos, or Vatwas, on the contrary, shave the crown, and leave a ring of wool round the head, but similarly dressed by being trussed over a pad and kept in its place by wooden skewers. The common people of both sexes, but particularly the women, shave their wool so as to leave the shape of a tobacco-pipe, or some other ludicrous figure, according to their fancy or taste.

Some of these tribes have a custom of filing their teeth to points, which is much practised on many parts of the west coast.

The officers in the Portuguese factory, at this time, were Captain Jaques Casimir, who had raised himself from the ranks during the peninsular war; his wife was living with him in the fort. The adjutant also had a wife of Hindoo extraction, who had formerly been a slave at the Cape of Good Hope. The adjutant had resided

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at this factory about thirty years, ever since its first formation. After the destruction of Colonel Bolt's establishment, this man had been banished, it was reported, for the murder of his father or brother. The lieutenant was a Canareen of Goa, named Antonio Teixera, banished thence for killing a priest, with whose sister he had had an amour. Besides these, there was a surgeon, also a Canareen of Hindoo descent, a well behaved young man. The wife of Casimir was a lady whose character was open to scandal, even on the shores of Africa, and the adjutant was generally drunk all day. We found them extremely kind, and, in many cases, useful, as they supplied us with bullocks, milk, fowls, and vegetables, which they bought from the natives for a mere trifle, and sold to us at a gain of about six hundred per cent. This traffic being their only resource, they take great care to prevent any direct trade between the whalers and natives.

To the southward of Mapoota there exists a tribe of warlike Kaffers, called Zoolos, but by the Portuguese Vatwas, being the same as the ancient term Batwa, or Butwah: the people of Delagoa call them Hollontontes, doubtless a corruption from Hottentots, as they come from the south, which is considered their country; this name they must have become acquainted with when the Dutch first settled on English River, about a hundred and twenty years back. This tribe does not appear to have long possessed power dangerous to their neighbours, but some years since subjugated Mapoota, whose king was their tributary.

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In one of the struggles of contending chiefs for despotism, the present King Chaka expelled his uncle, Loon Kundava, and upwards of 5000 of his adherents; these, passing through Mapoota, Temby, and Mattoll, laid the whole country waste, and even threatened to destroy the Portuguese factory; whilst, strange to say, the commandant and soldiers of the said factory actually carried on traffic with them, through native traders, for their spoil both of cattle and slaves: the extraordinary part of this is, that the Portuguese claim the whole of this country, and yet trade with its enemies for the plunder they take in it. Amongst the articles bartered by these Zoolos were many of the native implements of agriculture: and we learnt that they manufactured these and many other articles themselves, and that the iron implements of husbandry, used even by the Portuguese, were made by independent native tribes.

King Chaka, in pursuit of his rebel subjects, did not allow them to rest long any where; but whether the neighbouring countries were entered by Loon Kundava and the rebels as they fled, or by Chaka in pursuit of them, the miserable natives were equally sufferers, as they left nothing but desolation and famine in their rear.

We fitted our boats for exploring the rivers, which we were informed extended several hundred miles into the interior: and, having prepared four, the Troughton, George, Hardy, and Hurd, they were put under the command of Lieutenant

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Vidal, and provisioned for ten days, at the expiration of which time they were ordered to return, intending, if any of these rivers were found to have so long a course as stated, to navigate them in the Cockburn tender. The report of their great navigable extent was confirmed both by the Portuguese garrison and the whalers, some of them declaring they had ascended thirty miles, and knew others who had been a hundred, and found them wide and deep the whole distance.

A black interpreter, who spoke Portuguese, of which Lieutenant Vidal also had some knowledge, was hired from the factory, and, supposing the pretensions of sovereignty set up by the Portuguese to be valid, the captain applied to the commandant to give him some people to protect our boats against any attack from the natives. The Commandant, however, acquainted us that he had no authority whatever over them, and that, so far from giving assistance to us, he was himself in hourly expectation of an attack from the Vatwas, when he should hope for our aid. As this explanation settled the affair at once, Captain Owen never considered it necessary to consult them afterwards upon any of his movements or operations.

We were not aware that our Kaffers were of the same people, (although a different tribe,) as the Hollontontes, and therefore did not send any of them with our boats, nor indeed had we yet sufficient confidence in them; two, however, Jackot and Fire, had by their conduct much gained upon the estimation of all.

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Jackot had been a Chief "famed for deeds of arms." Fire had rendered himself a universal favourite with the sailors, and took his part in all their duties and amusements. He afforded much diversion by his close imitation of their gestures and manners, as well as by a natural wit and archness; both men amused us at times by their war exercises, and showed a thorough contempt for the Portuguese and all the natives of Delagoa.

Jackot, when one day on shore, persuaded a native, in the presence of a large party, to try his assagaye at a small tree, which he did from about forty yards, and missed; upon which Jackot took it up, and going about twenty yards further off, first poised, and then, giving it a tremulous motion in his hand, threw the spear with such force and dexterity that it entered the centre of the tree so deep as to be with difficulty extracted. The natives were all astonished, but Jackot walked off without altering a muscle of his features, apparently conscious of his superiority over them.

While our boats were hauled on shore to fit and equip for the exploration of the rivers, it was necessary to guard against the thievish propensity of the natives. We therefore placed sentinels over them, when not at work; but having so many men absent we occasionally employed our Kaffers on this duty. Fire was so delighted with this mark of confidence, that he could hardly be persuaded to be relieved; and he and Jackot actually slept under the boat, whilst hauled up on the beach, and

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would never quit their post without the intervention of absolute authority. One night a native approached with caution, no doubt intending to steal some of the iron or copper which was in use for her equipment. Fire levelled his musket and fired just over his head. The report brought our officers and people to the spot, who saw the rogue making his escape, when Fire boasted that he would not kill the fellow, considering him as too contemptible. This is a purely native trait, and sufficiently indicates the manly character of these people.

Our boats quitted the ship on the 3rd, and proceeded on the service before-mentioned. The following account of their operations is extracted from the journals of Messrs. Rozier, midshipman, and Forbes, the botanist.

After quitting the Leven on the afternoon of the 3rd of October, the remainder of the day was employed in examining English River, as far up as where those of Temby and Mattoll discharge themselves into it, about five miles above the fort. On either side, as they proceeded, they found the shores rise gradually from an extensive muddy flat and low land to a high boundary, covered with large bushes, and, in some parts, a full-grown tree towering above them.

A great variety of birds, feeding on worms and shell-fish, were seen on the mud-flat, the shore of which was covered with mangrove trees, even far below the high-water mark. The water was salt and discoloured by mud, although its depth was

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sufficient, in most parts, for ships of the largest size.

In the evening they arrived at Refuge Island, at the entrance of Dundas River, where they hauled their boats up and encamped for the night, taking care to place a watch, consisting of one third of the party, armed with muskets, pistols, and cutlasses, a precaution which they never neglected, being an important part of their orders from Captain Owen.

On the 4th, after an early breakfast, they quitted the island and commenced an examination of the river Mattoll. As they proceeded, the shores began to assume a more pleasing appearance; mangroves were succeeded by forest-trees, and swamps and stagnant pools by extensive meadows.

Several of the natives were seen passing in their boats from one side of the river to the other; they did not differ from those near the fort in costume and manners, but were exceedingly surprised at seeing white men. In the afternoon the boats had ascended as high up the river as they could, being then about eight miles above its junction with English River, and the breadth was diminished from 960 feet, to less than eighty, and its depth from about sixteen to eight. Their interpreter who, from his long residence at Delagoa, spoke the language of the natives fluently, had likewise acquired a tolerably good knowledge of the country, which, during the expedition, rendered him doubly useful. By his state-

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ment, the Mattoll has its rise in an extensive salt-water marsh, at a very short distance above the spot where the party left off the exploration. The only growth from industry they observed on the banks was a few pumpkins, but they were informed that a short distance in-land there were extensive plantations of maize.

They returned about five miles before the evening closed upon them, when they landed and encamped for the night. On the morning of the 5th they resumed their passage down the river.— One of the boats was ordered ahead to search for water; several wells were found on the banks dug by the natives, but in so filthy a state that their contents were totally unfit for use: perceiving, however, a few of the inhabitants at a short distance, they joined them, and were fortunate enough to find one who spoke a few words of English, and styled himself Secretary to King Mattoll; he had part of a blanket thrown over his shoulders, and carried a musket. A present to the whole of a few leaves of tobacco was received with great thankfulness, and a looking-glass that was given to the Secretary created much amusement and astonishment, which was expressed by all the antics of a monkey making ridiculous gestures, and a close examination all around. Gratitude for so acceptable a present led the Secretary to forget his dignified situation, and to conduct them to a spot a little lower down, where good water could be procured. His offer was accepted; they took to their boats, and soon after

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landed at the place he had mentioned, where they obtained a good supply of this article so much in request, the thermometer being generally at 82° in the shade.

Several hippopotami were observed in the river, at one of which the party fired, and had reason to believe with effect, for the animal plunged as if in pain, and appeared inclined to attack the boat, which is a very rare occurrence, as it is naturally of a timid nature. Towards noon they reached the mouth, and shortly afterwards commenced their survey of the Temby.

The entrance to this river is broader and deeper than that of the Mattoll, and is skirted on both sides by mangrove trees and putrid swamps, excepting when a green meadow now and then intervenes, and affords some slight relief to a country rendered more dreary and disagreeable by a consideration of its deadly climate.

Parties of natives were seen hovering about in great confusion, on account of the vicinity of the Hollontontes, who had lately paid them a predatory visit, by which they were reduced to a state of great misery.

In the evening the boats were dragged up on the shore, and the tents pitched upon a grassy plain for the night. Several of the natives ventured down shortly after, and, from the good treatment they experienced, some of them became excessively troublesome, and latterly so much so, that the party was obliged to have recourse to intimidation to restrain their forwardness.

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On the 6th, after breakfast, the tents were struck, and they continued their exploration. The country began to assume a more pleasing aspect; swamps and mangroves were becoming scarce, and although the banks still continued low, yet the land behind, instead of the uniform flatness that distinguished it before, rose with a gradual ascent, occasionally studded with clumps of forest-trees.

During the time allowed for dinner on this day, several of the party landed, and had some intercourse with the Temby people, from whom they purchased six fowls for a Lascar knife, which cost, in London, two-pence. The natives likewise disposed of their assagayes, taking useless trinkets in return. It might be supposed that savages in a state of warfare would sacrifice their love of finery to their fear of danger, and not, for the sake of a few trifling baubles, part with the only means they had of securing even those in their possession. The boats were made fast to the shore, under the agreeable shade of the wide-spreading trees which lined the banks above; but such was the intense heat of the weather, that even there the thermometer stood at 85 degrees.

As the lowering sky portended a storm, the party commenced pitching their tents much earlier than usual; yet they had delayed it too long, for the rain came on before they were prepared, and continued very heavy, accompanied with thunder and lightning, until after dark. Upon the soft ground where they had placed their tents, they found impressions of the feet of several animals,

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and during the night the grunting of the hippopotami around them was incessant.

As they continued their route the next day, they observed the river sensibly decreasing in breadth. The banks on each side were frequently covered with natives, who, although the interpreter said they belonged to Temby, were supposed to be of a different tribe to those known before under that name. One of the boats conveyed a party of women across the river, who, fearful of the Hollontontes, had deserted their huts, and were scattered about in the vicinity of the stream; but as their husbands kept at a distance and would not follow, they were necessitated, though with great reluctance, to return. In the course of the forenoon the party landed for a supply of fresh water, an article they had generally found some difficulty in obtaining, when a number of the natives collected on the banks and procured it for them. These people were the first they had met with who appeared to have any idea of traffic, having brought with them several hippopotamus' teeth, and one small elephant's tusk, requiring in exchange blue cotton stuffs for covering their heads and loins. By their information, it appeared that the river in that part was known among them by the name of Mahong, from a chief who had lately died and was succeeded by his son Chamborel.

In the afternoon a young hippopotamus was perceived from one of the boats floundering about on the broad mud flat that skirted the right shore;

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they pulled for the place, and succeeded in taking him before he reached the water. In size and appearance he resembled a large fat hog, with a young bull's head; his legs were clumsy, and out of all proportion, and his skin hairless but very tough; he was perfectly harmless, and soon became docile, acknowledging at times the attention he received by the performance of sundry awkward gestures peculiar to himself, and by sucking whatever he could get into his mouth.

In the evening the tents were pitched for the night, the boats being, as the interpreter informed them, higher up by a day's journey than he had ever known the Portuguese to ascend. Mr. Rozier and some more of the officers visited a small village in the vicinity of the encampment; the huts resembled those near the fort, but had a construction outside like an oven, neatly made of clay, and capable of boiling three or four pots at the same time. Round these the inhabitants were sitting and preparing their evening repast, consisting principally of vegetables. They appeared to be a cleanly people, and no doubt were once acquainted with the English, as they evinced by their reiterated requests of "Gi me button."

As the party continued their course on the following morning, the channel of the river became gradually more contracted, and about eleven they arrived at a place where it branched off into two inconsiderable streams; they proceeded up the left, or southern, branch, which was about eighty feet broad, but had not advanced far, when they

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were stopped by a barrier of trees, that had fallen from the lofty banks on either side, and rendered the farther passage of the boats impossible. This completed the survey of the River Temby, or Mahong, of which, although not more than forty-six miles in extent, including its sinuosities, a knowledge is desirable on account of the facility which it affords for a commercial intercourse with the inhabitants of the interior.

It is true that only vessels drawing under thirteen feet water could navigate it nineteen miles from the entrance, but boats could perform the remainder, and, in the proper season, with little fear of suffering from the effects of the climate.

Treacherous attacks from the natives might be expected whenever an opportunity offered, but these might be avoided by keeping to the vessel, excepting when desirous of communication, which should always be during the day, and under the protection of the guns. As a memorial of this exploration of the river, the date and the Leven's name, in large characters, were deeply carved on the bark of the largest tree near the spot.

After Lieutenant Vidal had obtained his observations at noon, the boats commenced descending the small arm of the river, for the purpose of examining that before-mentioned as branching off to the right or to the northward.

Lieutenant Vidal had just commenced ascending this stream in his boat, when suddenly a violent shock was felt from underneath, and in ano-

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ther moment a monstrous hippopotamus reared itself up from the water, and in a most ferocious and menacing attitude rushed open-mouthed at the boat, and with one grasp of its tremendous jaws, seized and tore seven planks from her side; the creature disappeared for a few seconds and then rose again, apparently intending to repeat the attack, but was fortunately deterred by the contents of a musket discharged in its face. The boat rapidly filled, but, as she was not more than an oar's length from the shore, they succeeded in reaching it before she sank. Her keel, in all probability, touched the back of the animal, which irritating him, occasioned this furious attack, and had he got his upper-jaw above the gunwale, the whole broadside must have been torn out. The force of the shock from beneath, previously to the attack, was so violent that her stern was almost lifted out of the water, and Mr. Tambs, the midshipman steering, was thrown overboard, but fortunately rescued before the irritated animal could seize him. The boat was hauled up on a dry spot, and her repairs immediately commenced. The tents were pitched, and those of the party that were not employed as carpenters, amused themselves, the officers in shooting, and the men in strolling about the deserted country round them, being first ordered not to proceed out of hearing.

Mr. Forbes describes this encampment as possessing peculiar beauties. "The scene at midnight," he says, "was solemn and almost sublime. The sky was clear and brilliantly starlight; not a sound was

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heard but the crackling of our immense fires, the snorting of the hippopotami, and an occasional splash, as they rushed in and out of the water whilst pursuing their rough pastime; the screaming of some birds, (a species of Ibis,) mingled with the deep-toned cry of 'All's well,' from the sentinels pacing round the tents, gave birth to feelings it would be difficult to define, for there is something awful in the stillness of nature that thrills within us, but cannot speak; we were but a few sleeping on a far distant soil, where Europeans had perhaps never been before."

The next day was employed in completing the repairs of the damaged boat; the morning was fine, and as all hopes were given up of being able to prosecute the survey, Captain Lechmere and the Botanist took an early breakfast, and walked into the neighbouring woods, to see what game or botanical specimens they could procure. On arriving at the side of a creek they unexpectedly came upon an hippopotamus of the largest size sleeping on the mud. As they had only small shot they could not hope to gain a victory over him, and therefore hurried back to the encampment from which they were at but a short distance. A formidable phalanx of hunters was immediately formed, who, with firelocks in hand, proceeded to the creek, but the animal was gone, and the party only served to frighten the numerous large baboons that were playing their antics on the tops of the surrounding trees.

The young hippopotamus that was caught

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on the 7th began to decline for want of milk, or proper nourishment, and was therefore killed for the larder; his flesh was perfectly white, very tender, and in flavour resembling veal; the hide on his back was thick and tough, but much more delicate under his belly. In the vicinity of the encampment many agates were picked up, not veined, but otherwise of a superior quality; these were found mixed with ordinary stones on the banks of the river, as if washed down from the mountains.

A short time before dinner, a party of the natives of Temby were observed approaching the tents with baskets in their hands, containing fowls, which they had brought to barter for tobacco and trinkets; their chief was of Mayetta's family. While conversing with them, some of the Hollontontes appeared at a short distance in their war costume, armed with shields and spears: at first they were shy, and kept away from us, until the Temby people, who appeared to be their allies, prevailed upon them to approach by assurances of our friendly disposition.

The following description of their young chief Chinchingany will suffice, with a few exceptions, for that of the whole tribe.

Round his head, just above the eyes, was a band of fur, somewhat resembling in size and colour a fox's tail, neatly trimmed and smoothed: underneath this his black woolly hair was hidden; but above it grew to its usual length, until at the top, where a circular space was shaved in the

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manner of the monks and Zoolos; round this circle was a thick ring of twisted hide, fixed in its position by the curling over of the surrounding hair, which was altogether sufficiently thick to resist a considerable blow. On one side of his head was a single feather of some large bird as an emblem of his rank, and just above his eye-brows a string of small white beads, and another across the nose; close under his chin he wore a quantity of long coarse hair, like the venerable beard of a patriarch hanging down on his breast; his ears had large slits in their lower lobes, and were made to fall three or four inches, but without any ornaments; these holes in the ears are often used to carry articles of value. Each arm was encircled by a quantity of hair like that tied on his chin, the ends reaching below his elbows. Round his body were tied two strings, with twisted stripes of hide, with the hair on them, much resembling monkeys' tails; the upper row was fastened close under his arms, and hung down about twelve inches, the end of each tail being cut with much precision and regularity; the lower row resembled the upper, and commenced exactly where the latter terminated, until they reached the knees. It bore altogether a great resemblance to the Scotch kilt. On his ankles and wrists he had brass rings or bangles. His shield was of bullock's hide, about five feet long and three and-a-half broad; down the middle was fixed a long stick, tufted with hair, by means of holes cut for the purpose,

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and projecting above and below beyond the shield about five inches. To this stick were attached his assagayes and spears; the only difference in these weapons is that the former is narrow in the blade and small for throwing, the latter broad and long, with a stronger staff for the thrust.

The chief differed from his people only in the mock beard and feather which they were not permitted to wear. In concluding the description of Chinchingany's costume, it is necessary to observe that this is entirely military, and used only when upon warlike expeditions; at other times, the Hollontontes are dressed as the Kaffers, with nothing but a small leathern or skin purse, not two inches in length, used as by the Delagoa tribes, or as their modesty dictates; the appearing without which, among some of the Kaffer tribes, is considered such an outrage upon decency, that the person witnessing it is justified in putting the offender to death. The feeling of shame thus appears to be increased in proportion as its seat is limited. These were fine negroes, tall, robust, and warlike, in their persons, open, frank, and pleasing in their manners, with a certain appearance of independence in their carriage, infinitely above the natives with whom the party had hitherto communicated.

They appeared to have a better idea of the value of arms in troubled times than the Temby people, for, on being pressed to part with theirs for trinkets, they pertinently silenced the pro-

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poser by requesting the interpreter to ask if "when a white man was in an enemy's country he ever sold his arms?"

They remained at our tents for some time, and examined every thing with much curiosity, during which one of the party, Mr. Hood, commenced taking a sketch of the chief: before, however, it was finished, Chinchingany happened to discover what he was about, and instantly rose with much indignation in his manner, and without any notice quickly retired, followed by his people, some of whom, nevertheless, promised shortly to return with a bullock for barter.

Wild fowl were very plentiful, and Captain Lechmere, who was a keen sportsman, seldom failed in procuring some for the day's meal, but he never succeeded in shooting a buck, although the country abounded with them. Mr. Rozier was, however, more fortunate, for, walking out early in the morning, he suddenly came upon one fast asleep, and with a blow of his musket killed it on the spot. Night was closing in, the promised bullock did not arrive, and, as some natives were lurking about the tents, they were driven away, large fires lighted, the arms of the party examined, and at eight the watch set, consisting of seven men, commanded by two midshipmen. These took their stations and commenced walking their rounds, adding fuel at times to the blazing fires under their charge, while the remainder of the party retired to their tents, and

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were soon lost in sleep. The thick clouds that overcast the heavens rendered the night dark and gloomy; all was hushed in the deepest tranquillity, when, a few minutes before midnight, the attention of one of the sentries, who was placed in the advance, was attracted by a white object, that appeared as if rising and slowly moving towards him from the long grass and bushes; he instantly gave the alarm, and at the same moment received two assagayes in the thigh, and, as he retreated, was pierced by another in the back, which, being barbed, remained in the flesh.

Lieutenant Vidal had been occupied in observing the stars, and was in the act of replacing his instruments to return when the sentry's cry reached his ears; he started up, and at the instant a band of Hollontontes, with their shields and spears, rushed towards the tents uttering the most hideous yells. The appalling idea that the people would be massacred in their sleep flashed across his mind, and he rushed to the encampment with his utmost speed, crying loudly, "To arms! to arms!"

It was enough; the alarm was reechoed, the rise instantaneous, and the murdering band were received at the entrance of the tents with volleys of balls and bayonet points.

The constant flash and roar of the muskets, with the horrid yells of the assailants, breaking upon the still dark gloom, produced a terrific scene; an occasional groan however, as a ball found its fleshy bed, and the falling of some, soon intimidated

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the barbarians, and, after a short but desperate struggle, the cries of war and defiance were changed into shrieks of terror and dismay, followed by a precipitous retreat, not, however, forgetting their wounded, whom they carried off. It would not have been prudent to pursue them, as their number was not known, or what succour they had at hand: but the firing was kept up through the bushes as long as they could be seen or heard.

Their numbers were apparently between two and three hundred, headed by Chinchingany, whose spear and shield, (since presented to Lord Melville,) were found next morning at a short distance from the encampment, in the direction they had retreated. It was supposed that Captain Lechmere had killed this chief, as he fired his gun loaded with small shot directly in his face, which passed through the shield of hide that he held up as a protection.

So certain, it appears, were these savages of meeting with no opposition, that but few of their assagayes were brought into the field, as they considered their spears sufficient to kill sleeping men.

The suddenness of this attack, as may be supposed, created some confusion, but did not in any respect check the courage of the people, or paralyze their efforts, which were prompt and decisive.

Mr. Tambs, one of the midshipmen, who had imprudently undressed to his shirt, upon being awakened seized his sword, and, impelled by his

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ardour, pursued the savages, naked as he was, without perceiving that he was unsupported, through which he narrowly escaped being shot by the party, who mistook him when returning for one of the enemy with a white shield.

The wounded seaman, galled by the assagaye that still remained in his back, suffered great pain, and entreated, after the confusion was a little over, to have it extracted; from its being barbed, this was no easy task, and before it was finally accomplished put him to the most excruciating agony; but the wounds healed rapidly, and in a short time he was able to do his duty.

The Portuguese interpreter, during the conflict, was not visible, and after it was over retreated to the boats, and could not be prevailed upon to leave them. The tents and other articles were immediately removed on board, one half of the party being appointed to do that duty while the other kept guard, a precaution by no means unnecessary, as the savages were discovered by the half-suppressed sound of their voices, among the neighbouring thickets; they were, however, soon silenced by the discharge of two rockets, horizontally in the direction, when their fears and astonishment were expressed by the usual, but now loudly vociferated exclamation of "Eigh! Eigh!" from a multitude, and then all was silent.

In the morning, on examining the ground about the encampment, some shields, several spears, and a few assagayes were found, no doubt

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belonging to the wounded; yet no trace of blood was discovered, although we heard afterwards, through the Temby people, that the musketry did much execution, and that several were killed.

Two parties, well armed, were sent in search of water, which they ultimately succeeded in finding. In their way, they passed through some lands planted with maize, onions, and rice, and found a human skull, with marks of fire upon it. This led to the idea that the Hollontontes were cannibals; but, on inquiry, even their greatest enemies acquitted them of the suspicion.

On their way down the river, the morning after the attack, they saw large bodies of the Hollontontes on the left bank, marching in good military order: they had just crossed the river, and were about penetrating the country on that side for the purpose of plunder.

Their appearance was warlike, and had a striking effect as the extensive line moved through the various windings of the path. The grass being wet, they were observed taking particular care to keep their shields above it, as the damp would render them unserviceable; the spears attached to them, being thus elevated, were often seen glittering in the sun above the brow of the hill.

Without meeting any farther adventure worthy of notice, the party returned to their respective ships on the 12th.

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CHAPTER V.

English Bill.—Native Secretaries.—Prince Slangelly.—Slangelly's family.—His riches.—Fondness for smoking.—Wretched fugitives.—A group of hippopotami.—A party of natives.—Traps for hippopotami.—Mattoll's people.—Smoking the hubble-bubble.—Infatuation.

THE morning after the return of our boats, we had a visit from a very popular person amongst us, called English Bill, but known in his own country, Temby, as Shamaguava; this was an extraordinary man for a savage, and stood high in

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the confidence of Prince Slangelly, who was the chief of that part of the kingdom.

English Bill, as he called himself, was very useful to us on many occasions; he was a thin slight man, about five feet five inches in height, and thirty years of age, with a meagre aspect, a keen, restless, and quick eye, an infinite fund of cunning and deep finesse, a wonderful talent for humorous mimicry, and unbounded impudence when necessary; but so great was his command over himself that he could be all things to all men; he was intrusive where he could be so with impunity, but he knew in an instant when it was right to be respectful and cautious.

He seldom failed in carrying any point he desired, by uniting to the most artful cunning an unparalleled perseverance. With the junior officers, he was a companion; with the seamen he affected the most pompous dignity; while to the captain he was always extremely humble and sometimes abject.

Besides his own language, Bill spoke Portuguese and Hindostany tolerably; English and Dutch he had a smattering of, and could also speak Hollontonty, or the language of the southern Kaffers. On our arrival Bill was a man of little importance, and was reported by the Portuguese to have caused the death of his brother, Captain Dick, who was a man of great note and wealth. But it must be understood that there existed between Bill and the Portuguese the most cordial and reciprocal hatred. Bill afterwards became Secretary

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to Slangelly, and from him was derived almost all the information we obtained respecting the country and the people whom we had not an opportunity of observing personally.

The kingdom of Temby is ruled by an absolute king, and under him twelve chiefs, each absolute with respect to the people in his district, but servilely subject to the king. The chiefs take what they please from their people, but by usage this is said to be one half of their gain, in any considerable bargain by purchase or sale. The king is always surrounded by some of his oldest chiefs, and no important affairs are undertaken without their advice. Each chief has his "Secretary," who may be said to be his Prime Minister. How this name has come into use among these savages cannot be exactly known, or how far it extends; but it is common to all the neighbouring tribes. It does not follow that a "secretary" among these people can either read or write, for we never met with one native who had the slightest acquirement in either art.

On our arrival we were told by all the natives that King Kapell, of Temby, was very sick, otherwise he would have visited us, which we found had been always his custom on the arrival of strange vessels, as he generally got some presents, and was sure to obtain rum; but after some time it appeared that he had been dead for two months; yet, by an ancient law, not a man in the kingdom dared to mention it during one year. Upon this occasion, however, the ancient custom was

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departed from, and within two months after the death of old King Kapell his grandson and successor, Mayetta, was proclaimed. This infringement of the laws was in a great measure attributable to his desire of profiting by our unexpected arrival.

We had, however, been fourteen days without any direct communication from any of the chiefs of Temby, when English Bill presented himself as the bearer of five fowls and four cabbages as a present of welcome from Prince Slangelly, which Captain Owen accepted with pleasure, as it showed a friendly disposition on the part of the natives. After English Bill had remained some time on board, Lieutenant Boteler was ordered to return with him to Slangelly, and try to prevail on that Prince to visit us, and receive a present in return for that which he had sent.

The following account of Lieutenant Boteler's visit to Prince Slangelly, together with his expedition to explore the Dundas River, is here given as extracted from his own journal.

As we landed, curiosity drew a number of the natives around, and by the time we reached our journey's end we were joined by upwards of fifty. The distance to Slangelly's village was about a mile; when just in sight of his hut we perceived the Prince leaving it, accompanied by about a dozen men, armed with spears. He turned back when he heard the shouting of English Bill, and received me at the door of the hut with a hearty shake of the hand, but would on no account permit

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me to enter until he had spread his mats on the floor to sit on. This being arranged, he led the way, and we followed, accompanied by as many of his people as the hut could conveniently hold. After the message was delivered, and proper thanks returned, Slangelly and his party gave their whole attention to English Bill's account of his visit to "biggy King George's ship," during which it was laughable to hear the many 'Eigh! Eighs!' and the various other signs of admiration and astonishment expressed by his hearers.

Bill's story being finished, they turned to us, and many and curious were the questions they asked: one was whether the Leven was not "the biggest ship in the world?" On being told that so far from it, there were some even four times as large, they expressed the utmost astonishment, and observed, "Suppose she catch um for Cappen Biggy King's son." A silver hunting-watch was shown, at Bill's request, to Slangelly; he listened attentively to the ticking, cried, 'Eigh! Eigh!" and grinned his approbation. The spring was touched and the cover flew up against his ear, occasioning him to start back with great astonishment, mixed with a slight appearance of fear, while the company sagaciously observed, 'Him,' (the watch), 'all de same as leivre,' (alive).

The cover at the back was then shown, the glass opened, and the works of the inside arrested, and vice versa, by the stop from without, and, as a close to the exhibition, the machinery in full action was displayed. The yell of admiration that

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this called forth was reechoed from the crowd assembled outside, who, standing no longer on ceremony, rushed in to obtain their share of the sight.

"With them entered Slangelly's mother, his favourite wife, (for he had ten,) and a young boy, his son, who had a pleasing and intelligent countenance. To the latter I presented a string of beads, which, when hung round his neck, appeared to yield almost as much pleasure to the parents as to the child. Small presents of tobacco, buttons, &c. were likewise distributed amongst the rest of the party, and to Slangelly, as an earnest of what he might expect if he ventured on board, two bottles of rum were given: one of these he immediately opened, and taking about a third of it off at a draught, passed it round to his neighbours, who quickly drank the remainder, smacking their lips, and pronouncing with emphasis, 'Ohehomby sopy!" meaning very good rum. The other bottle was placed in a bag, carefully tied up, and then given in charge to a man armed with a shield and spear, to convey to Slangelly's cousin, the young Mayetta, who, by the early death of his father, the eldest son of old King Kapell, had become possessed of his title and territory.

"English Bill informed us that Slangelly could not venture on board the Leven without Mayetta's permission, but there was reason to believe his hesitation proceeded from a fear of the Portuguese, one of whom had been assassinated some time before by the natives, on the Kapell side;

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but judging from the usual behaviour of these people, there is little doubt that they had sufficient provocation for committing an act so much at variance with their general character. Slangelly had ordered four fowls to be killed and cooked for our dinner, but, as we could not wait for them, he earnestly requested our acceptance of a fine pig; this I refused, yet in as courteous a manner as possible, to prevent giving umbrage, by telling him our visit was not to obtain presents, but to prevail upon him to come on board and receive some from us, in testimony of our friendly disposition towards him and his people. Slangelly expressed his regret that he could not return with us to the Leven, but hoped that he should be able to pay us a visit after he had seen Mayetta. Previously to our leaving his hut he showed us those of his wives; they were small and ten in number, each wife, according to the fashion of the country, having her separate residence. "Polygamy is allowed to all, and the number of wives that each man has is in proportion to his means.

This Prince, or as English Bill called him, King, was a young man of short stature, with an intelligent good-humoured countenance. The only articles of clothing he wore were a neat blue jacket, and a red night-cap, decorated with a great profusion of beads and trinkets. "From the extent of his domain, and the grain in his fields, he was accounted rich, of which Bill, by the way, took care to inform me, by saying, in his broken English, 'King Slangelly richy, very

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richy man, too much richy, he hab plainty Ohnyong' (onions).

This strange criterion of a man's riches amused us exceedingly, and for a long time it became a by-word with us, when the property of any one was the subject of conversation to say, 'he had plenty onyons.'*

Returning to the boat, I witnessed an instance of the great partiality which these people, in common with all African savages, have for smoking.

A man, with a spear stuck in the ground by his side, crouching over a small fire, was smoking apparently with almost painful exertion: upon introducing myself, and examining the contents of his pipe, I found, much to my surprise, that it consisted of nothing more than green leaves and twigs pulled from the bushes around him. Imagination must have had much to do in extracting pleasure from such a substitute. Before leaving the spot we presented him with a small quantity of tobacco, which drew forth the strongest expressions of gratitude.

Having concluded my mission to Prince Slangelly, I returned on board, and on the 14th had orders from Captain Owen to explore the branch of the river called by us Dundas River, after the late Lord Melville, which was left unexamined by Lieutenant Vidal. For this pur-

* The reason why onions were considered as the sign of wealth was, that it was the vegetable most carefully cultivated, and was always sure of a ready and good market with the whalers and other ships visiting the bay.

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pose I had two boats, with three midshipmen, twelve seamen, and a native interpreter.

On approaching Refuge Island we discovered several boats moored off a small sandy bank, and on shore at least two hundred natives, men, women, and children, who had fled from the Temby side, there to await the Hollontontes. A more perfect picture of misery can hardly be imagined than these people exhibited. Yet the pity that we should otherwise have felt for them was lessened by the contempt we entertained for their cowardice in thus yielding up their country without a struggle. A native, whose hollow eye and meagre aspect sufficiently announced that he was in a starving state, brought us some hot embers to kindle our fire, and his request in return was a little water.

After dinner we entered the river, the shores appeared low, and mostly covered with mangroves and bushes, often inundated at high-water. We observed several small nests, resembling purses, suspended from the boughs of the most lofty trees, with an entrance at the side through a little round aperture: they were constructed, with great ingenuity, of grass and feathers, and belong to a species of the loxia, a bird common to most parts of Africa. Besides these we observed many other varieties, consisting of the pelican, white crane, adjutant, kingfisher, toucan, spoonbill, flamingo, curlews of different sizes, turkey-buzzard, hawk, duck, goose, guinea-fowl, pigeon, dove, and many small birds of beautiful plumage. The only qua-

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drupeds were the hippopotami, who, when we anchored at night, kept up a constant noise until morning, their cry resembling the grunting of a hog, joined to the loud hollow bellowing of an ox and the neigh of a horse.

Our boats were furnished with tilts, which, with the sails doubled over all, prevented us from experiencing any ill effects from the marshy exhalations that arose around us, and exhibited above the surface of the ground a dense and noxious vapour. Next morning we continued our course up the river, and, in passing a low sandy point, found ourselves surrounded by a group of hippopotami, so close together, that had they not sunk, as we approached, we could not, from the narrowness of the passage, have passed without striking them. Three were standing on the bank, and, as we drew near, one of them opened his huge red mouth about three feet and a half, and exhibited a more formidable and savage appearance than I have ever witnessed in the fiercest of the brute creation; two, on our first appearance, retreated to the water, but the third remained sufficiently long to receive on his back a volley of balls, only one of which seemed to take effect, the rest glancing off perfectly harmless. The animal, feeling himself wounded, uttered a loud and menacing cry, and then rushed furiously, and apparently in pain, to the water; frequently, at the moment we fired, one only would be visible, but immediately on the report numbers would show themselves, some perhaps only for a

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second, whilst others, lying in shoal water, would instantly start up and attempt to get into the deeps, trotting through the mud at a quicker rate than the boats could pull, and looking back upon us every now and then with the greatest terror and anxiety. One that was penned up between the two boats appeared stupified by fear, and, without making an effort to escape, stood for upwards of five minutes, regarding first one boat, and then the other, which, from their relative situation, could not fire at him. While running through the water they dip their heads continually beneath, and with their broad noses throw it up in a shower on their backs. The quickness of these animals is extraordinary, for frequently after the flash they were down before the ball could reach them.

The breadth of the river was reduced to two hundred and forty feet, and the depth to ten, the water being perfectly fresh, a circumstance little expected from the distressed state to which the natives on Refuge Island were reduced for want of it, and knowing it to be salt in both the Mattoll and Temby, the latter of which penetrates thirty-nine miles further into the interior than we had ascended this.

At the time Dundas River was explored, I was not aware that Mr. Huddart, in his East India Directory, had mentioned that its waters were fresh.

Some natives came out of the wood on the right, but, as they advanced, turned off as if to avoid us, upon which I followed them, first lay-

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ing down my rifle, but with my pistols unconcealed. I held out tobacco and trinkets, and endeavoured to convince them that they had nothing to fear; yet all in vain, until the interpreter, by repeated assurances, persuaded them that our object was only to gain from them some knowledge of the country. They belonged to King Machakany, of Mattoll, and were on their road to join him against the Hollontontes, a deserter from whom accompanied them, having with his amor patriæ banished the costume of his tribe, and adopted in its room that of the Mattoll and Temby people, who, notwithstanding different names and government, are in their habits, character, and costume, (if such they may be said to possess,) the same.

These men informed us that the river, at a short distance above, was fordable at low water, which, on my arrival I found to be correct, and as, at that time, there was scarcely sufficient depth for the smallest canoe, I was obliged to give up the survey. It was afterwards ascertained, that, had it been high-water at the time, I might have passed the bar and proceeded a few miles higher through a deeper channel and greater expanse of water.

Our distance from the mouth of the river was nine miles, when we gave up the survey. In going down the opposite side to that on which we communicated with the natives, we observed that where the hippopotami, in their passage to and from the river, had broken down the bank,

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sharp-pointed poles, hardened by fire, were placed by the natives; these were for the purpose of staking them on their descent, and the interpreter informed us that many were caught in this way: they die from the wound shortly after they reach the water, and their huge carcases, when inflated, float down the river, and are picked up by the natives, who, at this time of famine, sought them with the greatest avidity. Sometimes, when the demand for hippopotamus flesh is great, on account of the scarcity of other articles of food, the natives assemble in the woods, and when the animals come on the plains to graze, run out upon them with loud cries, upon which they rush with headlong force upon these stakes, when the skin, hard and tough as it is, cannot resist the violence of the contact, the wood splinters in the desperate wound, and life soon becomes extinct.

The natives do not confine themselves merely to entrapping the hippopotami, but will sometimes venture in a body to attack them with their spears. They waylay the huge animal, and, watching the time as he pushes by the thick bushes in which they lie concealed, by a dextrous thrust of their sharp spears, hamstring him, when he falls roaring with anguish and impotent rage to the ground, where, under a repetition of wounds, he soon finishes his career. This method of attack, so replete with danger, is adopted only when there is the greatest demand for hippopotamus flesh, and, as latterly, for their teeth; for, until we set the example, the Portuguese

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seldom purchased any other ivory than that of the elephant.

I winged a beautiful white aigrette crane, that was passing overhead, and brought it to the ground; as I was in the act of picking it up, desperate with agony from the wound, it struck at my eye with its beak, and had it not been for my glasses, must inevitably have reduced it to perpetual darkness. I have since heard of a gentleman who, under similar circumstances, was not so fortunate; he still lives, and I shall feel pleasure if, by stating this incident, it should be the means of saving others from so distressing a catastrophe.

After leaving the Dundas we examined a small river, branching off from the Mattoll, on the banks of which, in a marshy ground, we discovered some of Mattoll's people, who had retreated there to await the Hollontontes. Of the boughs of trees they had formed temporary huts, resembling the nests of birds reversed; on these were spread their mats, while their arms, being suspended around, gave them a most picturesque appearance. The women, in whose looks melancholy and misery were depicted, stood grouped together in mournful silence over the declining fires, at which they had just been cooking their frugal fare, consisting of a species of small shellfish, that abound on the banks of these rivers, a little millet, and a fruit resembling calebash, which they term maccaca. They pound the millet in a deep wooden mortar, and with the

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inside of the tasteless maccaea, make it into small cakes, which they put on sticks and roast before the fire. This fruit, when eaten in its natural state, occasions a violent dysentery, and on that account was not permitted to be brought on board. I never learnt whether it had the same effect on the natives, but should imagine not, as I have often observed them eating it uncooked with apparent relish.

One of the greatest luxuries of life, in the opinion of the Delagoans, is smoking the "hubble-bubble." A long hollow reed, or cane, with the lower end immersed in a horn of water, and the upper capped by a piece of earthenware, shaped like a thimble, is held in the hand; they cover its top with the exception of a small aperture, through which, by a peculiar action of the mouth, they draw the smoke from the pipe above through the water below; they fill the mouth, and after having kept it some time there, eject it with violence from the ears and nostrils. I have often known them giddy, and apparently half stifled from indulging in this to them fascinating luxury: it produces a violent coughing and whooping, accompanied by a profuse perspiration, and great temporary debility; yet it is considered by the natives highly strengthening, and is always resorted to by them previously to undertaking a long journey, or commencing work in the fields. To the hut of an old man, who was thus indulging himself, 1 was attracted by the loudness of the cough it had occasioned, and, as I entered,

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I observed that his feeble frame had almost fallen a victim to the violent effects of the bang or tobacco he was smoking; he had thrown himself back on some faggots, and it was not until I had been some time there that he appeared at all conscious of my presence: yet, as soon as the half-inebriated wretch had obtained sufficient strength, he commenced his devotions to the pipe again, and, by the time I quitted the hut, was reduced to the same state as that in which I had found him.

On our way back to the Leven, after the survey of the river was completed, we passed a creek, near which was assembled a group of women and children; curiosity led me to look at them through a glass, which they, mistaking for a musket, shrieked, and precipitately fled with their children to the woods. It is singular to behold the dexterity with which a Delagoa woman, if alarmed, disposes of her child: with her right hand she takes hold of its left shoulder, and throws it over her back, when the infant immediately clings, and would hold on for some time, even if the mother were not to assist it, by crossing her arms before her as a rest for its legs."

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CHAPTER VI.

Quarter-deck Market.—Native Liquors.—Death and burial of Mr. Tambas.—Hostilities.—A Deserter.—Death of a Seaman.—Portuguese atrocity.—Native feud.—Captain Lechmere's illness and death.—His Servant's illness.—A Man lost.—Dangerous situation.—Fresh Water.—Trap for Hippopotami.

A FRIENDLY understanding having been perfectly established with the natives, one side of our quarter-deck every morning exhibited the appearanee of a market in miniature. The natives brought elephants' tusks, teeth of the hippopotamus, rhinoceros' horns, tiger skins, ambergris, spears, assagayes, mats, shields, agricultural and culinary utensils of their own manufacture, goats, fowls, onions, yams, maize, millet, cabbages, maccacas, (afterwards prohibited,) pine-apples, tomatas, and a variety of other things.

Captain Owen would not allow private traffic to be carried on before the wants of the community in general were supplied, by which judicious arrangement a proportion of vegetables and fruit was every morning obtained by the purser for

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the ship's company. Blue dungaree, or, as it is termed by the natives, lap, (corruption of cloth,) was the article in greatest request, and next to that, axes, knives, tobacco, and small black or white paste beads, which constitute the currency of the country. Rum, although much coveted, was not considered by the natives as an article of trade, but was accepted with avidity and thanks; they make two different kinds of liquor, one called Epĕāhlă, and the other Wōcāhnyēȳē. The former is prepared in the following manner: a large quantity of maize, with a proportion of water, is put into a wooden mortar, and there pounded for half an hour, and afterwards placed in the shade to ferment; at the end of two days it is boiled, and when cold a small addition of a grain called Andnealo, (a sort of millet,) well pounded is added, and the whole, after standing a few hours, strained through a mat bag, from which the Epĕāhlā oozes perfectly pure and of a milk white colour. In one day it is drinkable, the next sour, and less than two bottles will occasion inebriation.

The Wōcāhnyēȳē is obtained from the Macānyēȳē, a fruit resembling the guava, and which grows on a lofty white-looking tree termed the Kāhnyēȳē a small hole is cut in the fruit, through which the juice is squeezed into a large boiler, where, after having stood some time over the fire, it remains to ferment until the next day; more juice is then added, and the same operation repeated with the whole; it then becomes drink-

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able, and will continue so for three days. It has scarcely any colour, but a sweet and pleasant taste; yet it is not of so intoxicating a nature as the Epĕāhlā.

Mr. Boteler's report of Dundas River was so favourable, that Captain Owen thought the readiest way of completing the Barracouta's wood and water would be to send her into it.

Accordingly, on the 20th, a party under Captain Cutfield went to observe its practicability, and, on the 22nd, the attempt was made; but, although there was sufficient water over the bar, yet the channel was too narrow, and in getting under way to return, the vessel grounded on a small bank in the middle of the river, where she lay a whole tide, during one of the most terrific nights ever experienced.

On the evening of the 24th fell the first victim to that dreadful complaint, which afterwards made such ravages amongst us; this was Mr. William Boys Tambs, an Admiralty midshipman on board the Leven, who died about nine in the evening, He had been ill but three days, and the disease was of so mild a character that, until a few minutes before his dissolution, not the slightest idea was entertained of his being in danger; on the contrary, he appeared as if rapidly recovering, and even thought so himself. Only one hour and a half before his death he was sitting at table with his companions, joking and conversing in his usual spirits. As the evening advanced he

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retired to bed, felt himself very unwell, sent for the surgeon, and, unconscious of his approaching end, sank to sleep. He woke no more—but slumbered gently into eternity, without a sigh or groan to tell us he was gone. His body was placed on deck and covered with a Union Jack,* an emblem of honour and courage that threw a lustre over the cold remains. His knell was rung in awful and terrific peals of thunder, while the lightning, vivid and bright, threw its wild light on the martial pall, showing with every flash the red cross, not as usual floating to the breeze, but still and motionless over the bier of early merit. It was a saddening spectacle, calculated to produce feelings of religious awe and melancholy.

A grave was dug early in the morning on the summit of a low sandy hillock, near the fort, where his body was interred with military honours. Captain Owen and every officer not on duty attended to pay the last sad rites to their departed friend and companion. A head-stone was raised by a relation, and the epitaph on it paid not so ill a compliment to the memory of the deceased as to bestow posthumous praise through a channel so often abused.

The Cockburn left the river on the 25th to survey the bay, and Mr. Wood, with a tent and two marines, was placed on the top of Mahong Point, to co-operate with her. Independently of Mr. Gibbons—who, as before stated, had charge

* A form always observed upon such occasions.

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of the observatory, Captain Lechmere, Mr. Forbes, and others, at times made it also their abode. This whole party were there one morning, when the Portuguese informed them that the Hollontontes were committing most dreadful ravages upon the inoffensive people between the fort and lake; our party, upon this information, immediately armed, and, followed by many Portuguese, and nearly all the blacks, proceeded into the country to rid the vicinity of their abode from such dangerous neighbours.

They shortly came upon them, and, after one discharge, drove the savages in the utmost consternation back upon their main body, which was at some distance from this band of marauders; for which retreat we afterwards learnt they were severely reprimanded and branded as cowards by their chief Loonkundava.

In consequence of this hostile appearance, an extra guard of marines was placed at the observatory. In the afternoon a poor old black was brought on board severely wounded; he was in charge of some cattle, which, as the Hollontontes approached, he drove towards the fort for protection; returning to his hut, he was shortly afterwards seized by the invading tribe, who, in revenge for his caution, speared him in the most cruel manner. It appeared that they had held him down and worked the weapon forcibly to and fro, until it had passed through his thigh, as the wound was upwards of seven inches in length, and the largest spear is not more than half that in

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breadth. The sufferer nobly bore the pain, and appeared much less affected at his situation than those who stood by and pitied him. A native, who accompanied him, and spoke a little English, thus described the horror he felt at such a fate as his comrade had experienced. "Delagoa man no care, suppose um sick and go dead, no like big rogue Hollontonte, no peak nothing, but tuf (thieve) um life."

The wounded man's leg was dressed, and he went on shore highly grateful, but we never heard whether he recovered.

One of the petty officers belonging to the Leven, a blustering and discontented character, was placed in his turn sentry over the water-casks on shore, when he fell asleep, and his bayonet was stolen; upon waking, fearful of punishment, he deserted, but at the end of six days returned in a half-starved and sickly state. As he had suffered so much already, his offence was forgiven; a leniency it might have been supposed that he would have tried to repay by diligence and good conduct. Yet, no sooner had he recovered his health, than taking advantage of the opportunity afforded by being in one of the boats that landed Captain Cutfield and some others, he repeated his former offence, taking with him his musket, ammunition, and a variety of other articles belonging to the officers and boat's crew. Many instances of this kind make the heart sick at man's ingratitude, and mercy and forgiveness leave for ever the breast where they once reigned. The kindly

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feelings are thrown back, and in their stead is brought forth stern justice, which, by the unthinking or inexperienced portion of the world, is called severity.

This man richly deserved punishment, he was forgiven, and, in return for this consideration, he again repeated the offence, with the addition of robbery. "Would the expected and deserved punishment have prevented this?" is the natural inquiry. With sorrow, we should suppose it might, but then two of the finest feelings of our nature would be neutralized, viz. the power and pleasure of forgiveness, followed by the delightful sentiment of gratitude.

On the 30th, a seaman of the Leven died of fever, he was ill only a few days, and apparently suffered little. These two deaths, and the daily increase of sick, produced in the minds of many a presentiment of the desolation that was about to ensue: this was exemplified by a kind of imaginary terror or apprehension; and a constant something weighing on the mind, caused a languor and apathy to passing events, and a depression of spirits in itself almost enough to produce that which was so much dreaded.

About this time, the Portuguese commandant perpetrated an act of atrocity of the most appalling nature. The ravages of the Hollontontes had reduced the inhabitants of the Mattoll country to such a state of desolation and distress, that the king's brother and sixteen of the natives proceeded to the fort, to request that assistance and

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support which they had a right to expect from their friendly relation with the garrison.

Previously to demanding an interview with the commandant, they visited the Portuguese bazaar, that was always kept open near the fort, and there commenced bartering some few articles they had brought for provisions. They had not long been thus occupied, when a soldier expressing to the commandant a suspicion that these were a party who had robbed his garden, which he could not have substantiated, for the ground in question had been overrun by the Hollontontes, the unsuspecting blacks were surrounded by a guard of soldiers, with fixed bayonets, and conveyed into the fort, where, merely as a part of their punishment, they received a flogging, in point of severity far worse than death. Some idea may be formed of its horrors from the fatal result, and the description of the instruments with which it was inflicted.

The knout was formed of several thongs of hard dried bull's hide, covered with knots, and attached to a stick about three feet long, as a handle; from this punishment the sufferer either fainted immediately, or, from the agony he endured, was reduced to a lethargic state; if the latter, he was aroused by a violent blow from a stake, or heavy bar, that he might be more susceptible of pain, or evince it by his cries. The branch of a thorny bush was the last instrument of torture, which was applied with great force to the lacerated back of the half-expiring negro.

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The commandant stood by the whole time, encouraging his soldiers not to relax their exertions in the application of the torture, and regulating the periods for using the stake; he was alike inexorable to the cries of the sufferers and to the tears and entreaties of his own wife, who on her knees interceded for them. After their punishment was over, the sufferers were cast into a small and loathsome cell, there to remain until their backs were sufficiently healed to endure the remainder of their sentence.

Owing to the impure air, the closeness and filth of their dungeon, together with their wounds and mental despondency, the greater number of the unhappy sufferers were soon relieved by the more lenient hand of death. It might be supposed that this would have been sufficient to produce a little mercy and commiseration from their hard-hearted persecutor: but no, they were dragged out either dead, or in a dying state, to the bushes in the vicinity of the fort, and there, in spite of their groans, unfeelingly left in lingering misery beneath a burning sun. If any survived these varied cruelties, they were few, as the greatest proportion died in prison; one, however, was seen shortly after death had closed his sufferings, with his back dreadfully lacerated and in a state of mortification, while worms and flies were carousing upon the mangled flesh.

At this period there existed a political commotion amongst the natives of the Temby side, inconsequence of an attempt at usurpation, and we

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learnt that it was principally upon this account that Mayetta had broken through the ancient custom before mentioned of concealing the death of the late king for twelve months. This pretender was one of his chiefs, named Mambelta, famed for getting drunk and for many other vices. This chief had appropriated to his own use a moiety of the presents received from Captain Owen, an act implying the assumption of sovereignty; accordingly Mayetta was at once proclaimed, and, as upon the accession of a new sovereign, it was the custom to establish the prerogative of royalty by condemning some great person to die, he very politically commenced his reign by passing sentence of death upon his rival. Mambelta was accordingly speared upon the most improved principles, and buried with all the honours due to his rank and pretensions.

There was now on every face in Temby the most lively satisfaction at our demonstrations of friendship, which they had before some reason to doubt, as one of their princes was with Chinchingany and his Zoolos when they attacked Mr. Vidal and his party, and as the place was in the territories of Temby, they naturally expected to be treated as enemies; these fears once removed they were always ready to take advantage of our friendship, and never was there a more hardy or resolute beggar than "English Bill," who was generally employed by Mayetta and Slangelly for this purpose.

It was also evident that a decided prejudice

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existed in favour of the English, and a desire that they would form an establishment in Temby; the natives combining with this idea the certain consequence of their own security and wealth. This feeling for a British establishment was constantly urged by English Bill on behalf of his principals, and by all who could communicate with us, in such terms as the following, "What for English man no come lib here, plenty land, plenty country? suppose him come, black man get plenty clothes."

Of the Portuguese they were much afraid, and with reason, for they were by no means ceremonious with the poor negroes, but appeared to consider it justifiable to squeeze all they could out of them. They, however, confessed that, in consequence, they dared not trust themselves amongst the natives, who had recently murdered a Senhor Gomez, who had attempted to settle in Temby and form a whale-fishing establishment.

We found a strong predilection for fair commerce amongst them, and men never behaved better than they always did at their markets or on board our ships.

On the third of November, Captain Lechmere came off from the observatory in a low fever, and during the night was so ill that he was hardly expected to survive until morning; but, as daylight approached, the dangerous symptoms abated, and he felt better. Yet the flattering change, however it relieved his bodily sufferings, did not deceive his mind with false hopes; he was perfectly aware of the inveteracy of the disease under

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which he laboured; and, from the moment of his attack, fully anticipated the fatal result to which it might lead.

Captain Lechmere had excited so general a feeling of respect and esteem amongst all on board, that the details of his illness will be readily pardoned. This interest in his fate was strongly exemplified in the attachment of his attendant, William Newman, a marine, who was as much concerned as if he had been his nearest relative; he carried him from place to place like a child, as poor Lechmere's fevered fancy dictated; sang to him, fanned him, moistened his lips, and was silent or still as his patient directed, and at last brought him by his special desire into the captain's cabin, where there was already a young midshipman in almost the same hopeless state. As the bell was striking the midnight hour, he sank into the dreamless sleep of death. His last moments were attended with a romantic interest. The fever being very high a short time before his decease, every means were tried to calm him, but in vain; the same impatient, painful, restlessness still prevailed.

At length Captain Owen, who knew from experience that singing had a powerful effect in soothing extreme pain by diverting the mind from its sufferings, and fearful that the heartrending expressions and cries uttered by Captain Lechmere might produce an injurious effect upon the other object of his solicitude, commenced that pathetic ballad, "Here a sheer hulk lies poor

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Tom Bowline." The first note produced a cessation of his frenzy: from raving madness he sank into almost total insensibility, which continued until Captain Owen came to the words "His soul is gone aloft!" when a long guttural sound announced that his spirit was fled, which was instantly confirmed by his attendant saying in a melancholy tone, "He's gone, Sir!"—"And aloft, I hope!" replied the Captain, as he concluded his song.

He was a son of the late Admiral Lechmere, and had applied for the command of the Barracouta, which Captain Owen objected to, on account of his inexperience in the service upon which we were to be engaged, but offered to receive him as his companion, in order that he might obtain information.

He was a man of the most enterprising spirit, of a frank and generous disposition, and of kind and gentlemanly manners, which made him universally beloved and regretted.

His body was opened at six in the morning and at ten he was buried on the highest sandhill, abreast of the ship, by the side of two young midshipmen who had fallen early victims to the same cruel complaint.

The Captain, all the officers, marines, and many of the seamen joined the funeral procession. Captain Owen read the service, and, before the grave closed for ever upon the body, three volleys of musketry pealed in sad intervals over it, as the last mark of respect it was in our

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power to pay. The effect produced upon the servant of Captain Lechmere, by witnessing his last struggles, was such, that he went to bed the following morning with a determination to die; but the Captain knew the nature of his case, and desired his servants to supply him with wine whenever he wished it: he drew largely on the Captain's stores for three or four days, when he announced solemnly to his messmates that at the midnight bell he should be no more; he called on the Captain's servants for wine, and drank sufficient to send him to sleep until three in the morning, when he awoke, and much to his own astonishment found himself a lying prophet: his disease was only of the imagination, produced by sympathy and apprehension; of this the Captain was convinced, and that a mental affection could only be cured by an oblivious medicine. The usual remedies of bleeding and physic would, by lowering the system, have increased the disorder, and in all probability have made his direful prognostic true, instead of which he lived a year and a-half afterwards, and then died of another disorder.

As the Barracouta had failed to ascend the Dundas, the Cockburn, which did not draw more than half as much water, was ordered to perform that duty: on the 4th, she entered the river, and next day proceeded to where the banks were covered with timber and the water perfectly fresh. During the time they were there the officers made several excursions in the boats for the pur

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pose of shooting the different birds and other animals that abounded on all sides. On one of these occasions Lieutenant Owen, with Messrs. Brown and Foot, midshipmen, left the schooner early and proceeded up the river, until they arrived at a plain covered with elks and deer: they amused themselves with firing at these until late in the evening, when they bent their steps towards the river, in order to return on board. On arriving at the boat, they were alarmed by the intelligence that one of the crew was missing: they traversed the neighbouring woods, constantly firing and calling, under the impression that he might accidentally have lost his way, but all to no purpose. As the moon was up and the night advanced they made a large fire, left a written notice by it, and commenced descending the river with the intention of sending back the next morning to see if the absentee had returned. In consequence of this delay the tide had ebbed so considerably that in passing over a shallow the boat grounded on a mud bank, where she stuck until the tide again flowed. Lieutenant Owen and Mr. Foot got out to renew the search for their companion; but they were suddenly roused by the tremendous roaring of a beast on the bank near them, and in a moment saw a monstrous hippopotamus spring from the shore and rush open-mouthed towards them. The only musket in the boat was Mr. Foot's, but he had exhausted all his shot; his musket was, however, loaded with powder, and with admirable presence of mind this youth fired

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it in the face of the animal within a few feet. The beast then went round the boat at about twenty or thirty yards, and came up again to the side of the river: in the mean time Foot loaded with his last blank cartridge, and waited until the animal was almost in the boat, when he discharged it again in his face, and the assailant finally retreated.

This is the only instance we ever met with of an hippopotamus meeting a second fire.

With such a specimen of the ferocity of these animals, even before the night was fairly set in, it may be supposed that the situation of the party was anything but agreeable, surrounded as they were by hippopotami in every direction, without a charge of powder, but obliged to depend on their shouts for protection. This did not fail to keep them on the qui vive so long as the boat remained aground; numbers at times rushing from the long grass and weeds on the banks, their really enormous bulk being increased four-fold by the uncertain light and by the apprehensions of the party. The boat, however, returned to the vessel towards the morning, without farther molestation.

In a few days she rejoined us with a cargo of wood and water for the vessels, but the former was found quite brackish, yet whenever drunk from the river it was perfectly fresh. We learned that a pump had been put overboard, and immersed about three feet in the water, which was only filled at the last quarter ebb-tide. It did not occur to the

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officers on that service that the fresh water was at the surface only; consequently, to take water in such cases, a tub or buckets should be sunk about two inches beneath the surface, into which the pump must be put; and with such a precaution fresh water may sometimes be obtained at the mouth of rivers even in the open sea.

This appears to have been the season when the hippopotami cast their young, and our officers had numerous adventures in the hope of obtaining one carcase entire, but their hides were impenetrable; nor were they much more successful with any other species of game. They saw numerous herds of deer of two kinds, besides the small antelope; and Mr. Brown, having been detained a night on shore by the absence or desertion of one of his men, saw several reptiles, and fancied he heard the roar of a lion in some bushes near his fire. We, however, since traversed the same country, and can say, that if lions or tigers do exist they are not numerous, and serpents are even more rare.

The natives have an ingenious mode of destroying the hippopotami by means of a trap, which they set in the particular openings through which they are continually passing to and from the water. This is formed by a young tree about twenty feet high, placed perpendicular with the side of the passage; at the top is a weighty bough in the lower end of which is fixed the iron head of an assagaye, or spear; this is attached to the young tree by means of some climbing plant to

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answer the purpose of a cord, and, after being turned two or three times round (just enough to support it,) is brought down to the ground and carried horizontally across the animal's path, when, as he never lifts his feet from the earth, he breaks the cord, and the bough, falling like a portcullis, drives the spear into his back: from this wound he bleeds profusely, and rushes with pain and fury to the water, where he shortly dies; his death sometimes hastened by the iron being poisoned. The body soon floats, when the natives, who are constantly on the look-out, tow it ashore, valuing the teeth for barter, and the flesh, of which they are particularly fond, for food.

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CHAPTER VII.

Fever on board.—Seizure of Roberts.—Mission to King Mayetta.—The royal hut.—Approach of Mayetta.—Interview with Mayetta.—The River Manice.—Parties of Hollontontes.—Interview with them.—Their retreat.—Musquitoes.—Curiosity of the natives.—Two victims to the fever.—Astonishment of the natives.—Timpson's cross.—Increase of fever on board.—Its serious character.—Sufferings of the sick.—Lieutenant Gibbons.—Death of Captain Cutfield.

THE cases of fever on board now amounted to upwards of twenty, among whom there was not one who had not been employed away from the ship; they were all either boats' crews who had been up the rivers, or those who at different times had resided at the observatory; of the number of sufferers from the latter was Mr. Forbes, the Botanist, and a young Midshipman of the name of Cannon. Captain Owen had also resided there for three or four days, but fortunately without experiencing any ill effects.

This spot was in consequence looked upon as unhealthy, and the party stationed there recalled, the instruments re-embarked, and the establishment removed on board.

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We were constantly hearing from the natives of the overbearing conduct of William Roberts the seaman who had deserted from Captain Cutfield during his expedition to the King of Temby. This man now carried on a regular system of plunder to maintain himself, which he was enabled to do by the terror that his musket struck into the poor and peaceable people. He baffled our pursuit for some time; but at length a Temby woman informed us of the place of his concealment, to which she guided an officer and a party of marines sent to apprehend him, when he was discovered sleeping in a hut, and brought on board. His offence, in the former instance, had been forgiven, but now merited punishment. This was, however, delayed until he had recovered from the debility and disease produced by the privations and exposure to which he had been subjected; but he was afterwards attacked by the fever which, in four months, carried him to his grave, on the spot of his delinquency.

After Mayetta had performed his first act of sovereignty, by condemning Mombetta to die, there still existed among the people an apparent hesitation in acknowledging that they had departed from their usual custom; and some even yet denied that old Kapell was dead; but within the time of our stay Mayetta was publicly acknowledged king, when Lieutenant Boteler was dispatched with some presents, and a letter from Captain Owen to him expressing the friendship of the English, and the hope that a trade with any

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of that country who might hereafter visit Delagoa Bay would be promoted and encouraged by him. The lieutenant had two boats, and a guard consisting of a serjeant, corporal, four marines, and five seamen. They ascended a small salt-water river that for five miles took its winding course through an extensive marsh, when they reached a low, red, sandy precipice under which they landed. This marsh was found strongly impregnated with salt, from which the natives supplied themselves, but it was in so filthy a state that none of our party could make any use of it.

Lieutenant Boteler left the boats in charge of a midshipman, and, accompanied by English Bill, proceeded into the country; one of Mayetta's secretaries and another native being first sent in advance to give the chief notice of his approach.

English Bill had informed Captain Owen that the distance was trifling. It proved, however, to be upwards of ten miles; a long way for those unaccustomed to walk beneath a burning sun, and through a country without roads. They passed several villages thickly inhabited. The country was generally elevated about one hundred and fifty feet above the level of the sea; and varied in feature from the extensive plain to the gradual slope and abrupt hill: great part of the land was cultivated and sown with maize, rice, pompious, millet, &c. The soil was composed of a fertile red earth, mixed with vegetable matter and with a parched and dry white sand, but capable of yielding a plentiful crop. After about four hours' walking they arrived at a large village, in the

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midst of which was the establishment of the late king Kapell, consisting of upwards of twenty huts erected round a flat and extensive space; Kapell's was the largest, which, with its ornamented door, distinguished it as a royal residence.

Perceiving that this hut was deserted, Lieutenant Boteler did not enter, fearful that he might interfere with some religious or superstitious notions of the people, connected with the respect due to the residence of a lately deceased king. On requesting permission, however, it was readily granted, and, from the appearance inside, he had no reason to doubt English Bill, who assured him that, since "Kapell gone dead, and Mayetta catch 'um all tings, you first man look 'um house." The allusion to "Mayetta catch 'um all tings," meant that Kapell's effects, according to the custom of the country, passed into the hands of his successor. The diameter of the royal hut was twenty-three and its height twenty-five feet. The interior was a complete labyrinth of cobwebs. The roof was neatly ornamented with basket-work, and the wall decorated by a carved and not inelegant cornice. In the centre was an elevated square for the fire, and near it a bed of palm-leaves, resembling the seat of a cane chair, on which the late venerable king breathed his last.

The huts around had belonged to his wives, but were now inhabited by other people. At one of the doors an old woman was shaving the head of her daughters, after the fashion of the country; the instrument she used for this

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purpose was shaped like the paddle of a canoe, about three inches long and very sharp; a man who lived in the next hut had his hair shaved entirely off. Such a practice being very uncommon, Lieutenant Boteler inquired the reason, and was informed that it was a universal custom upon the death of a wife. At the village they were joined by Slangelly and several more of the Kapell family, but could hear no tidings of their chief, Mayetta.

After waiting two hours, Lieutenant Boteler began to think that English Bill was deceiving him, as he lately had deceived Captain Cutfield, and accordingly taxed him in strong terms with treachery; when Bill, finding his honour at stake, left the party to search for Mayetta himself. He had been absent nearly two hours, but still no intelligence respecting Mayetta. Lieutenant Boteler accordingly left the village to return to the boat, deeming it imprudent to remain any longer. They had proceeded about half-way, and were just emerging from a wood, when, on looking back, they were surprised by the appearance of a line of glittering spears above the bushes rapidly approaching them. Lieutenant Boteler instantly concluded that some great chief was coming, and, with the appearance of conferring an honour, but in reality as a precautionary measure against surprise, drew his men up in a line, and advanced some fifty paces before them. He first saw Slangelly, who came running up to inform him that Mayetta was approaching escorted by his guards;

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he soon appeared, followed by upwards of one hundred men armed with shields and spears, one immediately preceding him with a long white stick, with which he chastised those whose curiosity led them to approach too near.

Mayetta was nearly six feet in height, about twenty-two years of age, and of a manly and commanding appearance; his dress consisted of a long robe of fine scarlet cloth, edged with gold lace more than half an inch in breadth. Those around him appeared to pay great respect in the tone of their voice, but no salaam or other kind of salute was practised. He appeared delighted with the presents, and, after Captain Owen's letter was interpreted, held a friendly converse for nearly half an hour, when Lieutenant Boteler took his leave, having previously yielded much gratification by making the marines go through their exercise and discharge several shots at a mark. Fire, who accompanied him, had, from the time of landing, expressed himself highly amused at his credulity in supposing that the natives could ever permit him to see their king; and, as an instance, he affirmed, that in his own country, they had always a person ready, whom, when necessary, they dressed as their sovereign to receive strangers.

On the 11th, a seaman died belonging to the Leven, and on the 14th, a marine named Thomas Waring. This man was in the habit of attending Mr. Daniels, (midshipman,) a gentleman who, at the time of Waring's death, was with the

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Manice party. About an hour and a half before his dissolution, he opened his master's chest, carefully placed every thing in order, returned to his berth, gave the keys to a comrade, but was too unwell to say to whom they belonged, was shortly afterwards conveyed to his hammock, and in a few minutes was no more.

The party employed in the exploration of the River Manice consisted of six officers, twenty-four seamen and marines, with four native interpreters, commanded by Captain Cutfield.

They left the Leven on the 5th, in the evening anchored off the Island of Shefean, at the entrance of the Manice, and the next morning commenced surveying the river, first examining the island. It appeared uninhabited, but they found a pool of excellent water, and in the woods the traces of deer and hippopotami. At its entrance are several islets, with channels between them.

These islands, as well as the bank, were swampy, and covered with mangroves. They found numerous sand-hills thrown up by the sea against the stream of the river, by which, as in many such cases, the current was turned almost parallel to the beach for more than twenty miles. After passing these sand-hills they came upon a more cultivated territory, thickly peopled, the inhabitants resembling, in every respect, those of Mafoomo, Mattoll, and Temby. The soil appeared generally rich and cultivated, so that the natives were enabled to live in the greatest abundance and comfort, being

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almost protected from the attacks of the Hollontontes by a branch of the Manice, which served as nearly an insurmountable barrier to their progress; for, like the rest of the Kaffers southward of Delagoa Bay, these people have an extraordinary dislike to trust themselves on the water. Rice appeared their principal production, and that so abundant as to enable them to carry on a lucrative trade with the people of Temby. The right bank of the river, being exposed to the attacks of the Hollontontes, was in a great measure deserted by the natives; and wherever they remained, their canoes were ready to cross the river on the first alarm, laden with their little all, and sometimes their women and children. On the morning of the third day, as the party were ascending the river, they observed the Hollontontes marching along the bank in large and regular parties towards a town about a mile in advance, of which, as the boats approached, they were observed to take possession.

Captain Cutfield determined, if possible, to hold a conference with them. The detached bodies with whom he at first attempted it were suspicious, and would not approach; but the collected force at the town, as if conscious of its strength, being in number about two thousand, appeared glad to avail itself of the opportunity.

Their head chief, Soonkundava, was unwell, and could not appear; but several others, who seemed possessed of great authority, and were habited in the same costume as Chinchinganey, were

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deputed to receive them. As they approached, men with long white rods cleared the way for them, striking with violence the shins of those who came within their reach.

Several women, far surpassing in appearance those of Delagoa, were present during this interview. They were generally of a lighter shade than the men, who were jet black Negroes. As the costume of these chiefs was warlike, graceful, and dignified, so was that of their women modest and becoming. They wore kilts, formed from stripes of hide, with ornaments on their arms, bangles round their waists and ankles, large brass rings in their ears, and caps on their heads, becomingly made of hair and feathers.

This interview with the Hollontontes was considered a good opportunity for expressing the determination that Captain Owen had formed, in consequence of their treacherous attack on our Temby party; accordingly, through the medium of the interpreters, (who were very bad,) Captain Cutfield informed them that, as they had thought proper to commence hostilities, unless they delivered up hostages for their future peaceable conduct, he would consider them as enemies, and order them to be treated as such upon every occasion.

To all this they paid but little attention; hostages, they affirmed, were out of the question, as they had nothing to do with the attack upon our people, it having been made by another chief without their knowledge. They rather abruptly

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closed the interview by stating that, unless the party had something to sell, they wished to have nothing more to do with them; but, before parting, offered to present them with seven bullocks, for a passage in their boats across the water to attack the natives on the other side, who, with the river as their protector, were uttering a profusion of gasconades, accompanied with various threatening gestures.

The interview terminated by Captain Cutfield informing them that, as they refused his terms, they might consider war as proclaimed between them, and that wherever they were seen they would be treated as enemies; that the inhabitants in the vicinity of the river were his friends, and that unless they immediately quitted their town a fire would be directly opened upon them. As soon as this was concluded, which probably after all was but imperfectly understood, the Hollontontes began to move off in disorder, and quickly retreated behind the hills.

The boats shortly afterwards arrived opposite to a deserted village, in which were some Hollontontes busily employed in plundering the huts. They were taken so much by surprise, that, before they perceived their danger, they were within reach of the musketry, which, as they hastily retreated over the hills, sent after them a shower of balls. When the Hollontontes commenced running away, a loud shout was set up by the inhabitants of a Manice village, on the opposite bank: one of the chiefs at the same time asking why

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they who loved plunder and termed themselves warriors ran from the white men who offered so desirable a booty; but the North American war-whoop, set up by Lieutenant Vidal, seemed to have much more effect in precipitating their retreat than the musketry, which was not directed to harm but alarm them.

On the evening of the 11th the further exploration of the river was given up, the party in five days having ascended nearly fifty miles. They found its direction about North, running nearly parallel to the sea-shore, from which it was not distant more than three or four miles at any one point. The water was fresh close to the mouth, and the current in many parts running at the rate of two miles and a half an hour.

During the night the innumerable musquitoes were so troublesome as to render it almost impossible for any of the party to sleep, and some who were visited by slight symptoms of fever, felt severely their irritating attacks, which doubtless increased the inveteracy of the disorder.

The natives several times ventured to visit the party in their canoes, and bartered fowls, vegetables, and fruit, for trinkets and clothing. For the latter they evinced great avidity, and even when it was portioned out into the smallest pieces they took it in preference. An old checked shirt, cut into ten parts, purchased as many fowls; while buttons, knives, and tobacco, they appeared to hold in little estimation, the last being, as the natives informed them, collected in great abun-

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dance some distance up the river. In repassing the village from which they had driven the Hollontontes, they found the inhabitants assembled in groups beneath the trees, some dancing, others employed in domestic pursuits, but by far the greater number crowding to the water's edge to obtain a nearer view of the boats. The countenances of all expressed the greatest admiration and surprise; and, that the children might have their share of the sight, the women were observed holding them up at arm's length above their heads, while the poor little wretches, too much frightened to be pleased, were shrieking with terror and struggling to escape.

From the astonishment displayed by these people, and from their number, which certainly far exceeded the probable population of the village, it would appear that those of the surrounding country, hearing of the boats having ascended the river, had come down for the purpose of gratifying their curiosity.

The survey of the river was completed, together with its bar, and Shefean Island at its entrance, by the 18th, and on the following day the boats returned to their respective vessels.

Many of those employed upon this expedition were shortly after their return attacked with fever, which was now making dreadful ravages on board.

Mr. John Timpson, our carpenter, and his friend and assistant Mr. Simpson, the caulker,

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were amongst the victims. They had been employed on shore at the Portuguese establishment in the repair of our boats, which, from their perpetual service, were always out of order. As soon as it was perceived that those thus occupied were the first attacked by the fever, these men were ordered on board with the others. Simpson, however, begged to be left on shore, as he had the apartment which the Captain himself had occupied, where he enjoyed comforts that he could not obtain on board. Timpson was his principal assistant and very old friend, and, as they lived together, this request was made in the name of both, and was acceded to, after some precautionary advice calculated to induce care without exciting that anticipation of ill so often the parent of disease.

On the morning of the 19th we proceeded out of the bay in hopes that the change would prove beneficial to the unfortunate sufferers: to effect this we were obliged to have the assistance of some men from the Barracouta and Cockburn; our want of hands likewise prevented us from sparing a boat and crew to land the numerous natives on board, both men and women, who all, however, joined in the performance of the most laborious duties.

These people were much frightened when we got under weigh. The men talked of the misery of their queen, "when she look 'um sail go fall, and ship go big water;" and many an anxious

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glance could be observed amongst them as we rapidly passed the headlands of the river; yet, when spoken to, there was an attempt to look cheerful from beneath a brow clouded by uncertainty and suspicion, produced by the recollection of several cargoes having been in this manner entrapped into slavery. The women were a little more clamorous, fretting, sobbing aloud, and ejaculating "Mamanah! Mamanah!" (mother, mother;) but our anchoring off Shefean Island soon dissipated all fearful apprehensions; the dance was resumed to their wild chorus, the burden of which touched upon their late suspicions with "Chiefany, big water, big water, no good."

Having been accustomed to nothing but whalers and a few slave-ships, whose boats are not qualified for working to windward, the natives had no idea of a vessel under sail reaching an object directly in the wind's eye. This was exemplified on the occasion of Lieutenant Vidal coming out of the Manice River, when he was obliged to make a tack before he could reach the ship. English Bill, seeing the direction of the boat's head, drily observed, whilst composing himself for a nap, "Me go sleep, now you look um ship; dis night no catch 'um." The operation of tacking aroused him, he lifted up his head and saw the ship not far off on the lee-bow; astonished and confounded he muttered, "Eigh! Eigh!" stared some time apparently in deep thought, then sorrowfully hanging his head, exclaimed, as if communing with himself, "White man, Eng-

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lish man, sabby ebry ting, Delagoa man no nutting, e d—n fool."

Poor Timpson, our carpenter, was now much worse; his voice became almost inarticulate, and, like all who had died of the fever, when approaching their end, he became restless and impatient; nothing would allay this but being brought on deck, when, supported by the gunner and another, he tottered up, his head thrown back, his eyes bursting from their sockets, with a smile of agony playing on his lips. His appearance altogether was horrible, and made the bystanders shudder; it was the last effort of expiring nature, and in a few moments he was a corpse. His friend, the caulker, was not long before he followed him; they were buried together on Shefean Island, where a stone and wooden cross were erected on their graves as a mark for surveying, and called "Timpson's Cross."

The Barracouta and Cockburn joined us on the 22nd, and were dispatched to take stations for the survey of the Great Bay, the former six miles east by south, and the latter about eight miles south by east. From these three points the relative distance was measured by sound and simultaneous angles, and from them all the other principal points of the bay had their angular measures taken.

As by this operation sufficient data were obtained for laying down the relative situations of these points, and from them measuring our position, on the following day we all weighed

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to traverse the bay, and then proceeded to Elephant Island to explore the anchorage and dangers near it.

In the evening, as we were coming into shoal water, and making arrangements for examining it more closely, we were caught in a furious gale from the southward, which had given so little notice of its approach, that it was only observed by the Captain in time to clew all the sails down and to anchor. This gust of wind was so violent as to break our chain-cable, and our seamen could hardly hold by the yards and rigging; we were, however, soon prepared, and, having brought up by another anchor, rode out the gale, which lasted for about thirty hours, when it gradually abated.

Both the other vessels had also brought up in safety. On Sunday the 24th, the Barracouta telegraphed that her captain, four officers, and eighteen men were ill. As it was only the fourth day of the fever being on board, this was a frightful increase, and we could not but observe that a strong wind, which is generally believed to be a great purifier of the air and extirpator of disease, here appeared to be the messenger of death, for our mortality now became dreadful in the Leven and Barracouta, but strange to say, the Cockburn had escaped without one case.

As the Barracouta rejoined us, we took Captain Cutfield on board, as Captain Owen was in hopes that, by detaching him from his professional

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duties, which were necessarily laborious, he might be restored.

Shortly after her joining us there was an addition of six more seamen to the list of sufferers, making in all twenty-nine, a fearful proportion out of a crew of sixty. In both vessels the disease had assumed so serious a character, and was so much on the increase, that destruction appeared inevitable to all on board, unless something effectual was done to check its deadly progress. Accordingly the surgeons and principal officers represented to Captain Owen that, in their opinion, some secure anchorage should be found open to the sea-breeze, where the sick might receive all the attention which their situation required; that they considered the ships quite unfit for sea-service in their reduced state, and that the laborious employment of those still healthy rendered them more liable to the attacks of the disease.

Upon this representation, apparently so just, Captain Owen, in opposition to his own judgment, which was at once to proceed to sea, resolved to comply with the wishes of his officers. He, at the same time, stated his reasons for differing from them, the truth of which was fully confirmed by the result. He was convinced that the disease was, at this period, much more the result of fear and anticipation than of the climate. The constant operation of committing their companions to the deep, and a superstitious fancy that they were to be the next victims, preyed upon and depressed the spirits of the men: "the fever"

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was their only topic, every strange sensation was looked upon as the first symptom, until the constant anxiety and apprehension produced an excitement, irritability, and nervous panic, which very soon assumed the character of the complaint they had so long been anticipating, when they sank without a struggle to the grave.

Captain Owen, being convinced of this, concluded that active employment was the most likely by diverting the mind, to avert the attack of the fever from the body; but, in compliance with the wish so generally expressed, he consented to give their proposal a trial, and accordingly on the 26th worked into Port Melville, under Elephant Island, where we grounded at low water. Whilst in this situation, under a vertical sun and almost calm for some hours, the sufferings of our sick were so dreadful and apparently so much increased, that Captain Owen called upon those who had advised the measure, to say whether they considered it likely to be productive of any benefit. They were compelled to acknowledge with regret that such was not the case, and in the evening we again left Port Melville with the sea-breeze, and anchored in the bay, where we completed our water and provisions from the Cockburn, and the Captain made arrangements for the continuation of our survey.

On the evening of the 27th, the remains of Lieutenant Henry Gibbons were conveyed to the island and there deposited in a beautifully secluded spot with military honours; but, as thus slightly

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mentioning the loss of so much worth is a poor compliment to his memory, the language of friendship shall tell the loss we sustained. The following is an extract from the Journal of Mr. Browne, who little thought, at the time he was paying this sad tribute to his friend, that he should himself become a victim to the same fatal disease.

"On the 20th of November, I joined his Majesty's ship Leven, where I found many ill; amongst them, between health and sickness, was my dear friend, Lieutenant Henry Ashley Gibbons, a young man of most exquisite sensibility, with a noble mind and warm heart, well informed upon all subjects, and an excellent officer. To witness the gradual decline of one so amiable must have been a painful task to all; but to me who was endeared to him by his confidence and friendship, it was heartrending. One short week blasted in the bud those prospects, which I had fondly hoped would have bloomed in future years of mutual affection. With the patience of a Christian he bore his last moments, and surrendered up a soul to its Maker, I trust, washed clean from every blemish in the blood of an approving Saviour. The tears of all who knew him paid tribute to his memory, and needless was the injunction in this case, 'De mortuis nil nisi bonum.' The remains of my poor friend found their last resting-place in the sands of Elephant Island, a spot which for his sake I shall ever revere."

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As Captain Cutfield's case appeared of a mild description, hopes were entertained that he would have been able to rejoin his ship, if not to resume his duties in a few days; but, on the 28th, he relapsed into a state of insensibility, from which, in about two hours, he awoke, and, starting up in violent delirium, uttered the most frantic and piercing shrieks until seven in the morning, when he expired.

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CHAPTER VIII.

Superstitious fear.—Fatal presentiments.—More victims.—Prudence of the Natives.—Change of Officers.—Track Surveying.—Aspect of the Coast.—Naming of Places.—Ridge of Mountains.—Islands.—French Settlements.—Native hairdressing.—Native costume.—Native dance.—Dexterity of the Natives.—Their huts and looms.—Animals and vegetables.—Natural affection.—Laxity of virtue.

WERE every story to be recorded that at this period was in circulation on board, it would show the folly and weakness to which the minds of men are subject; but, as exposing them is unpleasant, and as recording them is useless, we willingly let them be buried in oblivion. It would hardly be believed how great is the power of superstitious fear upon the minds of the bravest; an apparent danger can be met, may be overcome; but a hidden or fancied one subdues the energies required to conquer it: the mind then becomes its own enemy, and the physical courage is left unaided to meet the contest. To the feeling heart it was distressing to see the powerful frame and daunt-

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less courage of our seamen, shrinking and in fear from some fancied or trifling ill. But let it not be supposed that this weakness was confined to the uneducated; the same dread existed amongst many of our officers, which the following account of Captain Cutfield's illness will alone serve to illustrate.

He was, as before mentioned, in command of the four boats sent up the King George River for its exploration. On the 5th of November, he had left Captain Lechmere unwell, but with some favourable symptoms, and with great hopes of his ultimate recovery. Two days after the funeral of the latter, some of the natives carried the news, describing the ceremony of firing over the grave, so as to leave no doubt in his mind as to the rank of the deceased. Captain Cutfield was a man of extreme feeling, and his sympathies thus excited were kept in continual action by some of his own crew and favourite men being taken ill in his boats. On his return, and before he had time to visit the Leven, two of them died; he also complained of feeling rather unwell, but next day accompanied Captain Owen on shore to fix on the points to be used for the survey. There was, however, a settled gloom on his countenance, which no cheerfulness in his companions could remove; and, on the day following, which had been fixed for the public sale of Captain Lechmere's effects, he felt so languid and low-spirited that he would not attend the auction. Some things which it was known he wanted were bought for

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him; but when informed of it he coolly observed, in a tone that marked too surely what was passing within, "What is the use of them? they will be sold again in a week." At that time there was nothing in his appearance that could have led to the belief that he was ill, except his serious and grave air. Yet true it is that he died precisely on that day week, and three weeks after Captain Lechmere, who had also expressed similar forebodings of his fate two days before he was visibly ill. Captain Cutfield was thirty years of age, and had been a commander about fifteen years, having been promoted to that rank when a very young officer for a gallant action whilst lieutenant of a sloop of war which captured a vessel of superior force.

As his attachment to Captain Owen was more than ordinary, so his loss could not fail of being a subject of more than ordinary regret; but circumstances called for a command over the softer feelings of the heart. At this fatal period eight officers and many seamen were dangerously ill; the least appearance of despondency in him to whom they all looked up would have added despair to minds already subdued by the wasting malady under which they laboured. All that attention and skill could do to alleviate their sufferings was done; the voice of consolation and the hand of kindness were ever ready to lighten or soothe the pangs which were destroying them; the parched tongue and burning thirst, ever attendant on the fevered frame, were moistened and

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allayed, while the frenzied eye was constantly watched by some anxious friend or companion. Yet all in vain! Death's cold grasp was seizing on the strong, the healthy, and the young; there was no protection, and the only chance of arresting its destructive progress was to fly from the fatal spot. Accordingly, on the morning of Captain Cutfield's decease, we quitted Delagoa Bay, leaving the Cockburn, whose crew was perfectly healthy, to continue our work. But we could not at once get rid of our destroyer, and whilst beating out of the bay four of our seamen died and many others were taken ill.

It will perhaps be interesting, before quitting this place to mention the mode adopted by the natives to cure this fever. As soon as the patient feels the first symptoms, he retires to his hut, where he is kept warm until some water in an earthen vessel placed on the fire is boiling hot. It is then placed between his legs, while he sits down and leans over the steam that arises from it. In the mean time, those around envelop him in mats, by which he is soon covered with perspiration and occasionally half suffocated. The whole is suddenly cast off, and at the same moment he receives a shower of cold water all over his body; he is then hurried to the side of a large fire kindled in the hut, and there placed in a recumbent posture, while blood is extracted from him in small quantities by means of slight incisions on his shoulders, breast, and the back of

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his hands. The rest is left to Nature, whose resources, powerful as they are, frequently fail to restore the exhausted patient to life, perhaps rather confused by this irregular and apparently desperate effort of art.

The unhealthy season prevails from the beginning of September until the end of April; and, as during that time the whalers do not frequent the bay, those who are engaged in the fishery can bear the fatigues and exposure to which they are subjected whilst obtaining their cargo, without suffering from the pestilential vapours that arise from the earth during the sickly months, and which prove so fatal to casual visitors.

Some of the Delagoans were hired in the place of our dead or dying seamen, having at this period lost twenty, and fifty being in their hammocks. Previously to our sailing they received the same provisions as our own people, and were paid at the rate of one shilling per day, which they were allowed to take either in tobacco or clothing. For the former, as luxury, they had hitherto shown much desire; but no sooner did they perceive that, from its relative value, it occasioned a great drawback in the receipt of the more essential article of clothing, than they almost entirely discarded its use, contenting themselves with a very limited enjoyment, thereby evincing the command that their prudence had over one of their strongest propensities, and affording a remarkable contrast in their character to that of

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many savages, who gratify the wants of the present moment by the sacrifice of every other consideration.

The Delagoans worked well, were respectful in their behaviour, and showed their content by the joyful chorus with which, like the Canadian boatmen, they regulated the stroke of their oars when pulling in our boats.

On the breeze setting in we were prevented getting clear out to sea, and therefore anchored for the night among the Cutfield shoals, on the north end of the outer bar of Delagoa bay. The dangers here being very imperfectly known, our situation for the night was a most unpleasant one, and, to add to it, we had the melancholy duty of consigning our dead to the deep. On the following morning, however, the weather was delightful, and we got clear out of the bay, and began to trace the coast from Cape Inyack southward.

The events of the last week occasioned a great change in the officers of both vessels. Lieutenant Vidal, being the senior lieutenant in the squadron, was put in command of the Barracouta; Lieutenant William Mudge, the next in seniority, who was in the Barracouta, became first in the Leven; Lieutenant Thomas Boteler, second of the Leven, became first of the Barracouta. Lieutenant Owen still retained the command of the Cockburn. Acting Lieutenant Edward Owen Johnes was removed to the Leven, and Mr. George Daniels appointed to the Barracouta in his place.

At Cape Inyack, which is the north point of

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Inyack Island, and in most charts called Cape St. Mary, we began to trace and delineate the coastline to the southward: this was done by track-surveying, which is performed by sailing along shore as nearly as safety will allow, noting the courses and distances as accurately and frequently as possible; these are marked by a convenient scale on a sheet of paper fitted in a frame. (Our scale for this work was generally half an inch to a mile.) At convenient times, angles and bearings of remarkable objects on the shore are taken, and immediately laid down on the paper by the same letters of reference as are used in the notes. The notes were kept by one person, the sketching and projection by another, and both of these, with another assistant, were usually employed to take simultaneous angles and bearings, so that whenever we were on a coast this duty alone usually occupied the exclusive attention of three or four officers, besides those required for the current duties of the ship, making and shortening sail,&c.

The leads were always kept going to get our depth of water, and every cast was noted with the instant it was obtained, so that it could at any time be marked on the spot of the track to which it belonged. When all the vessels were upon the same coast, each surveyed it, and the results were afterwards brought together to be adjusted by the astronomical observations made during the same time. We usually obtained observations to fix our situation astronomically about sun-rise, sun-set, and noon, which observations

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always served to correct any errors that might have arisen in the estimated courses and distances by mechanical admeasurement.

This coast is a continued tract of land and sand-hills from fifty to five or six hundred feet high, with a few straggling black rocks or large stones, whose appearance seems rather anomalous; for from Cape Bajone, not far from Mozambique, to the river St. Lucia, there can hardly be found a stone anywhere near the sea, except the coral reefs of the Angozha and Bazaruta Islands, a small rock off Cape Corientes, and another spot near Lagoa river, and Cape Reuben at the entrance into English River, which last two places have some rocks of indurated clay. The interior, the whole distance from Cape Inyack, seemed a low level country, with some knots of trees like park land; but a short way from the beach a few hills were sometimes visible, about three or four leagues from the shore, apparently eight hundred or a thousand feet high. We passed the situation assigned to Gold Down's River, where at that time there certainly was no opening to the sea, nor could we observe anything like the entrance to a river.

It is not hence to be inferred that it does not exist, for we found all the rivers on this coast entirely blocked up by sand in the dry season. We also looked out for the St. Lucia, which we knew had been visited by that part of the Doddington's crew who escaped from her wreck in 1755 on the Chaō Islands, Algoa Bay, but we

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found that it was in the same manner completely blocked up.

Its situation is, however, rendered remarkable by a low sugar-loaf rock, near what should be the entrance in the rainy season. At Cape St. Lucia, a few miles south-west of the river, the coast assumes a bolder aspect; the land from thence, west, forms a bend, leaving a bank of soundings, which, in some parts, extends full six leagues off shore. This was before unknown, and is very different from any other, being muddy, with a lead-coloured bottom. As we were on this bank, tracing the coast as far as Fisher's River, on the day our master, Mr. William Henry Morley, died, as well as Mr. Watkins, one of our young midshipmen, the bank, and one of the creeks, or small rivers, was named Morley's Bank and creek, after the former, and another Watkins' Creek, after the latter.

This was a melancholy mode of obtaining names, but unhappily there is not a remarkable spot from English River to this bank that does not record the fate of some of our departed shipmates.

As before-mentioned, it is usual to cover the remains of the dead with the Union Jack, until consigned to the deep. This is attached to the grating, on which the corpse is laid, when launched into its ocean grave. Upon the bier being again brought on board, it is usual to hoist the wet colour to dry; consequently this signal of death, from either vessel, bore the fatal news imme-

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diately to the other; when the imagination of every one was immediately exercised in fancying who the last victim might have been. But our conjectures were frequently wide of the truth, so rapid was the transition from perfect health to eternity, and from apparent dissolution to recovery! But the pleasing effect of novelty, together with the sea air, produced a most salutary change in many, who, when we left the bay, were in a very precarious state; and, as usual, the favourable turn in their disease was accompanied by excessive ill-humour, and a childish impatience occasioned by the sense of pain (hitherto deadened by disease) becoming once more acute. Yet many died; a midshipman, two seamen, and a boy, in the Leven; and the boatswain, a marine, and a boy, on board the Barracouta, being amongst the latest victims.

A ridge of mountains takes its rise in about 29° south, at a point of the coast which we named Point Durnford, (after the young officer who was appointed to delineate it;) and, striking directly to the westward, it increases in height and magnitude as it advances into the interior. It then appears to run nearly parallel with the coast to the southward, even to the confines of our colony. The mountains forming this ridge are from three to six thousand feet high, and separate that most beautiful and fertile tract usually known by the name of Natal from the surrounding countries.

Through these mountains there is said to be but one pass used by the natives going to the

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northward, and by that pass the Zoolos have poured upon the people on the other side, and depopulated, laid waste, or entirely subjugated them even as far as Inhamhan.

On the 7th the wind blew a strong gale from the south-west, with thick rainy weather, which caused much suffering to our invalids. We therefore stood out to sea, steering south-east, passing over the place assigned to an island called Juan de Lisboa, but without seeing any indication of its existence. This island has, for many years, been sought in vain: and yet there are public records both at Mauritius and Mozambique, of establishments having been formed there. But it may be questioned whether the island called the Bassas da India, or, as we afterwards named it, Europa Island, is not the same. This is in some measure corroborated by its being reported full of wild hogs.

December 21st, we obtained sight of the small island of St. Mary, and of the lofty hills of Madagascar, in the distance; and next morning reached the anchorage near the French colony on Quail Island, or Isle Madame. Here we found two frigates of that nation, one, which had brought out the troops and settlers, was moored inside, being merely used as a guard-ship; the other was only a store-ship, but with a regular staff of officers.

The island of St. Mary, or as it was formerly, and still is called by the Maligah, Nas Ibrahim, is thirty-one miles long, north-east by north,

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and south-west by south, and from two to three miles in breadth, situated in latitude 16° 41′, and 17° 8′, south, and longitude 49° 46′ and 50° 2′ east. Its surface presents a succession of hills from two to four hundred feet high, with deep, and in general, narrow vales, thickly covered with trees and underwood, in some places so interwoven by creepers as almost to defy any efforts to penetrate them.

Twice the French formed a settlement on this island, which the climate, in the first instance, obliged them to abandon, but in the second they were massacred in retaliation for some cruelties which they had practised upon the natives; a memento of whose bloody and annihilating revenge was erected some years afterwards, and still capped the summit of a shelving hill at the back of the present settlement.

The expedition for the present establishment was fitted out in 1821, and the French again took possession of Isle Madame and the port towards the latter end of the same year; an unfortunate and ill-chosen period for their arrival, as, before their constitutions were in the slightest degree inured to the climate, they became exposed to the deadly influence of the sickly season, which commences in January and continues until the middle of May: the consequence of this was, that, in the first three months, their numbers were reducedfrom two hundred and ninety to one hundred and thirty. Isle Madame, a low coral islet, was constituted their citadel, having a small fort, hospital, barracks, &c.

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This place is resorted to every night for safety by all the colony, with the exception of the planters. Two streams of water empty themselves into the harbour, at the entrance of which the island is situated, thus affording a constant supply to the shipping that may chance to call at the port. The harbour is very small, but sufficiently deep for the largest ships, and the roadstead, being perfectly sheltered from all winds, affords at any time a safe and convenient anchorage.

Shortly after our arrival several canoes came off, crowded with men and women; they appeared generally short, and rather darker than mulatoes, with low foreheads, broad and flat countenances, large eyes, and capacious mouths. They had all long hair but crisped, which by the men was collected into knots, without much regularity: but the women wore it neatly divided into seven, nine, or eleven squares, from the centre of which issued a large and bushy knob, presenting to a stranger, especially when combined with the short and braided pigtail, a most ludicrous yet far from unpleasing effect, when in connexion with that lively expression of countenance and grace, which Nature, in her freaks, as often denies to royalty, as she grants it them the humblest subject, or to the wildest savage of her creation.

The men in general had no clothing, with the exception of a piece of their native cloth wrapped carelessly round their loins, and descending to the knee; but the women exhibited much fancy and

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some taste in their costume: they were habited in blue spencers, with long sleeves, fitting tight to the body, and ending just below the bosom, where the skin, for the breadth of an inch, was left exposed; this was succeeded by two pieces of cloth, the one serving as a petticoat, and the other as a gown, which were fastened by the ends being carefully tucked in between the body and the first folds that embraced it. None of them wore trinkets or ornaments of any kind, excepting a very few who had earrings.

Some of the men had baskets fashioned like the half of a ball for hats, with three points worked on the top, which served as legs for it to stand on when not in use. Both sexes appeared particularly careful of their teeth, which were beautifully enamelled, white, and regular; they clean them with snuff, for which purpose they use large quantities. The women are particularly cleanly, except in the practise of anointing their hair with cocoa-nut or whale oil.

Few of the people remained on board at the first visit, but afterwards came off in great numbers, and for our entertainment exhibited their native mode of dancing. Like those of Delagoa, one generally led the song, while the rest, sitting around, joined in the chorus and clapped their hands.

The dancer commenced by throwing her arms in a diagonal position, at an angle with her body, and her head on one side: thus adjusted, she begins to beat a tattoo with her feet, screams

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forth her song, regains an upright posture, and swims along with a languid mincing pace, accompanied by a diminished exercise of her heels. Having reached the end of the space allotted for the exhibition, she commences writhing her body and throwing her arms about; then returns, beating a loud tattoo, her Hottentot extremity stretched out, and keeping time to the music by a vibratory horizontal motion. The technical term of "making a stern-board "was facetiously applied by the seamen to this retrograde movement. Ludicrous as was this dance, still, when executed by an elegant figure, many parts of it were far from being devoid of grace. These women were altogether better looking, their clothing superior, and their dancing more pleasing than those of Delagoa; they were likewise much less abject, but, in native modesty, the latter were far superior.

The canoes are small, of the common form, and delicately made; but, slight as they appear, the natives venture far from the land, and will sometimes attack with success the largest whales, that sport in great numbers between the island and the main. They cautiously approach the monster, and, with their neatly-formed iron harpoons, which have a long line and buoy attached to them, strike him deeply in the side. Writhing in agony, he dives to seek relief in the depths below, but short is his respite: he finds but little space in this shallow sea, and rises again but to meet his watchful foe, who, guided by the tell-tale

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buoy, is prepared to repeat the deep and exhausting wound. He struggles, but it is in vain; the conflict is soon at an end, and terminates in towing the huge body in triumph to the shore. It did not appear that the people of this island had any particular form when attacking whales, like those on the main, who never pursue an old one, but always the young, when they humbly beg the mother's pardon, stating the necessity that drives them to kill her progeny, and requesting that she will be pleased to go below while the deed is doing, that her maternal feelings may not be outraged by witnessing what must occasion her so much uneasiness.

On the 27th we saw an extraordinary instance of the dexterity of the natives. The Leven caught two sharks, one a male, about thirteen feet in length, and the other a female, nearly two feet longer. On ripping open the latter, forty-eight young ones were taken out, each about eighteen inches in length; they were lively and active, and, when thrown overboard, swam round the ship, evidently by no means reconciled to their abandoned situation, but in anxious search for their mother. The natives saw and pursued them in their canoes, and with curved and barbed assagayes transfixed them with the utmost precision, even when eight or ten feet under water, not in a single instance missing their aim.

A short time before our arrival, an English merchant-ship was cast away at Foule Point, Madagascar, and the crew, after a most distressing

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journey of many days' continuance, arrived at Point L'Arée, within about two miles of St. Mary, and effected their passage across to the island. Most of them had left some time previously in an English vessel, and we took on board the remainder consisting of twelve lascars: worn down by fatigue and repeated attacks of the fever, they were reduced to a most debilitated state, and at different periods, after we sailed, four of the number died.

The tree, called fan palm, is here very plentiful, and is a most invaluable production to the inhabitants; with its leaves they construct their houses, the sides being neatly interwoven, and the stalks serving as intermediate supporters, while the roof is formed by carefully fixing and spreading them in the overlapping or tile fashion. The hut presents altogether the appearance of an English cottage, and is generally about twenty feet long by twelve broad, always elevated one or two feet above the ground to avoid the earthy exhalations.

In both villages were several looms for weaving cloth, the coarser sorts of which form a considerable part of their commerce with Mauritius and Bourbon, where it is used for boat-sails, packages, &c. The fine and parti-coloured kinds they either sell to the curious stranger, or use to clothe themselves. Some specimens which may be procured are beautiful, and, considering the uncivilized state of the people, highly creditable to their ingenuity and industry; they are made of

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the fibres of the rafia, or sago-palm leaf, and are extremely durable.

The animals of this place are neither numerous nor varied; amongst them are the guinea-fowl, white water hen, and black parrot; the common and Muscovy duck, with geese and fowls, are kept by the natives in a tame state, which, considering the place, sell at rather a high rate, eight fowls, or four ducks, for one dollar, and four geese for three, being their usual price. Beasts are even more scarce than birds; bullocks, and a very few goats, being the only productions of that kind; but this scarcity is not much felt by the inhabitants, as their principal subsistence consists in fish and vegetables. These last are very abundant, and consist of bananas of a fine quality and large size; cocoa-nuts, recently imported; pine-apples, mangoes, Seville oranges, plantains, sugar-canes, rice, yams, cassada, sweet potatoes, cabbages, carrots, radishes, onions, and coffee; which latter, but lately tried, has answered their utmost expectations. In fact, such is the fertility of the soil and its variety, consisting of shelving hills, broad vales, steep mounts and deep glens, but more particularly the moisture of its climate, that there can be no doubt that it would bring forth every tropical production.

Independently of cloth, the natives make something by the sale of shells, wax, and the turmeric plant, used for dyeing and as an ingredient in the composition of currie-powder. The natives

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forge iron; the bellows they use being of an ingenious construction, deserve mention. Two small cylinders, having pistons in them, generate the blast, which passes through a small pipe from each, uniting in one common vent, through a sheet of iron, against which the fire is kindled; this feeds the flame with an unceasing supply, for as the man who works the piston raises one, he depresses the other, and thus keeps a constant current of air in action. The chief amusement of the women is dancing, and that of the men looking on and drinking.

Chastity is no virtue at Madagascar, and is even unknown after nine or ten years of age. Yet the ties of natural affection are as strong as in more civilized countries, which the following instance will tend to corroborate.

A girl, who had engaged herself to accompany a male cousin as interpreter, &c. to a distant island, was daily, during her absence, most bitterly lamented by her mother, who, in the fulness of her affection, conjured up the most dismal apprehensions as to her child's fate—"She would be a slave—she would be drowned—she would perish in a foreign clime among those who knew her not." In fact, no sufferings, however dreadful, could surpass those which this anxious and fond parent was constantly picturing as the lot of her daughter. Yet, at the time of her departure, that very mother was receiving the price of her prostitution from a French paramour. She was absent nearly a year, and on her return the meet-

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ing was affecting in the extreme. After mutual tears and embraces, the mother washed her child's feet, and in earnest of her affection afterwards drank the water. The term prostitution, in the sense used by us, when applied to this custom, is perhaps a harsher one than it calls for; as, sanctioned by the general habits of the country, it scarcely deserves the same degree of odium as when practised by people aware of its immoral and sinful tendency: but it is strange how very soon travellers become reconciled to this laxity of virtue, and look upon it in a less heinous light; particularly here, as these women, when attached to a man by marriage, (for they do marry, although polygamists,) are remarkable for their constancy, excepting those of high rank, who as in other countries, claim a greater licence.

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CHAPTER IX.

The seasons at St. Mary's.—Treatment of fever.—Going on shore.—Landing.—The royal palace.—Interview with the King—The Prince-house.—Market on the beach.—Johanna.—Its natives.—Leave Johanna.

ALTHOUGH St. Mary's is so small an island, yet the population in blacks is from twelve to fifteen hundred, a portion of whom are slaves to the rest They pay no duties to the French, and are amenable only to their own laws.

During the sickly season there is a powerful sun with a cloudless sky; while for the remainder of the year rain is almost incessant, and the heavens are constantly overcast. That the wet season should be the most healthy at first appears strange, but when it is considered that, however great the fall of water, there is no sun to draw it up in putrescent vapours from the earth, and thus to generate disease, it no longer appears so. The French, in treating the fever, found that bleeding was highly prejudicial; they therefore never had

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recourse to it since their first severe losses, excepting where the patient was of a highly plethoric habit. The reason was, that although for the time it appeared to subdue the fever, yet such was the general debility it produced, that, in case of a second attack, Nature, already deprived of her strength, sank unresisting and exhausted. If the patient was of a bilious habit, and evinced any inclination to discharge the contents of his stomach, an emetic was immediately administered; in any other than in these two cases, bark was their universal remedy.

Whilst at St. Mary's, two of our shipwrecked Lascars died, never having recovered from the fever, fatigues, and privations they had suffered since the loss of their ship. We experienced at St. Mary's the fatal effects of sleeping on shore at night. The second master of the Leven very narrowly escaped becoming a victim to his own imprudence, and was lingering on the verge of eternity for nearly a month; while of four seamen who deserted, and were on shore for two nights before they were retaken, one died within a few days, two were long in a precarious state, and were finally obliged to invalid home; the fourth being the only one who escaped without any ill consequences.

On the forenoon of the 8th of January 1823, we left St. Mary's, and next day stood out to sea on our way to Johanna. The morning of the 21st we obtained sight of the lofty island of that name, but so great was the distance, that the

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dusk of the evening commenced before we arrived near its shore. We therefore stood out to sea for the night, and next morning hove-to off the chief town, situated on the north side of the island. Mr. Boteler, now first lieutenant of the Barracouta, was sent with two boats to wait on the Sheik, or King; the following account of his proceedings is extracted from his Journal.

"Our principal object in going on shore was to obtain stock, for which purpose there was also a boat sent from the Leven. As we approached the land, we perceived a heavy surf rolling in on its rocky boundary, near to which, off the town, the Leven's boat had anchored a short time before our arrival.

A native canoe, with outriggers on each side, came off to her for the purpose of taking Mr. Forbes the botanist ashore. This gave me an opportunity of discovering the landing-place, which otherwise I should have had some difficulty in doing. The surf extended more than one hundred yards from the black and pointed rocks of the reef, and the canoe, as she passed through, was completely buried, and for a few seconds lost to our sight; her outriggers, however, precluded the possibility of her being overturned, and soon on the top of a curling sea we observed her borne with impetuous violence through a narrow opening in the reef, and in a moment disappear. I was doubtful whether to follow, especially as a native, who came off, informed me that the attempt, although there was plenty of water in the channel,

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would be highly dangerous. Nevertheless, I resolved to try, and accordingly watching a wave, I cheered the crew, who seemed to feel for my responsibility, and in two minutes we got safely in; the principal precaution appeared to be that of keeping good way upon the boat, so that the cross sea and reflux of the waves from the rocks might not turn her from her course, as the entrance was so narrow that in shooting through the oars touched on either side.

We found the place scarcely large enough to hold a dozen small boats, while the reef that divided it from the sea was low, and about twenty feet across. The beach was covered with spectators, who hemmed us in on landing, and with hearty shakes of the hand welcomed us to their island. This truly Arabic, and by the English respected, mode of salutation certainly is agreeable after a long voyage and many privations. For a man, after being at sea for some time, almost begins to fancy that there is no land, nor any other food but salt beef and hard biscuit; and therefore feels keenly the delights of new society, milk, and bread, not to mention fresh meat, and whatever else the place he touches at may afford.

The men (for being of the Mahometan religion, the women are not permitted to appear in public,) were arrayed in the Eastern costume, with turbans, robes, full trowsers, sandals, and a waistcoat fitting close to the body, round which, a little above the hips, was drawn a girdle of cloth, serving at times for the turban, ornamented with

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a highly decorated brace of pistols, and a carved or straight dagger, but more generally the latter only, while at their side was suspended a rich Turkish cimeter. The materials of their garments were as gaudy as their arms; those of the higher classes being of damask silk, of various patterns and devices, sometimes tastefully edged with gold lace.

One of the chiefs, a crafty old rogue, commonly known by the name of 'Lord Rodney,' who was some time afterwards detected in a petty theft, and disgraced by his countrymen for being found out, acted as captain of the port, interpreter, vendue-master and master of the ceremonies; in which last capacity he accosted me with a low salam, notifying his Majesty's wish that we should wait upon him forthwith. Accordingly, conducted by this old gentleman, we proceeded through several intricate, narrow, and dirty alleys to the royal pa lace. Passing through a guard-room, containing upwards of two hundred stand of small arms and various other implements of war, we entered a capacious and lofty chamber, hung around with arms, carved elephants' tusks, &c. and furnished with a ponderous table, covered with a red silk damask cloth, with a long stool or form on either side, and cushions cased in the same materials and trimmed with gold fringe. At the upper end of this apparent council-board, the throne was elevated on a couple of steps, in all the pomp of tinselled grandeur. It consisted of an old-fashioned high-backed chair, cushioned with red

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silk damask, and covered with a cloth of the same, richly worked and embroidered with gold lace.

We were requested to sit down, and shortly after the King appeared, salamed, bade us welcome, and sedately adjusted himself in his chair of state, while his chief men stood attentively by or sat down with us. He was apparently about seventy years of age, in stature rather above the common height, and of an appearance by no means prepossessing; his features were large and coarse, and the air of moroseness and gloom that pervaded them was heightened by a natural defect in one eye, which was not at all relieved by a benignant expression in the other. His robe was of red damask silk, literally covered with lace, gold trinkets, and either real or artificial stones of great beauty. On his head was a huge cap, like that formerly worn by the soldiers of several of our regiments, somewhat resembling an inverted sugar-loaf without a rim: this was neatly worked with gold wire, and encircled near the top by a coronet of ducal form, studded with precious stones and a brilliant star. He had a sabre at his side, with two handsome daggers, the scabbards of which were gold, and a brace of pistols beautifully ornamented and carved in his girdle.

Although the King understood English, he could speak but little; his observations were therefore communicated through the interpretations of 'Lord Rodney.' His first question rather amused us; it was 'How is King George and my good friends in England?—what is the news

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from that country and the continent?' Having replied to this, in the name of Captains Owen and Vidal I expressed great regret that our duty would not admit of delay, and that, next to the honour of paying their respects to his Majesty, their object in calling off the island was to obtain a supply of stock, fruit, and vegetables, to renovate the health of the crews of the two vessels, who had suffered so much from the fever. By the royal answer I was given to understand, that every thing we requested, and that could be procured during my limited stay, should be immediately provided: accordingly, my Lord Rodney was sent from the presence with necessary directions for that purpose.

While this momentous subject was on the carpet, the governor of the town, a sprightly, intelligent old man entered, and shuffled up to the throne, at the foot of which he cast himself on his knees, salamed, and then, with a theatrical air, kissed the left hand of his Majesty. We were detained at the divan about half an hour; our time being taken up in reading English letters for the King, and drinking healths in cocoa-nut milk out of English tumblers. Prince Alli had made us promise to pay him a visit at his own house; accordingly, after the interview with his father, we accompanied him to his residence. Ascending a flight of stone steps, and passing through a ponderous door carved with various devices, we entered a large hall more remarkable for its cleanliness than display of furniture; through this

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we followed the Prince into a smaller apartment, in which was a table laid out with six plates of sweetmeats, having a pair of silver sugar-tongs and a spoon in each, together with a handsome display of cut glass tumblers for sherbet. The room was furnished with gilt sofas covered with red damask silk; and in one comer stood a small but handsome English bedstead, the furniture of which was richly embroidered with gold, and the whole covered with mosquito curtains. The walls exhibited a curious display of arms and trinkets. Beyond this was another room, ornamented with saucers painted in a variety of colours, from which a folding door communicated with the Princess's apartment. She was not to be seen, but sent her welcome and compliments, together with a present to each of a small grass fan, formed like a flag, which, put in motion by the attendants, produced a constant and refreshing current of air.

We sat down with the Prince, who did not eat; but out of curiosity I tasted the contents of the different plates; they were principally of rice disguised in various ways with sugar, syrup, or spices. A man was introduced who, we were informed, sang 'God save the King;' but as he was not very particular in the tune, and less so in the words, we should for ever have remained in ignorance of his intention but for this information; it, nevertheless, answered the performer's purpose, being received as a compliment and paid for accordingly. The banquet ended by the Prince presenting each of us with a liqueur-glass on a

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silver salver, containing a small portion of lavender-water, and at the same time some burning frankincense was passed round, to regale oursense of smelling; following the Prince's example we anointed our hair with the lavender-water, and then took our leave.

Upon arriving on the beach we found a scene of extreme confusion and discord amongst upwards of five hundred competitors, who had assembled to dispose of their effects to our grand purveyor and factotum, my Lord Rodney. We of course were immediately the objects of clamorous importunity, and various were the specimens of petty mercantile finesse which were exhibited by the different candidates for preference. I was bartering for some fowls with a native, when another, who had a like number to dispose of, jostled me to attract attention, and, with a sly yet expressive smile of contempt, touched with one of his fingers, his arm being kept close to his side to escape observation, the fractured limb of the primest of his opponent's commodities.

I turned round to find a better market, when the arch look of another struck me as he attempted to imitate the last dying struggles of a fowl belonging to the very man who had just before attempted to depreciate his neighbour's stock, with the view of obtaining me as purchaser for his own. We loaded our boats with the greatest portion of the supply, consisting of goats, ducks, fowls, pine-apples, cocoa-nuts, oranges, limes, pomegranates, guavas and onions, together

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with a variety of very handsome straw mats, which the natives use for sleeping on with a mattress or cushion beneath; but the wind and surf were high, and a heavy squall of thunder, lightning, and rain, overtook us, so that much of our stock was entirely and we half drowned, before we got on board.

Johanna, although not the largest of the Comoro Islands, is much more visited than the rest; the scenery is on a grand scale and highly picturesque, varying from the lofty summit, capped with verdure, to the deep glen and luxuriant vale. The inhabitants are rather below the usual size, delicate yet well-formed, with a pleasing and frequently handsome expression; their complexion being lighter than that of the mulatto, and their carriage exhibiting more of the courtier's grace than the manly firmness of independence.

The people of these islands have by some means obtained a high character in England for honesty and attachment to our nation, but I rather doubt whether they deserve it; at the same time I should much regret depriving them of a thing which it is so difficult to obtain. Yet, in honest truth, all who have dealt, or been amongst them, must own that they are little thieves, great rogues, and enormous cowards; to these qualities are to be added a certain portion of deceit, utter disregard of truth, the most abject flattery, and inordinate covetousness, when the sum total will about leave the Johanna man. If you meet any of these people they almost universally accost

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you with, 'How you sleep last night? — Engleseman, Johannaman, all the same as one — you Englesemans give me, Johannaman, one hundred dollars! no fifty, no ten, no one dollar, no! Ah, you no good friend; me very poor, you very fat, (rich,) suppose you see me—Johanna me home—me give you too much then, why you no give me nothing here?"—he meaning, literally, that you must give him something, but you, feeling confident that if you were the beggar he would give you nothing.

I suppose it must be on account of their insulated position that the English cherish these people. We somehow like islanders better than continenters; they appear separated from the follies and vices that contaminate so large a portion of mankind: but it is not so, they generally have them all introduced by their maritime intercourse, with the addition of a few select sins of native growth for private use. It is true, and with pleasure I state it, that when English vessels have been wrecked on these islands they have shown the crews every kindness and attention; this I would fain not consider policy: but, having no maritime power of their own, it may be wise to keep on good terms with those nations that have, (for, when in a scrape, they always expect, like others that might be mentioned, some foreign power to get them out of it) and as they are sure of being well rewarded for their hospitality, such an uncharitable interpretation might be put upon their proceedings. When attacked by the Malegash, after the

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first skirmish, they ran away, and left their enemies to occupy in peace a large portion of their island, and plunder the remainder whenever they felt inclined; and, had it not been for English intervention, they would always have been subject to their invaders. But I will leave these islanders to the peaceable enjoyment of their good name, and try to be more charitable in future."

Upon Lieutenant Boteler's return with the provisions we bade adieu to the cloud-capped heights of Johanna and its neighbouring isles; and the next day, January the 23rd, parted from the Barracouta, she having instructions to make a direct course for Mozambique, while we steered for the Querimba Islands, and then continued our survey to the southward. We passed between Great Comoro and Mohilla, looked for the reported dangers south of the former without success, and on the ninth day anchored in Mozambique harbour, where we rejoined the Barracouta.

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CHAPTER X.

Mozambique.—Garrison and forts.—The city.—Its population. Portuguese jurisdiction.—The Governor's house.—Mrs. Guest.—A mutiny.—Senhor Alvarez.—Fraudulent practices.—A wilful wreck.—Angozha river.—Mohammedan tomb.—Names of the Islands.—The coast.—An adventure.—Interior of the country.—Europa Island.—The Cockburn.—Lieu tenant Owen's narrative.—The Sincapore.—The Orange Grove.—Unexpected recovery.—Meeting of relations.

THE harbour of Mozambique is formed by a deep inlet of the sea, five miles and a half broad, and six long, receiving the waters of three in-considerable rivers at its head. At the entrance are three small islands, which, together with reefs and shoals, render the anchorage perfectly safe in the worst weather. Of these islands, that of Mozambique, on which stands the city, is formed of coral, very low and narrow, and scarcely one mile and a half in length. It is situated nearly in the centre of the inlet, and just within the line of the two points that form its extremities. The other two islands, St. George to the northward, and St. Jago to the southward, lie abreast of one another,

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about fifteen hundred fathoms distant, and nearly three miles outside that of Mozambique; they are also of coral, surmounted by a rich mould, covered with verdure and trees, but without inhabitants. Vasco de Gama, in the prosecution of his voyage round the Cape to the East Indies, called at Mozambique, which he found in the possession of the Arabs. On his arrival he was welcomed with music; but when it was discovered that the emblem of his religion was the cross, and not the crescent, distrust prevailed, and shortly afterwards they commenced open hostilities; these were, however, soon checked, and when reduced to tolerable subjection by De Gama's guns, they supplied him with whatever necessaries he required and a treacherous pilot for his further voyage.

Mozambique was taken possession of not long after, and its fort of St. Sebastian, which yet remains a proud monument of ancient Portuguese enterprise, was begun in 1508, and finished in three years from its commencement. It is of a quadrangular form, and mounts upwards of eighty camion, of various calibre, ages, and nations, some brass, others iron, many honey-combed, and a few in respectable condition; still it is a strong fortification, and capable of a formidable resistance. In the interior are a chapel, the oldest in the place, extensive barracks and quarters for the officers, together with a prison, tanks, and storehouses. In the centre is a flat and extensive space, in which a large body of forces might be exercised and

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manœuvred. The garrison at this time consisted of about two hundred black soldiers, habited in the Sepoy costume; a guard of these are always stationed at the outer entrance of the fort, and as soon as any one, having answered the usual interrogatories at the door, is permitted to enter, they advance with bayonets fixed and surround him. This ceremony at first strikes a stranger as very uncourteous and disagreeable, but custom makes it familiar, and he soon sees its necessity to guard against treachery and surprise.

There are two other forts, one on a projecting point, west of the islands, and another on a small insulated rock off the southern extremity, to which, at low water, it is joined by a coral flat, covered with shells: there are also two semicircular batteries with a few guns on each, and in front of the governor's palace some small pieces of artillery. This palace is an extensive stone building, apparently of great age, with a flat leaden roof, and a large square court in the centre. The grand entrance is through an archway in this court, whence the principal staircase, composed of a double flight of stone steps meeting at the top, ascends to the first story, and to the rooms used for public purposes, which are both lofty and large; at the entrance of the archway an officer and guard are constantly on duty. Fronting the palace is a large unpaved square; the custom-house, a fine building, forms one side of it, and the main-guard another; while at the extremity is a long and commodious stone wharf,

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built on arches, stretching out from the shore almost to low-water mark, and affording at all times an excellent landing for boats.

The streets in the city are narrow, although the houses are generally lofty and well constructed, but as the place itself is fast sinking into insignificance, so the finest of its buildings are falling rapidly into decay. Mozambique, like many other cities of the world, is now reduced from its ancient wealth and vice-regal splendour to the almost forgotten seat of desolation and poverty. It is still a bishop's see, subordinate to Goa, but the churches, like the rest of its edifices, denote the decline of power and grandeur. With the place devoted to religion has ceased the principle itself; and even superstition can hardly now be said to exist, every feeling being lost in the love of gain, to which the inhabitants sacrifice every other consideration.

The city takes up about one half of the island, the remainder being divided into two parts, one devoid of buildings, save ruins, and the other the residence of the free coloured people, whose small bamboo huts, placed in the most irregular order, form a striking contrast to the lofty stone buildings of the Portuguese and their well-defined line of streets. In the city are two pretty markets, where vegetables and grain can be procured throughout the day; but, as the sun is intensely hot, those articles that are liable to spoil, such as fish, meat, and milk, can only be obtained early in the morning, except in the Black Town, which

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appears to be the grand mart for all the necessaries of life on a minor scale. Bullocks are scarce and dear, but they have abundance of goats and pigs, the latter generally black and of a lean appearance, occasioned by the uncommon length of their legs and heads; they are excessively ferocious, and in many instances desperately attack those persons who are desirous of indulging in sucking-pig at the expense of maternal affection.

In 1769 the Arabs, who formed a part of the population of Mozambique, were expelled from that city, from Sofala, and the settlements on the River Zambizi, and even now are not permitted to appear armed.

The population at this time amounted to about six thousand, divided into five classes; the first of which was very limited, consisting of native Portuguese; the second of Canareens, an appellation given to the Creole Portuguese of Goa and their other Indian settlements; Banyans from India formed the third, free coloured people the fourth, and the resident slaves, the most numerous of all, the last. The commerce of Mozambique has much decreased, and at present it is little more than a mart for slaves, together with a small quantity of ivory, gold dust, and a few articles of minor value. The northern shore of the main, opposite Mozambique, or, as it is termed, the Cabaceira side, is the only part where the soil is cultivated for the maintenance of the population, the Arabs supplying the rest;

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but were they to fail, a famine would be inevitable. Even at Mozambique the Portuguese jurisdiction and settlements do not extend ten miles in any direction, and to the southward not at all. The natives, who are termed Makwomas and Majowjes, form an insurmountable barrier; they will trade with them, but have a great objection to their entering the country, which often leads to wars, that only in the end impress more strongly on the minds of the Portuguese the determination of their neighbours to support themselves in their native territorial possessions.

The Governor is selected every three years, and his salary is so small that he can barely support the appearance which his situation requires; consequently he enters into mercantile speculations, his authority supplants that of the regular trader, and a general stagnation is the result: for the demands of one person who has power, but no capital, must utterly subdue the energies of him who has the latter only, as he commands the market and is dealt with from necessity. The Governor, and in fact all the native Portuguese, whilst at Mozambique, consider gain as their only object; to improve or even repair the place never enters their thoughts. To marry in the country might be the means of adding to its prosperity; but the Government, by a false policy, have enacted that all who do so must remain there for life: the reason for this might apparently have been good, but experience lias proved it otherwise. Necessity and inclination never can

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agree, and at this place both sexes prefer entering into a state unblest by the moral tie of matrimony to being compelled to remain in exile from their native country, on a distant and unhealthy soil.

Notwithstanding the insular situation of Mozambique, it is at all times very prejudicial to the health of Europeans. The only remedy employed by the natives is bark, but bleeding is never resorted to. On the Cabaceira side the Governor has a country house, the situation of which is picturesque, the building itself neat, and the gardens, although neglected and overrun with weeds, are from their arrangement and situation worthy of notice. As there are no beasts of burden at Mozambique, all the work is done by slaves, who, however, lead a very idle life on account of the general stagnation of trade. During the heat of the day, the higher classes, and some even at other times, never appear out of doors except in their hammocks, wherein, stretched at full length, they may be seen lolling in all the listless languor of tropical indolence.

The Governor proved a most kind-hearted and hospitable man; he kept open house for all our officers, the captain and one or two others dining with him almost every day, while the roof of his palace was made our observatory.

We purchased some excellent port wine for our convalescents; but one of our women died. She came out in the Barracouta, was the wife of one of the seamen, had recovered from the fever,

VOL. I. O

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but apparently sank under the debility produced by the mercurial remedies. We buried her in the cocoa-nut grove of Cabaceira: her husband afterwards fell a victim to the fever at Sierra Leone in 1826.

We found a lady here from the Cape of Good Hope; she had visited Mozambique to see her sister, who was married to a merchant of some consideration, named Manuel Pedro d'Ameyda. Mrs. Guest, the lady in question, was the wife of one of the Cape dock-yard clerks, reduced at the peace; she had brought two daughters with her, one about thirteen, the other eleven; and, as there was no direct communication between Mozambique and the Cape, she obtained a passage for herself to rejoin her husband; leaving behind the children, whose story will be noticed in a future part of this narrative as indicative of the colonial and perhaps national character of the Portuguese.

On the 7th, the Barracouta sailed to the southward, and a tremendous gale the following night gave us great apprehensions for her safety, which, it afterwards appeared, were not without foundation. A man, named John Dennis, deserted from the last boat that went on shore previously to our sailing; and, as he had attempted to do so whenever we landed, Captain Owen would not wait to recover him, but sent a description of him to the Governor, who promised that he should be secured.

The Andromache, with the pendant of Commo-

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dore Nourse, had been at this place about six weeks before us, when a mutiny arose in the garrison, occasioned by the fashionable revolutionary spirit of some of the officers of rank, who expected to profit by the confusion. It broke out whilst the worthy Governor, Jose Manuel de Sylva, was dining on board the Andromache with some of Ins staff. Upon landing at night he found the town in the utmost confusion and in the hands of the mutineers, who were firing indiscriminately at the inhabitants who appeared in the streets.

The aid-de-camp, Senhor Julien, since Governor of Damaun in India, was dispatched to beg some assistance of the commodore to recover his lost authority, in virtue of the ancient alliance and friendship between our sovereigns. The commodore declined interfering in the political questions of the colony, but offered a guard to secure the lives and persons of the Governor and inhabitants from murder or outrage. Accordingly, at nine in the evening, a party of marines were dispatched under command of Captain Bennet of the Cygnet, which vessel was in company with the Andromache; the band accompanied the party in another boat, and, in passing the fort, Captain Bennet ordered the trumpeters to sound a charge: no sooner was this heard by the mutinous troops than they laid down their arms and saved themselves as they could. The guard then landed at the palace, and order was fully restored in less than two hours.

Nothing apparently could exceed the gratitude

O 2

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of all the loyal classes to the commodore and his officers. In the name of their sovereign they promised decorations to each, and were no doubt sincere at the moment. Julien was dispatched to Lisbon with an account of the affair, and to solicit the promised rewards for their protectors; but we never could learn that any further notice was taken of the transaction.

We here met with a large slave-ship, commanded by Senhor Alvarez. This man had served the greater part of his life in the country trade of India, and had been under Captain Owen's orders at the reduction of Mauritius. We found him of great service, as he was possessed of much local information. He had been so long amongst the English that he affected all their hatred of the slave-trade, and said he took this voyage from necessity, but would never attempt another for the same purpose. But humanity would rather recommend such a man for so objectionable a service, as from serving in our transports he had learned to take care of those entrusted to him, and generally saved about four-fifths of his miserable cargo to land at Rio; the calculated average of mortality during the passage being half the original number. To bring one-third to market is considered a profitable voyage.

During our stay at this place the Captain borrowed a Portuguese memoir on the Rios de Senna; and many more might have been procured, whilst the feelings of the Governor were so warm towards our nation, but time would

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not permit Captain Owen to examine their dusty archives.

It was, however, arranged with the Governor that an expedition should proceed the following July up the River Zambizi from Quilimane, and that it should be composed of two British and two Portuguese officers.

Accordingly, Mr. Charles William Browne and Mr. Forbes, the botanist, were introduced to the Governor for this undertaking, who, on the part of his Government, appointed Captain Schmid von Balliker to accompany them; he was an officer who had served in De Meuron's regiment in our service, and had since disposed of his half-pay.

The coast immediately to the southward of Mozambique is always considered particularly dangerous, and many Portuguese and other ships are annually lost about Magnicale. An English vessel, the Matilda, of Calcutta, had a short time back been wrecked on the bank of St. Antonio in the open day, but there is much reason to believe intentionally, to answer the ends of her owners, by whom she had been over-insured. This is not the only instance of the kind which it is our painful duty to record as coming under our own observation or inquiry: and it is to be regretted that the legislature cannot make some enactment by which such impositions might be punished or at least defeated. An accurate hydrographical knowledge appears the most ready means of obtaining this end, and if a Board of persons possessing this knowledge were appointed to

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examine strictly all the survivors of a shipwreck, undcr-writers would doubtless save thousands annually. In the case of the Matilda, which had previously made a barefaced attempt to be wrecked within the port of Mozambique, from which she was saved, in spite of her officers, by timely but unexpected assistance, no such Board would have allowed payment of the insurance, as the loss must have arisen from wilful or culpable neglect. The bank upon which she was lost is a patch of coral, crowned with dry sand, just covered at the highest spring tides; she was laid comfortably on the inside of this bank, where the least danger was likely to attend the crew. They began to unload the cargo and place it on the sand, but after three days they all set off in two boats for Mozambique, a distance of about seventy miles to the northward.

The current here sets always to the southward, and is sometimes extremely rapid near the shores and edges of the coral banks; this apparently had not entered into their calculations, as they were obliged to land on the coast for water, where they were attacked by the natives, when some of them were killed, and the rest with difficulty escaped.

The son of the owner, (said to be an agent for Lloyd's,) was on board, but the fatigues and privations to which they had been unexpectedly exposed in this adventure cost him and all the officers their lives upon their arrival at Mozambique. A few lascare got round to Foule Point in a French slaver, walked to Point L'Arèe, and

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then came over to St. Mary's in a small French schooner, at which place we found them nearly starved, and received them on hoard for a passage to the Cape. As related, before we arrived half of them had died, and the remainder were delivered to the agent of the East Company, to be sent to Bengal. The wreck and cargo were carried off by the natives in their canoes and in small Arab traders.

But to return to our own operations: having left Mozambique on the 8th of February, we coasted along shore, and at night anchored near the shoals of Magnicale, which being always covered are consequently dangerous; and a large Portuguese ship, with a considerable sum of money on board, had been wrecked upon them some months before our arrival.

We next stood in for the land, within the bank of St. Antonio; but, finding the water shoal very suddenly, Ave coasted the outer edge of its coral reef, and then anchored in Angozha Road, between the entrance of that river and Mafamede Island.

We saw a small schooner in the River Angozha, where much traffic is carried on by the Arabs, which the Portuguese term contraband, though the country is subject to independent Regulos, and no Portuguese dare approach it. The bar has not above five or six feet at high water, but much more in the rainy season, and in the hands of industrious people and a good Government might be made always navigable for

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large vessels. The country is said to be one of the most fertile in theworld, as its appearance indicates.

Mafamede is, like Antonio, only a crown of sand on a coral reef, and isnowhere more than seven or eight feet above the sea, yet it is clothed with a grove of the most stately and superb casuarina trees, some measuring about ten feet in circumference, and most of them as straight as the commonfir, without a branch for thirty or forty feet above the ground. This beautiful grove may be seen from aloft at the distance of five or six leagues, many of the trees being one hundred and fifty feet high.

We found a Mohammedan tomb in good preservation, upon which were inscribed some verses from the Koran. It is dedicated to Sheik Zide, and is visited by most of the Arab navigators upon this coast. On the shores were back-bones of turtle and one hut, but the whole sand-bank is hardly a mile, and the entire coral reef not more than five miles, in circumference.

All these coral banks and islands abound with fish and turtle, as well as with the most beautiful varieties of shells and corallines, none of which we had time to collect, for at seven o'clock the following morning a breeze sprang up from the northward, when we recalled our boats and proceeded to survey the reefs and islands. The description of Mafamede will suffice for all these, excepting that some are not yet sufficiently grown to be crowned with sand. A slight mention

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of their names and characters may perhaps be desirable.

St. Anthony, a dry sand mostly uncovered; Mafamede, a sandy island, well wooded; Matthew Island, Walker Reef, Barrow Island, and Caldeira Island, the two latter wooded like Mafamede, are denominated the Angora, or Angozha Islands; Hurd Island, the highest, sand with a little verdure, but no trees; Spot Reef, Raza, or Level Island, called by us Epidendræ Island, Casuarina Island, the Crown Sand, Fogo Island, South Sand, or de Sylvas, and David Bank, mentioned by Mr. Inverarity, and in the journal of the Sincapore brig, which afterwards came into our possession; the situation of which was fixed by the Leven in this voyage, and by the Albatross the September following. We navigated between these coral islands and the main, and on the 13th saw the Barracouta near Cape Croker, some distance ahead. We anchored during a furious tornado off Raza, where the botanist made a rich harvest. On the following day the Barracouta joined us, when we compared our surveys and chronometers.

As the proceedings of our consort are necessary to complete our narrative, it is the intention of the writer to refer in future to the excellent journal of Lieutenant Boteler, without any further introduction.

"On the morning of the 7th of February we left the Leven at Mozambique, and sailed to the

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southward, surveying along shore. As the depth had decreased rather suddenly, we anchored, and sent the boats to ascertain our situation, when it was discovered that we had brought-to in a very unsafe place; a coral reef extending all round, excepting just where we had entered. The wind was blowing strong and directly in. The next day it increased, and the sea broke furiously over us; it therefore became necessary to search for some channel through which we might escape from our disagreeable situation. Fortunately a small opening was discovered, but so narrow and intricate that it required great care to save the ship; we however succeeded, yet not without strikingonce in threading a labyrinth of sharp and pointed rocks, but fortunately without sustaining any injury.

From Mozambique to Bazaruta Islands, the coast is bounded by a bank from twelve to fifteen feet in height, covered with bushes, through which, in various parts, the sandy formation is visible. Trees are scarce, and grow principally on the water's edge. The rivers are innumerable, but few are of any importance, some ejecting a muddy deposit, which discolours the sea for six or seven miles, bringing with it drift-timber and floating islets, on which water-fowl of various species were frequently observed at roost. The boundary of the river water was perfectly defined, and its light green colour afforded a remarkable contrast to the deep blue of the surrounding ocean. So great is the rush of the floods from the various

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mouths of the River Zambizi, that even four miles from the land the water is perfectly fresh.

One evening, when at anchor off the coast, a little to the northward of Sofala, a number of large bucks were observed gamboling amongst the low sandy hillocks that skirted the sea. The following morning we formed a party for the purpose of shooting some, but without success; for although the country had no appearance of being inhabited, yet they were shy in the extreme, and bounded off with great velocity the instant they perceived us approaching. They were large as mules, had very long and slender legs, theirheads bearing a great resemblance to that of a calf. Mr. Fisher (midshipman) commanded one boat on this excursion, and seeing several hippopotami grazing on the plain at a distance, his party were in hopes of shooting one, and three of them repaired to a thicket, at a little distance, on one side of which they seated themselves in silence to wait for a shot. In a short time one was seen passing near them, upon which all three rose and presented their pieces, when Fisher passed the word, 'Are you ready? stand by, my boys, and let's all fire together,' &c. They were surprised by a most tremendous and hideous noise within two feet of their heads; the instantaneous effect was like electricity; they all dropped their muskets, and sauve qui peut ran off to the boat, where, taking breath and comparing notes, the cause of their discomfiture was found to be that an hippopotamus was reposing in the very thicket which

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they had chosen for their ambush, who, disturbed by the foregoing address, arose, and in his fear bellowed forth as described, he escaping one way, and our party another. They walked back, and recovered their muskets, but kept the adventure a profound secret for some time, as not too creditable.

From the summit of one of the loftiest sandhills, I obtained a view of the interior of the country, which had the appearance of a beautiful plain, spotted with clumps of trees, on small elevated mounds. But descending, I discovered that it was nothing more than an extensive morass, emitting a very disagreeable and noxious vapour. It was of considerable depth, and certainly impassable, being covered with grass nearly six feet above the water; this marsh was separated from the line of sand-hills by a narrow stripe of dry land, covered with jungle, and imprinted with the tracks of elephants, hippopotami, bucks, lions, and tigers; and it being very early, the impression where the animals had reposed amongst the thickets was yet perfect, and the scent as strong as that which is sensibly perceived on entering a menagerie. We scarcely saw the Bazaruta Islands, for as the monsoon was beginning to change, we were obliged, when off Sofala, to make the most direct course for Delagoa Bay."

Having again parted from the Barracouta, we stood directly for the Bassas da India, called by some modern navigators, Europa Rocks; but their true situation was so inaccurately laid down, that

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we should not have succeeded in finding them had it not been for the various authorities quoted by Mr. Horsburgh, who notes particularly their meridian distance from Mayetta, taken by Captain Rush of the Royal Charlotte East Indiaman. We then stood towards the island miscalled by modern navigators Bassas da India, Bassas da Judia, &c.; but which is evidently a distinct place from the reef so named by the Portuguese, and which we had quitted the day before: so, as the first notice we had of this island was from the Europa, we named it after her. It is not impossible that this may be the Juan de Lisboa, which has for more than half a century been sought in vain by navigators.

Having surveyed Europa Island, we made the shore of Buōk, and then continued to the southward, on the 20th anchoring on the edge of a bank, with Cape Bazaruta about five miles to the westward: this we did merely to determine the geographical position of that Cape which is one of the most remarkable features on the Coast of Africa, and a counterpart of Cape Inyack.

This is the site of the famous pearl fishery of Sofala, and hence those jewels are supposed to have been carried up the Red Sea, together with the gold of Ophir in the days of Solomon, and probably some generations before that period.

Cape Bazaruta has sometimes been called St. Sebastian, while a variety of other situations have been assigned to a Cape of that name; it is there-

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fore omitted in our charts to avoid confounding it with another Cape St. Sebastian, on the island of Madagascar: the same reason induced us to give the native name Inyack to the Cape of Delagoa Bay, usually called St. Mary.

We continued surveying towards Delagoa, and during the night of the 28th passed Outfield Shoals. On the 1st of March, the day on which Captain Owen had promised to return, we anchored in English River, and found the Cockburn, the Orange Grove of the Cape of Good Hope, and a brig under Mozambique colours, which we soon learned was the Sincapore of Calcutta.

We were at first surprised at the Cockburn not sending a boat, or in any way noticing our arrival; but our surprise was soon turned to fearful anxiety, when, by the assistance of glasses, we could not perceive a soul on board. A look of horror passed from one to the other as all expressed their different surmises. But not a moment was lost: the anchor was no sooner down than a boat was sent in charge of Mr. Williams to solve the mystery. After a short absence he returned, and as he came along-side held up his hands with a look of despair that too surely indicated the dreadful catastrophe he had to unfold. But it would be unjust to tell this tale in any other language than that in which it is written. The following interesting but melancholy narrative of Lieutenant, now Captain,

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Richard Owen shall therefore relate the sorrows and sufferings they had endured.

"When the Leven left us, the corpse of Captain Cutfield was lying on deck, and many others on board both vessels were in the last stage of existence; it need therefore scarcely be observed that their separation was viewed by all with a marked anxiety and apprehension that we were parting with many for the last time. Before quitting the factory, Captain Owen had been informed that it was the practice of the Portuguese garrison to put black soldiers on board such British merchant vessels as entered English River, to prevent their trading with the natives. As this practice could by no means be reconciled with the commandant's express declaration (when asked for protection for our surveying parties) 'that he had not any control over the inhabitants of the surrounding country,' Captain Owen considered such a proceeding derogatory to the honour of his Majesty's flag and the interests of his subjects. He protested strongly against such an indignity being again offered to any British vessel, as they had an undoubted right to trade with the natives of any independent country. He therefore declared that he should feel it his duty to prevent such an unjust and unwarrantable proceeding on any future occasion where he was present, and desired that the practice might be discontinued, leaving orders with us, in case of any English vessel coming in during our stay to prevent its continuance,

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and to report these our instructions to the commandant.

As soon, therefore, as the Leven and Barracouta had got under weigh, we ran into English River and communicated the above orders, when it was arranged, that so long as men-of-war were in the bay it should be discontinued, until the point should be determined between the two Governments, to whom representations were made on both sides.

Our orders were to complete the survey of the great bay and of the river Mapoota, but if the fever should appear on board to proceed immediately to sea, and examine whether the St. Lucia river was at all practicable for any kind of vessels.

We quitted English River on the 8th of December, when we perceived a small brig under British colours about to enter; we accordingly ran across to Port Melville, between Elephant and Inyack Islands, to measure the meridian distance; and on the 11th returned, in order to observe the conduct of the Portuguese garrison to this vessel. We found her to be the Sincapore of Calcutta, about seventy tons burden, commanded by a Mr. Retchie, last from Mozambique, having on board Senhor Lupe de Cardenos, who had chartered her on certain conditions to bring him to this place as governor, commandant, and factor. I showed the new man in authority my orders relative to securing the British flag from

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insult, when Senhor Lupe assured him that the practice should be discontinued. This Governor and his wife were both creoles of Mozambique: he had agreed to pay Mr. Retchie his freight of eleven hundred Spanish dollars in ivory at a certain price, but as this ivory could not immediately be procured, he gave him a licence to traffic with the natives whilst he was collecting it. Finding that the commandant had no disposition to interfere with the Sincapore, and that he was the intimate friend and associate of Retchie, the master, we quitted the river and returned to Port Melville, where we anchored on the 16th.

A few days afterwards, the Orange Grove, of Cape Town, but now from Mozambique, came into this harbour; she was a small schooner of eighty tons, belonging to Mr. Henry Nourse, a merchant, and brother to Commodore Nourse. This enterprising gentleman had determined, it appears, to examine every part of the coast, to discover if any rational or profitable market could be opened for British commerce and manufacture. The supercargoes on board were Messrs. Maynard (nephew to Commodore Nourse) and Thompson. The Sincapore also came over from English River to trade with Inyack; but this traffic produced to neither vessel more than a small quantity of ambergris and a few hippopotamus-tusks.

Learning our intention to proceed up the Mapoota River, both the commanders of these vessels considered it as a favourable opportunity for

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trying the trade, and being at the same time protected against the treachery of the natives.

Unfortunately both the supercargoes of the Orange Grove had a violent attack of the prevailing fever, the germ of which it was supposed they had brought from Mozambique. This was the only drawback to spending our first Christmas from England with the conviviality usual to that season. Mr. Maynard was brought into my own cabin for better accommodation and medical attendance. But, in spite of every attention and care, he was fast sinking, and not a hope entertained of his recovery; nay, preparations were actually making for his funeral, when the Andromache, commanded by his uncle, was seen on the outer bar. This information was immediately conveyed to the dying man—the effect was almost instantaneous, and the power of the mental over the physical system was strikingly perceptible; the spirit appeared newly lit; the languid eye was succeeded by a sparkling ray of life, imparting hope to all who saw this sudden change, and, strange as it may appear, this exciting cause produced such new energy, that the effect, in a shorttime, was a perfect restoration to life and health.

Upon entering the harbour, the Andro mache appeared in rather a dangerous situation, having got very near the shoals of Elephant Island, and the wind blowing rather fresh. I instantly took the small boat, and, rowing across the reef, reached her at sunset and brought her into Port Melville, where she was anchored in

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safety, and the Commodore's nephew removed on board. The Andromache had in company with her two brigs, the Cygnet of ten guns, and the Wizard, a colonial vessel, commanded by Lieutenant Maynard, brother to the young merchant whose race was so nearly run. The meeting of these relatives, under such circumstances, must have called forth new and delightful sensations of affection and gratitude to the Author of all good, who had thus timely interfered to save the life of one so dear to them.

The day after the arrival of these vessels it blew a most terrific gale, that drove them all from their anchors; and such was the violence of this tempest that it almost laid the Andromache on her beam-ends, while the Sincapore was only brought up when in the foaming surf on Elephant Island.

By this gale the boats in the water at the time were either totally destroyed or materially damaged. During our short stay at this place two of the crew died, but as they were the only people on board who at that time had any symptoms of illness, no suspicion existed of the sudden mortality that awaited us, particularly as the boat's crew of natives were always employed to do such work as would have exposed our own people to the effects of the climate.

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CHAPTER XI.

Lieutenant Owen's narrative continued. Shores of the Mapoota.—Embassy to Makasany.—Interview with him.—His reply.—Hospitality.—Mode of barter.—Exploring party.—Terrific conflagration.—The fatal disorder.—Musquitoes.—Ravages of the fever.—Lieutenant's Owen's illness.—Mr. Tudor, and Cooper.—Fatal result.

"On the 1st of January 1823, the Andromache and her consorts left Delagoa Bay, and immediately afterwards we sailed from Port Melville for the River Mapoota, taking the channel down the western shores of the Peninsula and Island of Inyack.

We were detained a week surveying the flats at the mouth of the river, before entering, when we commenced our ascent.

For the first twelve miles the banks of the Mapoota are formed ofa low alluvial soil, shallow, and lined with forests of mangroves: the country then becomes more open. Although the river is everywhere narrow, and its navigable channels still more so, yet we were enabled to beat up

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against a strong wind by the assistance of the flood-tide. During this operation both shores of the river were covered with naked natives, in general armed with assagayes, and demonstrating by various sounds and antics their joy and astonishment; for without doubt none of this generation* had ever before witnessed such a spectacle.

Our first communication with these people was at a village about seven leagues up the river; it was some time before they could be prevailed upon to trust their valuable persons on board; but, after all our eloquence had proved unsuccessful, curiosity prevailed over fear. Upon being shown the wonders of the vessel, they expressed much more astonishment than usual amongst savages. Some of our companions recollected the first visit of several North American Indians to the first-rate ship of war built on the lakes of Canada, who never expressed the slightest degree of surprise or wonder at what they saw, resolving it all into an operation of the devil. These savages, on the contrary, examined and felt every thing, and the kind reception they met with induced their countrymen soon to banish both fear and reserve, much to the inconvenience of our officers and crew, who were sadly tormented by their numbers and curiosity.

One of these beauties was presented with a looking-glass in order that he might contemplate his villainous countenance, or, as Jack rather pro-

* Nor any other: these were the first vessels ever known to have entered the Mapoota.

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fanely termed it, his "ugly mug." This reflected ugliness seemed however, to have such charms for the native, that we began to be alarmed lest he should undergo the fate of Narcissus; he remained for a considerable time totally lost in admiration of his own image; and absolutely making the most hideous and ridiculous faces, merely for the pleasure of seeing them reflected: this being his only amusement or occupation during the whole time of his visit.

The Orange Grove and Sincapore did not arrive until several days after us, when I dispatched an embassy to Makasany, King of the territory of Mapoota. This royal personage was a cousin of Mayetta's; the high families of this country being quite as jealous of their pedigree as those of the most civilized nations, so that it is quite impossible for a native of low birth to acquire even the rank of chief.

Messrs. Hood and Tudor, of the Cockburn, Mr. Retchie, Master of the Sincapore, and Mr. Thompson, Supercargo of the Orange Grove, two armed seamen, and English Bill, as interpreter, formed the embassy; they took as a present a small quantity of leaf tobacco, some dungaree, or coarse blue cotton, and two bottles of rum. They were also accompanied by one of Makasany's Secretaries, who levied contributions of water-melons, pemba,* and fruits, for the use of the party, at several villages which they passed through. After a most fatiguing march of nearly sixteen

* Beer made from millet.

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miles, they saw the King's residence, and fired some muskets to announce their approach, the Secretary and English Bill being masters of the ceremonies.

On their arrival at the village, which consisted of several huts, built in a semicircle, enclosing a considerable space, King Makasany was found seated on a mat in the middle of the area, surrounded by several of his chiefs, likewise seated on their heels, and numbers of the common people of both sexes, all in the same posture. His majesty appeared about sixty years of age, very tall and stout, with a pleasing yet dignified countenance; from habit or intention he was long in answering any questions, as if giving them much deliberation and judgment.

Mats being spread for the officers of the embassy, Mr. Hood imformed Makasany "that one of King George's little ships was come into his river; that it was sent to ask after his health, and look at his river and his country; that King George's own ships did never trade, that being done by those belonging to his people, who paid him moderate custom." Two of these ships, Mr. Hood said, were then in the river, and if the King was disposed to trade with them, and would allow his people to do the same, he might be assured of their good faith and conduct. Messrs. Retchie and Thomson were then introduced as the merchants, who informed the King that they had brought beads, brass rings, and cloth, to exchange for ivory and ambergris.

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Makasany replied that he had been sick a very long time, but on hearing the good news that one of King George's ships had come up his river, it made him quite well immediately; that he had received a message from the Portuguese factory, representing the English as an insignificant people, who lived only in ships by robbing countries too weak to oppose them, &c. but he did not believe them, and should always be happy to see English ships in his river to trade with him and his people. Then, having a wine-glass presented to him, he gave a glass of rum to each of the embassy, took one himself,* and distributed the remainder of the two bottles among his wives, several of whom were in attendance and many more absent.

In front of the huts was a large tree used for their meetings and bazaars. This tree is here called Foomgoora, and produces a fruit larger than a melon; this is used to clean metals, but not for food. It is the Didynamia angiospermia, the flowers of which are spreading and elegant.

When this interview was ended, the party were conducted to another village, about a quarter of a mile from the first, belonging to one of Makasany's wives, whose hut was prepared for their reception. Their good-natured landlady, who was

* It is a prevalent custom of the Negroes in Africa, for the host or person who presents any liquor to drink the first draught himself as a security (by no means unnecessary,) against poison.

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middle-aged and fat,* sat up with them the whole night; this example was followed by all the people of the village, who gratified their curiosity by the sight of white men, and asked a thousand questions.

A goat was prepared for their supper, and in the morning they were presented with a repast of milk and cakes made of millet. This was much more sumptuous feeding than our parties generally met with on such excursions, but the country was at peace with the Zoolos, and had not been lately ravaged.

After breakfast they were again summoned to attend the King, who was seated under the same tree with his chiefs, when, having again assured Mr. Hood of his delight at seeing English vessels in his country, he said that he was at liberty to go where he liked in it, and that he would gladly trade with the merchants. Mr. Hood and his party therefore commenced their return to the vessel, leaving Messrs. Retchie and Thompson, with English Bill as interpreter.

Upon their return, Messrs. Hood and Tudor occupied themselves in finding stations for the survey of the river, but could meet with none sufficiently commanding for the purpose. They were, however, amply repaid by the most enchanting scenery along the whole course of the stream, as far as they could trace it; which, by their de-

* In Negro Africa, beauty in females consists in sleek magnitude, and in some parts the wives-elect of the chiefs are regularly fattened for a whole year before the marriage-ceremony.

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scription, surpassed all that we had hitherto navigated. The view was everywhere terminated by a range of lofty hills, about thirty miles to the westward, beyond which to the natives every thing was enveloped in fable and mystery.

On the 16th, we moved as high up as was convenient, and dispatched two boats, with ten days' provisions, under Messrs. Hood and Tudor, to follow the river to its source, which was imagined not to be more than forty miles. Besides the officers, two English seamen and four natives were in each boat. Shortly after their departure, two Kaffers, whom we had embarked at the Cape of Good Hope, deserted; one was found drowned the next morning, and the other on shore, in a neighbouring village. We afterwards learnt that the language of these men was nearly the same as that of the Zoolos, while that of Mapoota, was a sort of mixed dialect between the language of the Kaffers and that spoken about English River; in short, they all appeared to have the same origin, and were easily acquired by the natives.

The merchants having made their arrangements with Makasany, he allowed them huts in one of his own villages, not far from their vessels, when the trade commenced, but was carried on very slowly, according to the custom of all savages.

The mode of bartering for elephants' teeth is as follows:—they are brought to the place of exchange after they have been examined and sometimes weighed; the merchant puts down a certain quantity of blue calico or dungaree, beads,

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brass collars, bracelets, anklets, &c. These are in variably refused in the first instance, and as the King is the only merchant for teeth, so long as he pleases, or has any to dispose of, there can be no competition; and as he sells but one at a time, the delays to which such a traffic is exposed may be easily imagined. They have sometimes stood at the gate of the Portuguese factory for fourteen days before the natives would consent to part with them on the terms offered. To their honour be it known, that, although the goods of our merchants were left in an open hut absolute within their power, yet they never lost a single article; and it is but justice to the African character to record, that we never knew one instance of dishonesty, excepting by such persons as had been in the service of the Portuguese.

The King, Makasany, was very fond of rum, and drank it freely, but would never receive it as an article of barter; observing most philosophically, that although the pleasure arising from drinking was certainly great, yet it was too transitory an exchange for real property. Many of his chiefs and people were, however, not exactly of his opinion, and would have parted with all they possessed for the pleasure of getting drunk for a few hours. Makasany came from the trading village, which was near a mile from the vessel, to the bank of the river, but could not be persuaded to venture on board.

The exploring party in the boats ascended the

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stream of the Mapoota very slowly, as the tides were not felt a few miles from the vessel, and the current, being at this season much increased by the freshes, became on the second day so strong that it was with great difficulty they made any progress; so that they were five days ascending forty miles which occupied only one to return. Their progress was, in addition, materially obstructed by hippopotami and alligators, which were extremely numerous. One of the former attacked Mr. Tudor's boat and tore a piece out of her gunwale. Numerous wild geese were seen daily, and the evening mess was often much improved by their presence. On the fourth day a young alligator was shot, and the flesh eaten with much satisfaction by the party, who pronounced it quite equal to turtle. They were so much annoyed by mosquitoes, the howling of wild beasts, and the grunting, bellowing, and snorting of the hippopotami, that they got but little rest after their daily labours. Their camps were generally fixed on the right bank of the river in the territories of Mapoota, where they were frequently visited by the natives.

To make a place for their huts, they were in the habit of setting fire to the long grass, which, being dry, burnt readily to some distance; but the last evening of their ascent, they were surprised and rather alarmed at perceiving the flames extend to a neighbouring forest.

Mr. Hood's description may convey an idea of this scene, He says, 'the burning grass was ra-

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pidly consumed, and we were about pitching our tents as usual, when the flames suddenly spread in the direction of the forest; another moment and it was on fire; first the underwood, then the branches, and lastly, the ponderous trunks, were enveloped in one sheet of flame and smoke; the noise was terrific, as the crackling embers fell to the ground, while fiery sparks and brands were spreading the devouring element in all directions. The birds and numerous animals that had so long inhabited this impenetrable solitude undisturbed, were wildly screaming forth their terror, as, in their efforts to escape, they fell suffocated by the smoke into the consuming mass. We looked at one another in silent wonder, not unmixed with dread; the wild flame was let loose; it was spreading with uncontrollable fury, and we actually shuddered as we gazed upon the destruction we had made. The earth, the sky, and the water, all seemed kindled into flame. Our little power had produced this mighty work; but who could stop it? We felt our insignificance; and knew that only One could arrest its burning course, and upon Him we inwardly called with wonder and devotion. Such an event as this is of rare occurrence, and one that few men have seen and none have been able to describe. It is almost too much for the eye to contemplate; the feelings become subdued by the terrific grandeur of the scene. It was like a universal conflagration; all around was fire; red flames glowed from earth to heaven! I cannot describe what I suffered, for it was a

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painful sensation thus to gaze directly on the power of the Almighty. Both were his works; he had made the forest and the fine for the benefit of his creatures; used with the wisdom he has given them, they are their chief blessings, but, thus thrown thoughtlessly and carelessly together by impious man, they become a consuming curse, devouring all in their burning wrath. We had no opportunity of learning the extent of this conflagration, as we were that night obliged to pitch our tents on the opposite side of the river.'

The day after this event, one of the seamen was taken ill; Mr. Hood immediately bled him copiously, and returned as speedily as possible to the vessel. Up to this time all seemed most promising: neither the weather nor the country indicated anything unhealthy, and the officers and crew were generally as well as could be expected. But, on the 22nd, Mr. Conolly, the assistant-surgeon, was attacked with very violent symptoms of the fever; he bled himself profusely, and may be said almost to have died on the third day with the lancet in his arm. He was buried on the 26th of January upon a small island in the river; four of the seamen who attended him on shore, were seized immediately on their return with the same fatal disorder; and by the time Mr. Hood reached the vessel another of his party was taken ill. We did not lose a moment in getting away, and anchored on the 28th before the Portuguese factory. This was not, it is true, found a more

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favourable situation by the Leven and Barracouta, and, in fact, Captain Owen had ordered me to proceed to sea on the first indication of the disorder, but before I could get out of the river one-half of the crew was attacked, and the surgeon being the first victim, I judged it advisable to go where I could get the earliest medical assistance. Experience, however, justifies the belief that it would have been more prudent to have gone direct to sea, if sufficient hands had been left to work the vessel; for the Leven and Barracouta had not had one taken ill after quitting the bay, and those only died whose cases were previously considered hopeless.

It is usual to attribute this fever to the marsh miasma, which possibly may not be without foundation; but there was very little marshy ground within several miles of the Cockburn. The banks of the river were however wooded, and twice a day the tide left a considerable portion of mud exposed to the sun, the exhalations from which were carried by the breeze in every direction. This cause may have produced the baneful effect, but others certainly existed which served very much to aggravate, if not to originate the disease.

The musquitoes were so numerous on board, and indeed everywhere, that it was absolutely impossible to obtain any rest night or day. Their incessant buzz and occasional attack were more dreadful than can easily be imagined; it was irritating, nay, almost maddening, and produced as

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much suffering to the mind as to the body. It would hardly be believed that so insignificant an insect could cause so much and such constant annoyance. A nest of hornets could not have been more distressing, and nothing destroyed them but what was equally destructive to their victims: smoke, clothing, every thing was tried, but in vain; the poison of their bite sets the blood in a ferment, and a single musquito would in many subjects produce a fester accompanied with much pain and fever.

To this cause may certainly be attributed much of the mortality that attended this complaint, but whether by originating or aggravating the disease is a question not so easily determined. In the course of our experience, the first attacked with the fever were always those who had suffered most from the mosquitoes. The carpenter's mate had his wife on board; both were taken ill. In a paroxysm of frenzy he jumped overboard and was never more seen: she died a few hours afterwards.

The fever now began to make its ravages amongst our officers and seamen: in three days I was the only white person on board able to do anything; and it is most astonishing to me how I bore up so long, surrounded as I was by the dying and the dead. Nothing but the merciful hand of God could have supported me. The native blacks had an almost unconquerable objection to the vicinage of a corpse; so that when none of our own people were able to move, I was under the

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necessity of threatening to shoot the natives in our service, before they could be induced to take the dead on shore.

Poor Joyce, the widow's son, first died, evidently from apprehension; he had not the slightest indication of fever, but sank without a struggle, regretted by every one to whom his exceedingly gentle and amiable manners had endeared him. Next followed Mr. Hood, a young officer of great promise; his disorder being quite similar to that of Mr. Joyce. There now remained only seven officers and men out of the twenty who composed our original crew. I waited on the Commandant, Miguel Lupe de Cardenos, and asked permission to land the sick, which was granted, with a promise of medical assistance. It would gratify me to be able to say that the Governor complied with my wishes or with his own professions; but his motives were afterwards too clearly developed to merit any such acknowledgment on my part. All the invalids were, however, taken on shore, leaving only Mr. Tudor, John Cooper the black cook, and myself, on board."

On the 11th Lieutenant Owen was himself attacked, and, while the fever remained, went on shore to the house of Lieutenant Antonio Teixera, who attended him with the greatest kindness day and night. Under these circumstances it cannot be imagined that any written account of passing events was kept; the sequel, however, was, that

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Mr. Tudor and the cook became extremely ill, but, with a noble devotedness to their duty, determined not to quit the vessel, in consequence of the opinion they had formed of the new Commandant; and, whilst lying on their beds in hourly expectation of death, actually kept their arms ready to resist any attack of the factory men, (for it would be an unjust application of the term to call them a garrison.) This spirit alone, under God's mercy, kept them alive. The day after Lieutenant Owen's attack he was so unwell that but little hopes were entertained of his recovery.

On the 1st of March, the day promised by Captain Owen, and looked for with so much anxiety by our surviving comrades, the Leven arrived. When Mr. Williams was sent on board the Cockburn, as before-mentioned, we received upon his return an early presage of the melancholy tidings he had to communicate. Upon going below he found Mr. Tudor and Cooper in bed, labouring under the most dreadful debility it is possible to conceive. Their feeble efforts to express the delight they felt at our arrival were distressing to those who witnessed them, and gave but little hope of strength enough being left to withstand the deadly disease under which they were suffering. It had assumed in both the intermittent form, but its most violent attacks had not been able to subdue the firmness of their minds. There was a nobleness in the character

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and conduct of these individuals that calls for higher praise than a mere relation of their sufferings and situation. The opinion they had formed of the Governor did credit to their discernment, (as the sequel proved.) They were both attacked with the complaint which had destroyed so many of their companions, they had none to help or in any way attend to their wants, but with mutual kindness they assisted each other so long as they had the power to move. Still nothing could make them forget their duty, and even in the expectation of immediate death they determined to defend, while life remained, that which was committed to their charge. When unable longer to support their enervated frames, their situation must have been wretched in the extreme, without a friendly hand to administer a drop of water to their burning lips.

It is pleasing to record that they both lived, and poor Cooper was afterwards discharged at Sierra Leone, his native place, with about one hundred pounds pay and prize-money in his pocket.

All our sick comrades were removed as soon as possible on board the Leven, where, by care and attention, they ultimately recovered, with the exception of Mr. Henderson, who was, on our arrival, too far gone for hope. He was the brother of Captain William Henderson of the navy, and a very valuableyoung officer. Hood's commission as a lieutenant was received shortly after, but alas!

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poor fellow, he followed his brother* too soon to learn either his loss or his promotion.

Such was the fatal result of the Cockburn expedition up the Mapoota, a tragedy not the less to be deplored, because hitherto it had been almost the certain consequence of exploring African rivers.

* Mr. Hood's brother was murdered during Captain Franklin's expedition to the Polar Sea, as related in that officer's interesting narrative.

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CHAPTER XII.

The gun-room steward.—Effects of imagination.—Excuses for shipwreck.—Barlow's plate.—English Bill's mimicry.—Superstition.—Natives at dinner.—A native culprit.—Features of the country.—A severe gale.—Algoa Bay.—A mysterious Appearance.—The Flying Dutchman.—Wreck of the Cockburn.—A Dutch Frigate wrecked.—Finishing our Charts.—Bill at Cape Town.—Sale of a Gift.

DURING this voyage, the crew of the Leven and Barracouta were perfectly re-established in health, but frightful was the list of those who had fallen beneath the deadly curse of Africa, amounting to two-thirds of the officers and one-half of the crews of the three vessels. One circumstance in paticular occurred worthy of notice, as showing how much the mind is concerned in this dreadful malady.

The gun-room steward, named Malvaney, a very steady and sober young man, had been ill on our quitting the bay; his fever was of the low nervous kind, to which so many had fallen victims; as we encreased our distance from Delagoa, he

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recovered his health and spirits, apparently, forgetting and even ridiculing the fever, but, on returning he again became desponding, and took to his hammock with no discoverable disease but low spirits. Upon our arrival, and hearing the melancholy intelligence of the Cockburn, he became gradually lower and lower, his pulse almost imperceptibly failing until the 10th of March, the day of the Barracouta's arrival, when death put a period to his existence. On the following morning he was buried by the side of or among his ship-mates, on the sand-hill before the factory.

Upon looking over his effects there was found a diary, in which he had noted attending the corpse of William Roberts to the grave; this was the first seaman who died belonging to the Leven. Part of this journal was interlined to remark that when lowering the body of Roberts into the grave he fell upon it, and doubtless from this event imbibed some superstitious notion that he was soon to follow, although he was a perfectly quiet, sober man, and rather religious. By a strange fatality he was buried, if not in the same grave, certainly not many yards from that of Roberts, as he himself had imagined he should be. That imagination can do much to destroy life is thus exemplified; and with grief it must be confessed that many of our comrades died from no other complaint.

During this voyage a weekly newspaper was published on board the Leven by the officers, in which there were some papers written by Mr.

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Browne, that for elegance of expression have not often been surpassed. The editor of this weekly production was Mr. Owen Fisher, a most promising youth in every good qualification. Perhaps the fond partiality of friendship may be excused recording one of his numerous jokes, which served better than medicine to cheer the spirits of his companions.

It has long been the fashion to attribute every shipwreck to some fault in time-keepers and other instruments, but particularly to the deviation ofthe compass since its discovery by Captain Flinders, and on which so many useful experiments have been made during the polar voyages. The Leven was fitted with plates on Mr. Barlow's plan for measuring the quantity of this deviation, and the Leven's quarter-deck, as well as that of many others, was nailed with brass instead of iron. Although it is manifest that, in nine cases out of ten, shipwrecks arise from unpardonable ignorance or neglect, yet good has resulted from the many assertions that "the compass was false," "the time-keepers wrong," &c. because enquiry has been directed to these instruments; their nature and uses are better understood, and the above-mentioned excuses will be ultimately taken from future carelessness or stupidity. In the course of these enquiries many minute calculations and formulæ have appeared, which superficial observers suppose to contain some latent mystery, only attainable by the initiated, and that the art of critical navigation is only to be acquired

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by the learned few. The affectation of extreme minutiæ and of reasoning on new hypotheses to account for all possible effects, and to make the Royal Society a stepping-stone to the honours and benefits of our service, has certainly produced more injury by discouraging the unpresuming man of real professional merit, than it has done good by raising talent from obscurity. Young Fisher had sense enough in the few years he had lived in our service perfectly to understand the nature of the game of humbug, as it is generally termed, which it was his particular delight to satirize.

Whenever midshipmen or lieutenants from other ships came on board, he undertook to keep up our character for science in the cockpit. All the youngsters were seated by him at table over books of abstruse science, and as the stranger looked in he heard confused sounds of A, plus B, minus the cube of X, divided by the square of Y, is equal to the cube-root of Z, &c., by which artifice some of the younger part of his visiters were actually persuaded that the Captain never suffered the ship to be worked by any but algebraic rules.

One of his papers described these visiters going round the ship until they came to Barlow's plate; this he describes as an instrument for detecting whether men have drunk more than their allowance of water, which, being kept in tanks, must necessarily be impregnated with iron, and he most gravely states that it has been found highly dan-

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gerous to trust a man at the helm who shall have drunk more than his six pints; he then goes on to relate how this extraordinary property of tank-water was discovered, in consequence of the captain of the hold having taken advantage of his situation to rob one of the tanks of an extragallon for his own private use, and unwittingly, by coming to the helm, the compass was found to deviate most unaccountably. The circumstanee was reported to the Captain, who immediately ordered the man to be tried by Barlow's plate, when it was found that he had drunk seven pints and a half of tank-water more than his allowance; since which every man is tried by the plate before he is allowed to take the Leven's helm; and this method he recommends for general adoption in his Majesty's navy.

The insertion of this little effusion of early talent will be pardoned; the writer is no more; "consumption stole upon the path of time," and, one year after this, his frame sank beneath some arduous duties to which he was not so necessarily exposed but that he might have receded from them had he so measured his sense of duty.

The natives seemed much rejoiced at our return, and greeted us with the strongest demonstrations of friendship and regard. English Bill had accompanied Lieutenant Owen on board the Andromache during her visit to Port Melville, when he was presented to the Commodore. He diverted us extremely by describing her lofty appearance as they went alongside: the cleanness

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of her decks, which obliged him to walk on tiptoe, for fear of soiling them with his feet; the display of copper and brass in various parts of the ship; the ornamental arrangement of the warlike weapons, the size of the guns, the pomp and etiquette of the quarter-deck, were all in turn the subject of his excellent description, eminently illustrative of the truth and minuteness of his observation.

As none of the natives had ever heard a band of music, Bill tried his powers of mimicry. To imitate each of the different instruments, he pulled his face into all the changes exhibited by the performers, but feeling his incapacity to convey any thing like a perfect idea of the general effect he would at times ejaculate, "Oh! ver much fine, too much fine, I no tell how much fine, you sab all." But it had escaped the observation of Bill that the Captain of the Andromache was called "Commodore," and in his earliest descriptions he always styled him Captain; being frequently corrected in this by his hearers, in his subsequent accounts of this first interview, he, with great art and address, represented the Commodore astaking him to task in an angry and pompous manner for not understanding the full extent of his dignity by his title, when his talent for mimicry was sostriking, that the person he intended to represent could not for one momentbe mistaken. In fact, his numerous talents were so highly appreciated by his countrymen, that, in Speaking of him, they used to say, "Oh, dat

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fellow, Shamaguāva—him sab too much—him neber die."

This man and thirteen others embarked on board the Leven, and "George of the Sand," with two more, on board the Barracouta. They were with us for nearly five months, and universally behaved in the most respectful and orderly manner, doing their work at all times with cheerfulness and regularity. As soon as engaged they threw away with contempt their only article of covering, and dressed like sailors with the delight of children at a new toy. We were never able to discover any principle of religion amongst these people, excepting such as is professed by the whole of their countrymen to the east and west, who are much addicted to witchcraft and superstition; all wearing Gregories, or charms, round their necks, formed in the most fantastical shapes, and according to their belief gifted with supernatural powers. "George of the Sand" had picked up some notion of a future state, perhaps from the Portuguese, having often served them as a boatman; for, upon being once interrogated as to what would become of him when he was dead, he replied, "Me stop here," and pointing first to his own shadow, then to heaven, "dat man go dere." It must be confessed that even English Bill had not attained so sublime a notion of the distinction between body and soul, much less was it understood by others of his countrymen; for all who were ever questioned upon the subject expresseda firm belief that man's chance of eternity was no

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greater than that of a dog; and that, after death, the only prospect was utter annihilation.* Not one of them could conceive the most distant idea of a God, the Maker of all things and Father of all men: such a being was so far beyond the comprehension of these people, that they could not imagine any power able to make black and white men the children of one parent!

They changed many of our names to others more easily understood by themselves: the doctor they denominated "Make um well;" and as we got more to the southward, and consequently colder, they called their grog "kill um cold" instead of "sopy."

The chiefs visited us with the greatest confidence both before and after the cession of their country, and Captain Owen had occasionally some of them to dine with him, when it was admirable to observe how soon they acquired the decorum of civilized society, and the minute forms of a dinner table. They managed the knife, fork, spoon, and glass, with as much dexterity as if they had been accustomed to them all their lives; there was some difficulty, however, in making them comprehend that they were not required to eat and drink everything offered to them. At first, both Slangelly and Captain (Faneghy, a cousin of Slangelly's and of Mayetta's,) handed a part of their food to their attendants, who were permitted to sit behind them on the cabin-deck, but, finding

* How nearly does this sentiment accord with the result of French philosophy? let the history of their Revoluction tell.

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they were to be afterwards provided for, it was not repeated.

The ship, upon one occasion, was full of Temby chiefs and people, when a quarter-master missed a binnacle-lamp; this was immediately reported to Slangelly, who gave the necessary orders, and in less than five minutes his people found it in a native boat, carefully wrapped up in a piece of cloth, stowed away in a basket. The culprit was also produced, and found to be a man who had long been a servant at the Portuguese factory. The chiefs cudgelled him heartily on the spot, and would doubtless have destroyed all his propensities, had not Captain Owen interfered to save what was left of him, by explaining that no man was allowed to kill another on board his ship without his orders. The poor wretch was therefore conveyed to Mayetta, where, according to custom, he was to be strangled. But the Captain sent to beg that he might not be further punished, as King George desired to save men and make them good, not to kill them. This was the only instance of dishonesty we had met with during our stay upon the eastern coast of this continent.

Every arrangement being made for navigating the vessels to the Cape of Good Hope, on the morning of the 14th of March we left English River, and anchored in Leven Road, under Shefean Island, where we completed our stock of wood; and, on the morning of the 16th, taking advantage of the land-wind, we all got clear out to sea; viz. the Leven, Barracouta, Cockburn, the last corm-

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manded by Lieutenant E. O. Johnes; the Sincapore, by acting-Lieutenant Rozier, and the Orange Grove, belonging to Mr. Nourse. The intention of Captain Owen was to conclude the survey of the coast from the bay to our colony. On the night of the 17th, it blew tremendously from the southward, when all the convoy parted company excepting the Sincapore, which was towed by the Leven, on account of her had sailing.

As far as the river St. Lucia the shores present few pleasing features, but from thence they become more diversified, the sterile sand-hills less common, and nearly the whole, to the confines of our colony, offers a series of the most diversified and pleasing landscapes, in a country not cultivated but wasted by the hand of man. As this coast has for many years been a terror to merchantvessels, our minute survey cannot but be of the greatest benefit to general navigation. Our Kaffers named the countries which we passed, according to the following order: from the Keiskamma to the Buffalo River, Gaika; thence to the Ganooby, Kasoongo; thence to the Kye, Intah; and from the Kye north-eastward, Magalēga, Batēmbo, Madtēllah, and Maheimbo, which is supposed to be about Port Natal.

On the 24th we passed the Kowie River, quite close to its bar, and, contrary to our expectation or hopes, saw nothing to indicate its being a port, to say nothing of the importance given to it by the florid description of the colonists; for, excepting

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one house and two flag-staffs, no other animate or inanimate object was visible.

On the 25th, whilst standing towards Algoa Bay, we could perceive a dense black cloud two or three degrees above the western horizon, a sure prognostic of an approaching storm: before morning our ship could hardly carry an inch of canvass, and many of the sails were split by the frightful violence of the wind. The sea during these gales is extremely dangerous, particularly to ships heavily laden or impaired by age; this is on account of the wind and current being opposed to each other, which make the waves so very short and high, that large ships labour most frightfully: hence the notorious danger of passing the Cape of Good Hope, and the numerous losses in its vicinity.

This severe gale came on with the equinoctial full moon, and, except a moist haze and a few light scuds that passed rapidly over us, the sky was perfectly clear.

The easterly winds are less dangerous than those from the westward, as, blowing in the same direction with the current, the waves are much longer and slower, and do not break so violently. The westerly winds are always strongest over the most rapid currents, apparently gathering force from their resistance. If ships, therefore, boldly push in for the land, they will usually lose the current, heavy sea, and gale together, but always the first two: a knowledge of this fact is ex-

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tremely important in the navigation of the Cape seas.

The Cockburn was seen to leeward, but riding so well that no apprehensions were entertained for her safety.

Captain Evatt, the Commandant, and Mr. Nicholl, a merchant, came on board as soon as we anchored in Algoa Bay, and brought us many welcome letters and newspapers from England. By our orders we were to make this harbour the first place for our victualling, and thence to forward accounts of our proceedings: contracts were accordingly entered into for the necessary supply; but as they were not fulfilled, and as, on account of our serious losses it became necessary to recruit our numbers, Captain Owen resolved upon going at once to the Cape of Good Hope.

Shortly after our arrival, a sloop which traded constantly between Cape Town and the Kowie River worked out of the bay with a fine breeze; this vessel was never afterwards heard of, and is supposed to have foundered at sea: she appeared totally unfit for such a voyage, being a mere boat badly constructed, and furnished an instance of the miserable state of the art of navigation at the Cape of Good Hope.

Having obtained a small quantity of fresh provisions on the 29th, we quitted Algoa Bay for Simon's Town. In the course of this voyage, which occupied nine days, the weather was variable, with two or three severe gales and some dead

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calms, during which latter we invariably caught great quantities of fishof the finest quality.

For many years, the Flying Dutchman has been a popular superstition and source of terror to mariners. Few have often passed the Cape but can tell their tale of what they saw, or what others have told them of this mischievous phantom-ship. Old seamen still while away the tedious nightwatch in repeating to their young and marvelloving comrades, stories of this water-sprite; and many a stout heart has quailed, as with anxious ears they have listened to the freaks of this airy terror. The following circumstance happened to us during this voyage, which called forth many an almost forgotten record of the "Flving Dutchman."

In the evening of the 6th of April, when off Port Danger, the Barracouta was seen about two two miles to leeward: struck with the singularity of her being so soon after us, we at first concluded that it could not be she; but the peculiarity of her rigging and other circumstances, convinced us that we were not mistaken; nay, so distinctly was she seen, that many well-known faces could be observed on deck, looking towards our ship. After keeping thus for some time, we became surprised that she made no effort to join us, but on the contrary, stood away. But being so near the port to which we were both destined, Captain Owen did not attach much importance to this proceeding, and we accordingly continued our course,

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At sun-set it was observed that she hove-to, and sent a boat away, apparently for the purpose of picking up a man overboard. During the night we could not perceive any light or other indication of her locality. The next morning we anchored in Simon's Bay, where, for a whole week, we were in anxious expectation of her arrival; but it afterwards appeared that at this very period the Barracouta must have been above three hundred miles from us, and no other vessel of the same class was ever seen about the Cape.

This is not told in order to authenticate the stories of fear or fancy, or to add to the visionary terrors of superstition, but it is recorded as a strange and at present unaccountable fact, doubtless attributable to natural and probably simple causes.* Time or accident may solve them; but until then, the imagination of those who delight in unaccountable things will picture the phantom-ship as an apparition of dreadful and supernatural mystery. The popular sequel of the Flying Dutchman's history is, that he always visits those ships off the Cape to whom some misfortune is threatened: sometimes, it is said, he sends a boat on board with letters, which, if received, seal the fate of that vessel, and she must be wrecked, and every soul perish. For the credit of this nautical goblin, it ought to be believed, that every ship lost in these seas has been so visited, which, if, as required, all are drowned, either may or may not be true, as there can be none to contradict

* Such effects may be produced by refraction.

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it. The boat never reached us; and although in a future stage of this expedition he made another attempt to allure us to a communication, the malicious fiend was contented with a smaller sacrifice, and allowed us to return and tell the tale.

In Simon's Bay we found the Andromache, with Commodore Nourse's pendant, and the Delight ten-gun brig, Captain Hay. Had this vessel seen the Flying Dutchman instead of us, the fire of superstition would by her subsequent loss have been fed with a little additional fuel; nay, many even now think that the phantom mistook the vessel, and meant his visit for the unfortunate Delight. But we should imagine him too good and old a sailor to mistake a frigate for a tengun brig.

We saw the Cockburn a wreck upon the beach. It appeared that she had attempted to run in during the night, but the officer mistook the Table and Musemberg mountains for Simon's Bay: as soon as the error was discovered he anchored; but, the wind blowing strong, and directly on shore, all her cables broke and she was irrecoverably stranded, but fortunately without any loss of life. Her remains were afterwards sold for timber.

On the 14th, the Barracouta arrived, having parted from us during a gale of wind, when she was driven back to the northward of Cape Inyack; but, after encountering much bad and variable weather, she contrived to make Algoa Bay by the

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2nd of April. At Port Elizabeth she found the officers and crew of a small Dutch frigate, the Zeepard, or Sea-horse, which had been wrecked during a fog, about three leagues from Cape Reciffe, on the day of the Leven's sailing from Algoa Bay. This accident, like the greater part of those of a similar nature, might justly be attributed to extreme ignorance and neglect: they had obtained a meridian altitude, and knew themselves to be nearly in the latitude of Cape Reciffe, but never tried for soundings until three in the afternoon, when they were amongst the breakers: she was soon a perfect wreck, ten or eleven of her crew drowned, and the whole of her stores lost. The Barracouta received her second captain and fifty of the crew for a passage to Simon's Bay, while the remainder of her officers and men proceeded to Cape Town by land.

Only seven months had elapsed since we last quitted the Cape, yet many who then were with us, full of health and hope, were now mouldering in their lonely graves. The mortality had been fearful. Two-thirds of the officers and more than one-half of our seamen had we seen fall victims to this invisible but insidious foe. One case yet remains to be mentioned, which by its termination appeared like a punishment of Divine justice. This was the corporal of marines on board the Barracouta, who, shortly after leaving Algoa Bay for the Cape, pretended to be unwell and not able to rise from his hammock. Not the least appearance of indisposition was visible, and the doctor pronounced

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him perfectly well: it was therefore generally believed that he used this artifice in order to get invalided and sent home; but, whether from the confinement or some other cause, in a few days he became really ill, and died shortly afterwards.

Whilst at Madagascar, as before stated, Captain Owen had forwarded directions to Lieutenant Reitz to open a rendezvous for seamen at Cape Town, in order to replace those whom we had lost; and, notwithstanding the mortalitywe had experienced, the expedition possessed so great a charm for both officers and men, that the latter were soon completed from the different merchantvessels, and many of the former were permitted by the Commodore to join us from his squadron at their own request.

It may be seen by our orders that we were expected to make returns of the work we had completed; our charts were therefore the first objects of our attention. The Captain hired a house, together with one of the untenanted offices of the dock-yard; and whilst the ships were refitting, which occupied until the middle of June, we finished nineteen double elephant sheets, and forwarded them to the Admiralty.

Our expedition produced some sensation at the Cape, as, independently ofthe relation of facts respecting the coast and people, it was considered astending, by the greater light thrown on the commerce of Delagoa, to open another branch of trade for the merchants. English Bill, on account of his humour and the native shrewdness he displayed, was much noticed; his first intro-

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duction being to some houses in Simon's Town, where his whimsical but just remarks upon every thing he saw afforded much amusement. His circle of acquaintance soon, however, extended further; he had heard much of Cape Town, and could not be contented until he had obtained permission to visit it: when he had succeeded in this, he was too impatient to wait for the waggon, but commenced his journey on foot, followed by one of his humble comrades, for Bill was by far too great a man to carry his own bundle. Whilst at Cape Town, he visited the Governor and many of the most respectable families; he was joined by "George of the Sand:" they attended the races together, where the swiftness of the horses, and the dexterity of their riders, confounded them with astonishment. George, seized with the turf-mania, dwelt with ecstacy on the different colours and qualities of the horses, as well as the distinguishing dress of their riders. He appeared to think it impossible to express fully an idea of their speed, for even when in the height of his enthusiastic description he would stop short for want of words to express himself, and exclaim, "Ride, ride, like devil, flog like devil; go — oh — go like devil!" He would then continue the exhibition by assuming the bending posture of jockeys when riding, fixing his eye intently on some object directly in front, clapping violently his right thigh with his hand, and shaking his legs as if in the act of whipping and spurring.

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While English Bill was at Cape Town, those merchants who felt inclined to speculate with the people of Delagoa availed themselves of his presence to obtain the necessary information for carrying on a trade with his countrymen. Observing that they were particularly solicitous respecting the commerce in ivory, on his return to Simon's Town, he begged a gentleman to explain the reason, who after describing the various useful purposes to which it was applied, showed him a very handsome set of chessmen and other articles of ivory. Bill was astonished, and placing his hand against his forehead ina thoughtful posture, exclaimed, "Me see! me see! Delagoa man d—n fool, d—n fool—no saby nothing." This gentleman had shown him great attention on all occasions; when he returned from Cape Town he repaired to his house, where he found Mr. Rozier, who, after Bill had stopped some time, suggested to his worthy host that he should return to Captain Owen. Bill appeared much an noyed at this, and obstinately persisted in his determination not to go, the reason for which neither of them could imagine, until Bill, who was evidently much fatigued, explained it by observing, "Suppose me go look um cappen, stop up read book, speakee me, no let Bill sleep;" in allusion to the habits of the Captain, who seldom slept before three and sometimes four o'clock in the morning. This is related as another instance of this man's acute observation, which not the most trifling acts of those

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around him escaped. He frequently regretted the impossibility of his being able to prevail upon one of the "sweet lady" to accompany him back to Delagoa, gravely observing, whenever he entered upon the subject that she should have plenty to eat, nothing to do, should rule the rest of his wives, and command every thing that he possessed.

A gentleman presented to him a medal of the Humane Society as a token of remembrance, which Bill, during his visit to Cape Town, parted with for six Spanish dollars. The donor was annoyed at this, and expressed his displeasure to Bill, who, ever ready with an excuse, justified his conduct by declaring that a single piece among the whole of his family would not make them so frequently remember the giver as one of less value to each. His scale forthe distribution was amusing; he commenced with allotting one dollar to himself, and one to his principal wife, to himself again, and then to his second, and so on to the last, always taking one to himself for every wife. Upon the whole, Bill and George found their vanity much gratified by the attention they received; and their curiosity agreeably awakened by the various novelties that a civilized place afforded.

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CHAPTER XIII.

Ball on board— The Albatross— Missionaries Betheldorp and Uitenhage— Trade with Delagoa— Perfidy— Expedition against the Zoolos— point Reuben— Native Plants— An Elephant— A Portuguese Lady—Cowardly Revenge—Expedition in Boats—Matchakany—A Portuguese Suppliant— Unburicd Bodies.

NOTHING could exceed the friendship and hospitality shown to us by every class of residents during our stay in this interesting colony; as an acknowledgment for which, on the 30th of May, Captain Owen gave a ball and supper, on board the Leven, to one hundred and fifty ladies and gentlemen.

The ship, under the management of Lieutenants Mudge and Owen, was completely tented tented in, and every thing being off the upper deck, the ball-room was fitted between the fore and main-masts, the quarter-deck was made into a drawing and card room, while the captain's cabin was appropriated to the ladies, and the main

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deck arranged, from head to stern, with supper tables. After being entertained with a display of fire-works, "dacing commenced and continued with much spirit until day light," when they were pleased to say, that so splendid and delightful a party had never been given on ship-board, so long as they or the Cape had been there.

The total loss of the Cockburn rendered another small vessel necessary, and early in June the Albatross, a schooner, was purchased for 2000l., fully equipped and ready for sea, with the exception of some trifling alterations which did not occupy more than a few days. Lieutenant Richard Owen, who had been for some time perfectly recovered, was put in command, and as our provisions were contracted for at Algoa Bay, she sailed for that place on the 23rd to await our arrival.

As before mentioned, Captain Owen had made an arrangement with the Governor of Mozambique, for the exploration of the river Zambizi in the month of July. But the insight he had obtained of the Portuguese character upon this coast, led him to doubt, and not in any measure to rely upon the fulfilment of their promises to participate in its dangers. It was therefore planned without any dependence upon their cooperation. Lieutenant Charles William Browne, Mr. George Kilpatrick, an assistant surgeon, and Mr. John Forbes, the botanist, having volunteered for the expedition, were occupied during our stay at the Cape in providing themselves with the necessary information and equipment. Before leav-

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ing the Cape, the Wesleyan missionaries, animated by their zeal in the noblest of all causes, waited on Captain Owen to inquire if there was any opening for their exertions at Delagoa Bay: he said that he could assure themof a friendly reception from the native chiefs, and that he would readily give any persons appointed by them a passage for so laudable an undertaking. Accordingly, Mr. Threlfall, a young man of sound health and constitution, was chosen by the society and received on board, to be landed at Temby.

On the 16th of June the Barracouta left Simon's Bay, to proceed on her voyage, and to meet us at Algoa or some other part of the coast. We followedher on the 25th, and in two days beat in a heavy gale of wind, into Port Elizabeth, where we anchored alongside the Albatross. The Barracouta did not arrive until four days afterwards, having experienced much bad weather. Whilst in Algoa Bay, Lieutenant Browne and Mr. Forbes were employed in gaining such intelligence as they imagined might be useful in their projected expedition from Senna and Tete to the Cape Colony. Mr. Read, of the London Missionary Society, came on board to give them all the information in his power. This gentleman had been at Lattakoo and Kurrachine, with his companion, Mr. Campbell, (whose travels have been published,) when he married a native of the former place, or neighbouring country. He induced Captain Owen to visit Betheldorp, which Was the seat of his present labours. This is a

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village of Hottentots, under the direction of the London Missionary Society, containing about fourteen hundred persons. It did not appear to be under good management, the inhabitants being subject to much oppression, not from any fault in the directors of this humble establishment, but from the unequal laws of the Colony, which deny the native Hottentot and free men of colour, (if they be poor,) either the rights of freedom or the advantages of slavery. Such is not the case at Uitenhage, about double the distance from Port Elizabeth; this little village, situated on the banks and in the vale of the Zwart Kop, contains about three hundred inhabitants, fostered by the protection of Government. A great part of the village belongs to Colonel Kayler, the resident, who received and entertained our travellers most hospitably. The proximity of Betheldorp and Uitenhage appeared to create much jealousy and many disputes between the Resident and the London Mission about the aborigines, who by some law of the Colony, are compelled to serve the colonists: but who, in their turn, are under no obligation, either to employ or maintain them; neither can the native Hottentot possess any land in his own right. It is to be lamented that the British Government, in obtaining possession of this colony, should have adopted the injustice of their predecessors.

On the 2nd of July the Barracouta sailed for Quillimane, when we bade a final adieu to Lieutenant Browne and his party.

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Whilst at the Cape the merchants were induced to open a trade with the negroes of Delagoa Bay, when English Bill and several of our natives were permitted to engage themselves in the double capacity of seamen and interpreters. Three vessels were fitted out for this purpose, the Salisbury, Mr. King master, the Orange-Grove and the Jane, the first being equipped by a joint-stock company, at a ruinous rate; and the two latter belonging exclusively to H. Nourse, Esq. These vessels arrived at Port Elizabeth during our stay, when the master of the Salisbury, and Mr. Farewell, the principal merchant, came on board to Captain Owen, who gave them all the local descriptions they required and also two Kaffers as linguists.

It is an unpleasant task to record the errors or faithlessness of mankind, as it calls forth the recollection of our own imperfect nature: but the following instance of perfidy meeting its reward is too strong a lesson of immediate punishment to pass unnoticed. Before these vessels sailed, Captain Owen explained to the master of the Salisbury that, in consequence of variable weather, We had only been enabled to trace the coast about Port Natal and the river St. Lucia by sailing along it. To benefit the service as much as posible, although he intended again to visit these places, Captain Owen gave the master of this Vessel a tracing of our chart, on condition that he would make as good a sketch of St. Lucia and Port Natal as was in his power. This he was to

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leave with the Commodore for the Captain, in case of any circumstance preventing his return to that part of the coast.

It afterwards appeared that he was at both these places, and made a chart or survey of Port Natal, but instead of leaving it, as promised, with the Commodore, upon his return to England he prevailed upon a certain nobleman to accompany him to the Admiralty, where he stated that he had discovered and surveyed a very important harbour which had escaped the surveying squadron's observation, and which he was ready to give up on condition of being made a lieutenant, having served his time as a midshipman. The inference that might have been drawn from this representation was, that we had overlooked a point of material importance; but the Admiralty, having a just sense ofthe merits of the officers to whom they had entrusted the survey, dismissed the proposer in the most contemptuous manner. We afterwards made an accurate chart of Port Natal. But the person who had thus endeavoured to throw a stigma upon our services was, by a strange fatality, whilst upon the coast in another vessel, wrecked on the bar at the entrance to this very harbour.

We were fully occupied until the 6th in embarking provisions for eight months, but on the following day we sailed for Delagoa, to finish the survey of the bay and Mapoota River. During this voyage we had many severe gales, yet were enabled to trace much of the coast, and

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to obtain many soundings. On the 22nd we anchored in English River, and found the Jane, with King Kapell, Slangelly, and English Bill, on board, making arrangements concerning the trade. Immediately after our arrival Mr. Threlfall was landed. He chose Point Mahone as the seat of his mission, and King Kapell granted him about one hundred and sixty acres of land upon certain conditions, in a solemn assembly of his chiefs, and in the presence of Captain Owen and his officers. Being taken under the immediate protection of Prince Slangelly, his first object was to obtain a knowledge of the language; but the result of this enterprising young man's exertions will be the subject of further notice.

The warlike, but restless Zoolos, under Loonkundāva, had settled on the right bank of King George River, having driven out the native inhabitants. With a view to please Chaka, of whom the Commandant was in some dread, he detached nearly all his officers and forty soldiers of his garrison tohunt them out of Cherinda, where they were fixed. This expedition was accompanied by a long-boat, which proceeded up the river, but, having lost two or three men in a skirmish, the remainder returned to pursue the more peaceable and less dangerous oecupation of traffic.

On the 24th of July, the master of the Jane schooner, the same Mr. Maynard, whose life was so miraculously preserved, undeterred by the fatal issueof the Orange Grove's attempt to trade

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in the Mapoota, sailed for that river by invitation from King Makasany.

Lieutenant Mudge was occupied with two boats in surveying the south side of the bay till the 4th of August, and, though the weather was so bad as to put one of his boats in a sinking state, he traced the shores for about twenty leagues, and completed the survey of Port Melville. On the 27th of July, being Sunday, Mr. Threlfall performed divine service on board, which was attended by several of the chiefs and many of the natives of Temby, whose conduct was always extremely orderly upon such occasions.

During a botanical excursion the Captain and surgeon, with a few men, traversed the peninsula of Point Reuben, which seems to have been so called by the English whalers; for the Portuguese are too idle or indifferent even to name the places around them. It forms the northern point of English River, and rises abruptly from the sea to a height of about two hundred feet. In a small bay, just within the river's mouth, are the remains of a well, made by the Dutch, when they settled there from 1719 to 1736; it is situated immediately under the only pathway up the face of the Cape, but it is now totally neglected both by the Portuguese and natives: by the former, because it is too far from the fort, and by the latter because they get water any where under the cliffs by digging small holes in the sand. The summit of the Cape was partially and had been entirely cultivated, but was so frequently wasted

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by enemies and elephants, that the crops were too uncertain; sweet potatoes, pumpkins, onions, maize, millet, and azaite, with the common calibash-tree, were the only productions visible in small parcels; and not more than five or six huts could be seen scattered over several square miles, where formerly there had been many populous villages.

The azaite, as it is called by the Portuguese, by the Arabs, mafōōta, and by the natives, mapōōta, is much cultivated in all Eastern Africa; the oil expressed from it being considered equal to that of olives, and obtaining as high a price in the Indian market. The plant, which is as tall and rank as hemp, is extremely productive, having numerous pods throughout the stems, and being found everywhere in a wild, as well as in a cultivated state. It is the didynamia gymnospermia, with a beautiful corolla not much unlike the fox-glove but smaller. Amongst the trees were several bearing two different sorts of perfect flowers; the classes, orders, and characters of which were totally different. It was after some difficulty discovered that one of them, like our misletoe, was a parasite, but so intimately were they united, that it was almost impossible to know the flowers of the original tree, unless by referring to others on which no such leech had fastened. But the most curious plant they found, was the great euphorbium, or spurge, which was growing in every direction to a height of thirty feet on the precipices of the Cape; whenever the flowers or

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leaves were broken, a milky liquid flowed from the fracture in streams.

An elephant was seen by the side of the lake Moonyāna; he was carefully reconnoitred from a distance, but, curiosity getting the better of discretion, the party made a small détour of some underwood in order to approach more closely, but when they emerged from the thicket they found themselves within fifty yards of him. He proved to be a tremendous animal, about fourteen feet high; he was lying on the cool shores of the lake, but having scented our party he got up and advanced a little into the plain, exhibiting evident symptoms of impatience and displeasure at being thus disturbed, by tossing up the earth and sand with his trunk, stamping with his feet, and at length advancing a little nearer to the intruders, who, however, prudently declined any further communication. In this excursion, numerous skeletons, skulls, and even bodies of natives, were found uninterred, thus marking the progress of barbarism where property and lives have no security from social regulations.

On the 2nd, a party of Zoolos were seen about a mile from the fort. The Commandant immediately sent three soldiers to chase them away. Of these one was killed on the spot, and the other two were badly wounded. One actually returned with his entrails in his arms; but death soon relieved him from his sufferings. We afterwards learnt that this man was one of four soldiers, who, at Mozambique, had murdered a

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young Englishman named Dowling. Upon this matter there was much correspondence between the Governments of Calcutta, Goa, Mozambique, London, and Lisbon, his father being in the service of the East India Company at Bengal. But atrocious as the act was, there did not appear any just reason for the interference of British authority, as, at the time, Mr. Dowling was actually serving as master of a Portuguese merchant-vessel.

As this circumstance excited much interest in India and is unpublished, its recital may here be considered worthy of perusal. A Portuguese family, notorious for wealth and licentiousness, resided at Mozambique. Of the female branches Donna L— was reputed handsome; she had for a short time tasted the sweets of matrimony, but was now a gay and young widow without any restraint. This lady was visited by all the gentlemen of the place. But the man who pretended to the exclusive enjoyment of her favours, was a Colonel P— de C—, who united in his character all the essentials of a coward and a bully.

It appeared, however, tha the had rather overrated his powers of attraction, for Donna L— was at once struck with a passion for the young Englishman, who was remarkable for elegance of person and gentlemanly manners. The proofs of the lady's preference for poor Dowling were too conspicuous to escape the penetration of the ci-devant lover, whose warm and

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jealous temperament was at once inflamed by all the demons of hatred and revenge. Fearing the coolness and courage of the English character, he endeavoured to control his anger until a favourable opportunity offered for a sure and bloody sacrifice of its object. This event was perhaps a little hastened by a meeting which took place between the parties at the house of Donna L—, when the colonel, a little excited by wine, forgot his cold-blooded policy, and, overcome by love and jealousy, not only insulted but afterwards drew his sword upon Dowling in the ladies' presence.

The Englishman acted as most of his countrymen would have done under the same circumstances, by instantly seizing the colonel, thrusting him out of the room, and then, it is said, kicking him down stairs. Dowling concluded that this affair would not end here; he thought that the Portuguese character was as brave and honourable as his own, and, in expectation of having to give the colonel satisfaction in the morning, went to bed. He slept upon the groundfloor of the tavern, and was in the habit of leaving his window open for air during the night. Four assassins, soldiers, by the direction of the vanquished colonel, took advantage of this to enter his room and make a cowardly attack upon him whilst sleeping; he awoke bleeding from several wounds, yet undismayed, arose, and with determined heroism seized one of their weapons, and actually, in this exhausted state, beat them

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out of the room. But this was his last effort; he immediately sank upon the bed, and, from the injuries which he had received, died within an hour. All the inhabitants were much interested in this case, and tried to bring the offenders to justice; but the cowardly policy of the general would not sentence a soldier to death for any crime. Accordingly, neither Don P— de C—nor any of the other assassins were punished beyond a short imprisonment and removal to distant posts. But it was related to us, that not only the man before mentioned, but two more of the murderers, had met with violent deaths; the fourth never having since been heard of.

On the 5th, the Melville and Croker boats were fitted for an expedition up the Mattoll and Dundas Rivers; the Captain being determined, by his own example, to remove the dread of these excursions, which was too evident amongst the crew. Our boats were well armed and equipped with a rocket-gun, by which we hoped to kill a hippopotamus. In the afternoon of the first day, we got to Mattoll; and, having burnt down much of the long dry grass with which the shores of all these rivers are most luxuriantly covered, we pitched our tent on a convenient flat, when Mr. Rozier was sent to Matchakany to announce the Captain's intended visit; and on the following morning we walked up to his village, a distance of about two miles from our tents.

But, as accounts of these rivers have already

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been given, it is intended merely to relate the proceedings of our party during this second voyage of exploration. As soon as our arrival was announced, the King ordered mats for the Captain and his party under a foongārva tree, when a few bottles of rum, some tobacco, cloth, and beads, were presented to Matchakany by the Captain; in return for which his Majesty ordered a drove of his cattle down to our tents, from which we were to select and shoot one for our own use. The Captain then smoked a few cigars, and by the aid of some Mattollese, who spoke a little Portuguese, and others who had a smattering of English, carried on a long conversation with Matchakany, who told him, amongst other things, that he considered the King of Portugal as his brother, the Portuguese having always been his friends, although there were bad people amongst them; such as the present Commandant, whom he described as a wicked and foolish man.

During this interview a Portuguese suddenly came from the crowd, and throwing himself before Captain Owen embraced his feet, at the same time presenting a written paper, which proved to be a memorial to the Governor of Mozambique. His name was Anselmo de Nascimento, and it appeared that he had been Secretary to the Portuguese factory, but was now banished to the woods by the Commandant. As soon as the Captain had heard his story, and ascertained that

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his only wish was to be conveyed to Mozambique, he asked Matchakany what he knew of him, who said that the poor man being turned out of the fort could not subsist; he therefore had from time to time supplied him with food, for it was disgraceful to see a white man starving in his country. In addition to this, he acknowledged some individual obligations to Anselmo, and concluded by saying, that so long as he was in distress he should be treated as his son, but that he feared the vengeance of the Commandant for thus affording him shelter.

As soon as Anselmo had received an assurance of the Captain's protection, he retired and brought in his wife, who was far advanced in pregnancy. She told Captain Owen that she had quitted the factory contrary to the orders of Lupe, being resolved to live or die with her husband. It need not be said that their story drew forth much sympathy from every Englishman. These people were natives of Goa and dark mulattoes, although Matchakany called them white. Anselmo had in a short time completely acquired the native language, and afterwards became very useful to us as an interpreter.

With Matchakany there was a messenger from the Zoolos, an immense man, with not an article of clothing save an humble offering to modesty. The whole country had again been desolated by these restless savages, but Matchakany had, nevertheless, at least a ton of good ivory in his

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huts. Many bodies of the Mattollese, destroyed by them during their invasion, still lay rotting in the face of the sun; but we were informed that their custom is to let them remain where they fall, unless some relation undertakes to bury them.

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CHAPTER XIV.

Ascend the Dundas.—Hippopotami.—Imprudence.—The Hunters entrapped.—A liberated Captive.—Seizure of Slaves.—English Merchant-ships.—Shores of the Mapoota.—Hunting Hippopotami.—Regulations for Trading.—Miss the Barracouta.—A new Tribe.—Their Conduct.—A curious Custom.—Traffic.

SHORTLY after we had returned to our tents, Matchakany came down with his secretary to visit the Captain; they behaved with much decorum, but the latter gentleman had no objection to get drunk, although his master was a waterdrinker, quite a rara avis in this country.

A fine cow was chosen from the herd sent down by Matchakany for our consumption, when some of the party fired at her, and she was soon butchered, the attendant Mattollese having a delicious feast from the entrails and offal.

On the morning of the 6th we quitted Mattol and commenced ascending the Dundas, or "fresh water river." The hippopotami were extremely

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numerous, forming, apparently, a solid phalanx. As we approached they commenced snorting and opening their terrific jaws in the most frightful and menacing manner. The Croker happening to graze a monster in a shallow part of the river, he immediately made a furious plunge, and lifted the boat with seven people half out of the water, so that the keel actually cracked, but the poor hippopotamus was so dreadfully alarmed that he escaped with all speed before any one had time to strike him. When near the navigable summit of the river, another of these unwieldy brutes rushed from the marshy marginof reeds on the bank, and galloped towards the boat open-mouthed and bellowing most hideously. Had this been our first rencontre it might have been alarming, but we had learned that the slightest flash of fire would turn them when in the most infuriated state. The Captain and Mr. Durnford fired together, the former with an elephant-gun and pewter bullet, when he was not more than twelve yards from the boat: but his thick hide repelled the ball, and it had only the effect of turning him back amongst the high reeds whence he had issued. Some of our party landed in pursuit, when Mr. Tudor came upon him again, but his retreat was so thick and high, that they could nowhere see five yards around, and were only able to move in the alleys made by the beasts, so that his escape from such inexperienced hunters was not difficult.

Our tents were pitched on a beautiful penin-

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sula, on the left bank of the river, after burning down the grass, for the double purpose of having a clear spot, and to dry the ground upon which we were to sleep, as the night-exhalation from the damp earth is almost universally fatal to Europeans. But the Portuguese Secretary and his wife merely cut a few bushes to cover themselves, without any such precaution; and in this manner they had lived for more than a month, yet neither of them hadsuffered in the slightest degree.

More cautious habits are, however, certainly necessary for Europeans in general; yet nothing is more difficult to instil into the minds of unthinking seamen and soldiers, who, after many hours' exposure to a hot sun and hard labour, are glad to throw off their warm clothing and indulge in the coolest and most exposed situations; but it generally happened that those who took cold, or were chilled by such exposure, fell victims to their imprudence. During this expedition one of our sailors, John Brown, feeling much heated, took off his flannel waistcoat as soon as he was in his tent and went to sleep, contrary to the Captain's positive orders; he awoke perfectly chilled, was taken ill immediately, and died within a few days. Two other men also suffered from a similar cause, but recovered by the early attention of the surgeon, who formed one of the party.

The Captain made a night excursion to try to kill some hippopotami, but their senses were by far too acute to admit of a near approach—and it

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being very dark, the numerous pitfalls that the natives prepare for catching these animals rendered the excursion extremely hazardous, as even by day many of our people had found themselves suddenly entrapped, whilst in pursuit of their game. The sensation was described as anything but pleasant, when walking thoughtlessly along to be suddenly precipitated some ten or a dozen feet into the bowels of the earth, with the not distant prospect of finding a companion upon your descent in the form of an hippopotamus; such a meeting Would certainly have been far from satisfactory to either of the parties.

We saw numerous herds of large deer, with tracks of elephants and other, but unknown, animals. Our time and duties did not, however, allow us an opportunity of pursuing the enquiry by following their footsteps.

The whole country seen in this excursion was most richly endowed with Nature's gifts. It possessed an immense depth of fertile soil, but not a stone was anywhere seen, excepting at the mouth of English River, where, on the beach, some agates and other pebbles were found, and where the ruddy cliffs, formed from a mixture of sand and clay, become occasionally indurated by exposure to the sun; when immense blocks fall, and lie immoveably like small rocks at their bases—records of time—the tombstones of ages. Nothing, perhaps, calls more forcibly to the mind the unseen, the silent workings of Nature, than these parted fragments over a wild and unfrequented waste;

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all the animal creation near them must have been in consternation at the moment of their fall—when the lonely solitude must have rung with thundering echoes—the beasts and birds must have burst forth in terrific chorus, and the surrounding hills have trembled with the shock! It is but seldom that these events take place, perhaps not more than twice in a century, some of the enormous fragments bearing strongly the marks of time.

Much amber is found upon the shores of this bay; and on Elephant Island a piece of lava was picked up, which would imply the former existence of a volcano at no great distance, although we know of none nearer than Mayetta;but it might easily have been brought thence by the perennial current to the southward, through the Mozambique Channel.

From Anselmo we learnt that the Commandant had killed one Temby man, and seized another, whom he still retained as his slave. He was accordingly claimed upon our return to English River as a British subject, under the cession of Temby, and as Mayetta was on board on the 8th, with about twenty of his chiefs, the case was investigated and Anselmo's statement fully corroborated. The unhappy wretch's chains were therefore knocked off, when he once more returned to his country and home. This scene was beyond description: the poor fellow embraced his chief as if he had been his father, and kissedthe feet of all around him. The Captain directed

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Mayetta to suspend the irons in which he had been confined to the roof of his tent, as a memento of the humanity and justice of the English nation. This investigation was the means of bringing to light an intended act of Mayetta's, which redounded but little to his credit. It appeared that the Portuguese Commandant had persuaded him to seize and sell a number of his own wretched and defenceless subjects for slaves, at the price of about a dollar and a half each, paid in valueless merchandize; and he had actually an expedition on foot for the purpose, as the Commandant was in daily expectation of the annual ships from Mozambique to take his living cargo. Captain Owen expressed his displeasure, and desired Mayetta neither to sell nor kill any prisoners he might take; such acts being contrary to the laws of the King of England, and to those of God. This he promised faithfully; but alas! the tiger cannot change his skin, for we afterwards learnt that he actually procured the number required by the Commandant, who exported them to Brazil.

The master of the Renard, Mr. Graden, came on board to complain of his crew, who had refused to work his ship, then at anchor in King George's Bay. It appeared that he had been upwards of two years from England, having visited the Marquesas and Pitcairn Islands, and almost performed a circuit of the globe; but his cargo was not yet completed. This was attributed by the men to his own vice of drunkenness; and as they all sailed on shares, they considered them-

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selves justified in coming to a resolution that no spirits should enter the vessel until her return to England. The master would not, however, be restrained by a regulation which interdicted his favourite passion; so, having procured some rum from another whaler, he took it on board his own vessel; upon which the crew refused to do any work until it was thrown overboard. Mr. Rozier was sent with a boat's crew to bring her to our anchorage, where she arrived on the 11th, when a Court of Inquiry was held by the Captain and Lieutenants; who confirmed the resolution of the men, and entered the result in her log-book.

Perhaps there are no merchant-ships on the ocean, wherein the crews are so habitually ill-treated, and are themselves so insubordinate, as those of England. To investigate this important subject would occupy more space than can be allowed in this narrative; but it may be observed that, whenever we fell in with any merchant-vessels of our own nation, we were almost universally referred to, in order to settle some dispute between the master and crew, without our having any direct authority to interfere.

On the 12th, Lieutenant Antonio Texeira, of the Portuguese factory, came on board in his way from the King George's River, where he had been sent after the rebellious Zoolos, but whom he had been too wise to find.

We commenced taking in our wood and water from Elephant Island, during which time the Captain, with a boat's crew and four marines, em-

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barked on board the Albatross, to sail up the Mapoota for its examination. To remove the superstitious fear of this river produced by Lieutenant Owen's disastrous expedition, he proposed this as a party of pleasure to hunt the hippopotami; in consequence, volunteers were abundant, and we had hopes of being able to take some of these animals by means of a small two-pound brass fieldpiece and grape-shot, as hitherto we had found it impracticable to kill them with musketry. Although in so small a vessel, drawing only seven feet water, we found the navigation very difficult, and it was necessary to examine the way by always having two light boats ahead to sound; but sufficient evidence was afforded of the importance and productiveness of the country contiguous to the Mapoota by the many native boats passing to and from English River, some of them with Portuguese soldiers, who had been catering for the garrison. The shores, for twenty miles, are a complete jungle of impenetrable mangroves, excepting at certain points, where paths have been opened to the villages, which are seen rising on every hillock behind the river's margin, in little groups of neat, circular, cone-roofed huts. King Makasany was at one of his villages, where he had been bartering with the supercargo of the Jane; but immediately upon hearing of our arrival he set off for another, about twelve miles distant. This was a courtly ruse, in order to get a present as an inducement for him to return. Mr. Arlett was accordingly sent with two bottles

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of rum and some tobacco; he slept at the village, was feasted a night, and returned the following day with a bullock as an offering from his Majesty.

We were continually occupied in surveying the river and hunting the hippopotami, which latter was by far the most laborious task. Upon one occasion we fired a volley of iron grape-shot, from our two-pounder, amongst five or six of them at a distance of forty yards; yet not one was killed, although their hides and flesh were completely furrowed. One of the wounded sufferers shortly afterwards rushed to the woods, stamping and foaming with pain and rage. He at first set off with speed, but soon slackened his pace, and ultimately stopped from loss of blood. Nothing can convey an idea of the tortured monster's roars, as the woods and country resounded for miles with the terrific and hideous sound. We had great hopes of securing him, and a party instantly set out in pursuit, but, as they approached, he again took to the water, and at once destroyed our expectations. This was the only instance we had met with of their taking to the land after being wounded; their general habit being to get into a hole in the bed of the river, there to die; and the natives informed us that the wounded monster's companions surround the expiring beast, and will not allow it to rise to the surface. This statement was in some measure authenticated by their carcases never being found until in a state of putrefaction.

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On the 22nd we received several messengers from Makasany, to announce the different stages of his approach; when he arrived at the village of Modaloniva, the Captain and some officers went and presented to him a keg of pine-apple rum, with which he was extremely delighted, as being so much stronger than that obtained by traffic, which, by long custom, is always well watered.

Anselmo, the Portuguese, and English Bill, being both with us, we had no difficulty in making ourselves understood. At the request of the merchants, Captain Owen made some regulations for trading with the English who might visit the river, and fixed a scale of duties in lieu of arbitrary exactions under the name of presents. After the conference, we returned to our vessel, and, having concluded the examination of the river on the 25th, rejoined the ship.

We found on the shore the putrid carcase of a whale, the smell of which had brought gangs of natives from the neighbourhood within olfactory range, to regale upon the delicious morsel; and day and night the fires informed us of the continuance of the feast, whilst the perfume gave us constant evidence of its disgusting nature.

In these river excursions we had lost only two men, one the sailor before mentioned, and the other a corporal of marines, who, whilst on duty at the tent up the Mapoota, deserted his post and slept on the ground. The spell thus seemed broken which had hung over these expeditions, and, during the remainder of the voyage, none of

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our crew appeared to have the slighest hesitation, or fear in undertaking them.

On the 30th we ran over to Port Melville, to complete our stock of water, and on the 6th of September got out to sea with a strong wind from the southward. It is unnecessary here to mention the different countries we passed, as they were nearly all visited upon future occasions, when they will be more particularly noticed. On the 11th we stood in-shore, off Inhamban, where it was arranged that the Barracouta was to meet us; but so much time had been absorbed in completing the great bay of Delagoa, that the Captain, not seeing her within the river, felt confident that she must have left that rendezvous. We therefore continued our course, being very anxious again to rejoin her. On the 12th we anchored under the north point of the Bazaruta Islands, while the Albatross examined the navigation towards the bay formed between them and the main-land. On the following morning Mr. Badgley was sent ashore to search for any notice which the Barracouta might have left for us; but finding none, he returned on board, when we beat close round a projecting spot of sand, and anchored in the open bay. A boat was immediately sent on shore, with Mr. Bowie, midshipman, and the Portuguese secretary as an interpreter. Mr. Bowie found many of the natives ready to receive him, and amongst them an old man who called himself King. Their costume differed from that of the natives south

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of Inhamban in wearing an apron of goat-skin, and being all armed with bows and arrows. They are of the tribe called Lindiens by the Portuguese. This term seemed so probable a corruption of "L'Indian," that we at first mistook it for a general appellation for all savages on the coast; but at Sofala we learned that it was applied only to a new nation from the interior, who had completely exterminated all the old inhabitants of the sea-coast between Sofala and Inhamban; and whose habits were so savage that unarmed traders of the Portuguese seldom visited them. The name of the old chief, or king, was Nā Ma'ssingōe: he called the large island Pemga, and said he had abundance of cattle, sheep, poultry, and pearls, for which he wanted cloth in exchange. He gave Mr. Bowie some pearls as a sample, which appeared good, and of tolerable size, although we afterwards learned that they never went more than knee-deep to fish for them. The language appeared to be a mixture of Delagoa, Inhamban, and Majowyie, with many Portuguese words. The Majowyie and the Makwanos are the two tribes best known to the Portuguese around Mozambique and to the northward. We were thus enabled to trace a similitude of language from 12° to 33° south, sufficient perhaps to assign a common origin to all the numerous tribes between those latitudes. Of the four following terms, elicited by the first communication with these people, two are evidently Portuguese, and probably only used under the

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impression that they would be better understood:-

Man'yan To-morrow.
Galeena Fowls.
Burā Cattle.
Mifāsy Pearls,

The natives were apparently timid and cautious, owing, it was understood, to the practice of kidnapping amongst the present French and former English and Dutch slave-traders. On the landing of our people they laid by their bows and arrows, and came forward to meet them with evident demonstrations of friendship. Our officers asked for water, which they said should be supplied to-morrow, but that it was then too late in the day; a shovel was in consequence handed out of the boat to dig for some, but the natives immediately flew to their arms, and desired the people to desist. Yet, as hippopotami resort to these islands, there can be no doubt that fresh water may be obtained in abundance. Fish of all kinds are plentiful, and the party saw a great variety of rare and beautiful shells. The pearl-oyster is found in every direction, but the finest are said to be near the continent, a little to the northward, which coast is called Buok, where the Portuguese say they have a small establishment upon the river Mambone.

As the pearls on this coast have not been fished for several generations, there is not, perhaps, any spot Which offers so fair an opening for mercantile enterprise.

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Their sheep are of the Tartar or large-tailed breed, with hair instead of wool; the price demanded for one was a fathom and a half of blue or check dungaree, and numbers of these, together with fowls and goats, were purchased for trifling pieces of the same stuff. For six fathoms, the old king sold fourteen ounces of good ambergris, worth, perhaps, twenty pounds. He had with him about as much more, but would not part with it, having procured as much cloth as he desired.

Several women visited our party—they wore belts of large beads, cut out of the columns of conch shells, and had one custom which we had nowhere else observed. This consisted in having the upper-lip bored through, into which was introduced a piece of ivory, or shell, made in the shape of a horn, very smooth, and about three inches in length. The extremity of this being in the mouth, the lady's principal amusement appeared to be in keeping it in constant motion with the tip of her tongue. This device appeared to strike some of our Benedicts as an admirable appendage to a lady's mouth, and many, in the absence of the parties concerned, resolved to introduce the practice amongst our fair countrywomen—a determination formed under the vulgar prejudice that Englishwomen talk much, and that they "love not talking for its use." These sapient gentlemen, therefore, imagined that this ornament, by exercising the tongue, without sound, would be the means of preventing their super-

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abundant eloquence. But, as the determination of married men, when absent from their wives, amounts to little more than a wish; and, as none of our ladies have yet appeared with this elegant appendage, it is supposed that their heroic and philosophical resolution did not meet with the approbation of those at home.

On the 15th, whilst completing the examination of the bay, another party was sent to traffic. They found a great collection of natives of both sexes, who, having acquired the most unbounded confidence, bartered their ornaments and even their arms without reserve.

We could not understand that the Barracouta had been here: letters were therefore left for her, when, our boat having returned with seventeen sheep, and being otherwise well loaded, we prepared to continue our course.

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CHAPTER XV.

Meet the Barracouta.—The Black Rocks.—A Critical Situation.—Island of Piqueña Banca.—Arrival at Qnilimane.—Behaviour of the Governor.—Origin of the Town.—The Slave-Trade.—A Gale.—A heavy Sea.

ON the morning of the l6th, we beat out of the bay in company with the Albatross for Sofala. During this voyage, we saw numerous whales, skipjacks, and bonitoes, together with many smaller fish. The following evening, about six, we anchored off Sofala, where we were rejoiced to find the Barracouta lying in the harbour, and, shortly after our arrival, Captain Vidal came on board to report his proceedings.

Twice they approached the beautiful but harbourless Kaffer Coast; the first time, within half a mile, at a most interesting spot, where two ponderous black rocks arose from the water's edge, upwards of eighty feet above its surface, exhibiting through one of them the phenomenon of a

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natural archway, called by us, "The Hole in the Wall." In this arched chasm the surf beat on the rocks with so much violence as to break fifty feet from their base, although but little wind was blowing at the time.

The country looked like a large park, varied with hill and dale; exhibiting at times, through a luxuriant valley, the distant prospect of blue mountainous ridges. Upon their second approach to the coast of Natal, the landscape was equally beautiful; clusters of trees, hills, vales, and glens, composing the foreground; whill, in the distance, divided by a deep valley or chasm, a range of craggy mountains extended in a parallel direction, as far as the eye could see. On the 18th of July, they anchored off the River Quilimane,

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"when," says Lieutenant Boteler, "I left the vessel in her largest boat to convey Lieutenant Browne and his party to the town, and to deliver to the Governor the various official letters relative to their expedition.

Through the unfavourable direction of the wind, and the strong easterly current, we were carried to leeward of that part of the bar whereon there appeared to be the least surf; and were at length driven to the alternative of either pushing through a phalanx of breakers, or being cast sidelong upon them; for the wind had subsided, and the tide so far strengthened, that the oars were rendered useless, and from the sea and swell that prevailed, to anchor was impossible. The helm was accordingly put up, the oars manned, and the sail set, when, in a few minutes, the boat was rapidly winging her way through the best channel that a line of breakers would allow. The waves at times rose and towered above our stern, and at others, partially broke in upon us, which obliged three of the crew to keep constantly bailing, two of them using their hats for this purpose; so critical was our situation, that few entertained any hopes of escape; and Mr. Browne could not help exclaiming, 'What a fate is mine! twice already have I been shipwrecked; but, this is the last time!'

Such, however, was not the case, and the ocean proved kinder to him than the African soil, for, shortly after this remark, our boat rode bravely over the remaining breakers, and the danger was

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passed. Hope ever fondly clings to the future, and pictures it brighter than the present; so our friends who were about to leave us gladly looked upon this escape as a happy presage for their expedition.

'Forbes,' said Mr. Browne as the last sea sank under our stern in a harmless sheet of foam, 'thus it will be with us; many a danger will threaten like that which we have just escaped, but will subside or vanish before it reaches us.' We anchored for the night at a short distance up the river, and the next morning proceeded towards Quilimane. On our way we passed the small Island of Piqueña Banca; which, it is said, eighty years since, was a mud and sand-bank, unembellished by the slightest appearance of vegetation. But when, from the accumulated deposit cast up by the torrents of the river in the rainy season, it was once elevated above the high water mark, it quickly became covered with the dark green mangrove, generating unwholesome vapours from the putrid vegetable deposit collected round and retained by their roots.

Innumerable hippopotami were basking in the sun on its shore, rolling like swine in the slimy mud. The river at its entrance is only one mile across, but, immediately after, increases considerably. The banks are overgrown with mangroves, on the usual swampy foundation, but no living thing was visible, with the exception of a diminutive species of land-crab, whose subterraneous retreats were formed in all directions.

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At the back of this mangrove boundary, which extends only a short distance, the soil is partially covered with a layer of sand studded with a variety of trees, so that we had little difficulty in procuring fuel, as the shore was strewed with their bleached trunks, rotting under the combined influence of age and the sun: many of these that had previously been drifting about, or otherwise exposed to the water, were perforated by worms, which, in their progress, had coated the sides with a calcareous deposit.* The direction of the river was due north until a little above the Island, when it took a slight turn to the eastward, then westward, and opened to the view a distant prospect of the Town of Quilimane; its white buildings and extensive grove of cocoa-nut trees, forming a pleasing contrast to the gloomy dark green of the mangroves by which it is surrounded.

Upon landing, we proceeded to the Governor's house escorted by the master of a Brazilian slaver, which, with a few others, was at anchor off the town. This young man, named Henriques, spoke a little English, and acted as interpreter in our interview with the Governor, Signor Joāo Bonifacio. The official letters were presented, and, amongst the rest, that of the Governor General of Mozambique, enjoining Signor Joāo Bonifacio to countenance and assist Lieutenant Browne and

* The floods of the African rivers frequently bring down the seeds and germs of trees and vegetables, by which the vegetation of the interior may in a great measure be known.

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his party as much as lay in his power. Whether it was the Governor's natural character we could not determine, but certainly his behaviour and observations betrayed a repulsive formality and sarcastic reference to the futility of the expedition, that at once led the party to imagine he would not at all promote their success. This was our general feeling at the time; yet after-reflection might put a more favourable construction upon his intentions; still it must be admitted that any observations alluding to the probable melancholy termination of the expedition were, if not unkind, certainly ill-judged. A discouraging remark is at all times unwelcome, but when conveyed in terms of sarcasm or levity, we are inclined to think that the speaker is more desirous of our failure than success, and would rejoice more at the one than regret the other.

Signor Henriques, the master of the slaver before mentioned, with a kindness he never ceased to evince during their sojourn at the town, offered the party the use of his house so long as they remained, of which hospitality and attention they thankfully availed themselves. Whenever Lieutenant Browne's expedition became the subject of conversation, Henriques, in a delicate yet earnest manner, endeavoured to dissuade him from it; but, finding his entreaties vain, he supplied him with every information he could collect relative to the countries he was about to visit, and the best conduct to be pursued for safely travelling through them.

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Little can be said respecting the history of Quilimane; but it appears to owe its origin either to the Arabs, who, when Vasco de Gama put into this river on his way to the East Indies, were found settled here in great numbers; or to the Portuguese, when, about the year 1585, they penetrated under Francisco Barreta as far as Manica, in the country of Zambizi, and Tete, on the river of that name. Under the direction of the priest, who had been tutor to the young King of Portugal, Barreta, in the most cruel and cold-blooded manner, exterminated every Mohammedan native, and then took possession of their wealth; but the sins of the early Portuguese have been here visited upon many generations. The climate, poison, and the dagger, are constantly destroying the present race; and, although in possession of the finest country in the world, they are entirely dependent upon other nations, importing all their enjoyments save the grossest sensuality. To protect the commerce that was eventually opened by this expedition, various settlements, forts, and strongholds, were erected on the banks of the Zambizi and its dependent rivers, to keep in awe the surrounding savages, who otherwise would have retaliated upon them for encroaching upon their territory.

In all probability Quilimane, from its commodious situation in a mercantile point of view, soon became a place of some importance to the Portuguese, and a thoroughfare for the produce of their inland possessions along the Zambizi, which was

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formerly shipped from thence to Mozambique. The riches of Quilimane consisted, in a trifling degree, of gold and silver, but principally of grain, which was produced in such quantities as to supply Mozambique. But the introduction of the slave-trade stopped the pursuits of industry, and changed those places where peace and agriculture had formerly reigned into the seat of war and bloodshed. Contending tribes are now constantly striving to obtain by mutual conflict prisoners as slaves for sale to the Portuguese, who excite these wars and fatten on the blood and wretchedness they produce. The slave-trade has been a blight on its prosperity; for at present Quilimane and the Portuguese possessions in the whole colony of the Rios de Senna do not supply themselves with sufficient corn for their own consumption.

Having seen Lieutenant Browne and his party comfortably situated, we left Quilimane early the next morning with the king's pilot on board, and in a few hours reached the Barracouta, she having run nearer in for the purpose of examining the bar."

Captain Vidal thought it advisable not to take the brig into the river, but survey entirely in the boats, they making a rendezvous of any one of the Portuguese vessels at anchor off the town. Accordingly, the morning after Lieut. Boteler's return, he proceeded into the river with two boats.

As the afternoon advanced, the clouds began to lower, the horizon became misty and unde-

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fined, while the general appearance of the heavens indicated a storm. At sunset every preparation was made for an approaching gale; the pinnace was absent but hourly expected to return; but as night closed in and the wind and sea continued to increase, much anxiety was felt for her safety: soon after dark, and a narrow escape from being lost upon the bar, she succeeded in reaching us. During the night the swell became much more considerable, but it was not until the ebb-tide that the waves commenced breaking in heavy rollers,* two or three of which fell partially over us; still there was nothing that led us to apprehend danger, until, whilst at breakfast, one of vast magnitude burst with terrific fury on our decks, bearing every thing before it, almost swamping the vessel, and throwing her on her beam-ends. Two men who were on deck in an exposed situation were carried off their legs, and one washed overboard, who would inevitably have been drowned had not the other, by a spirited exertion, thrown him a rope, and succeeded in rescuing him from his perilous situation.

From this time a succession of rollers were visible for miles around even to the horizon, occasionally breaking upon us with so much violence,

* A roller is a species of wave that moves like a precipitous hill of water, differing in magnitude, in particular situations from ten to fifty feet in height, and overwhelming every thing in its course. They are observed on all the shores of the Atlantic, south of 30° north latitude, sometimes rising in a perfect calm, probably from past gales in distant parts; but their true cause is not yet known.

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that we expected every moment to be driven from our anchors, when nothing could have saved the vessel, or, in all probability, a soul on board. In this trying situation we remained for more than two hours, not daring to move, as we could neither weather the land on either tack, nor pass the bar until high water. As the tide rose, the waves were less furious; but as there was every appearance of their becoming even worse on the return of the ebb, Lieutenant Boteler, the commanding officer on board, considered that the only mode of escaping inevitable destruction was to take advantage of the increased depth and run for the river, although, from the heavy sea that still prevailed, it was expected that the brig must strike on the bar: but it was supposed that even if such were the case, in all probability she would be washed over, when, by sinking in smooth and not very deep water, the greater part of the crew might at least be saved.

It was a desperate alternative, but the only one; We therefore slipped our cable, leaving a buoy to mark its situation, and steered for the bar. As we approached, the breakers increased in fury: "snowy foam and sparkling spray" dazzled the eye, while the wild roar of the contending billows burst with majestic but appalling grandeur upon the ear. Our vessel was tossed upon their frothy tops, like the sea-bird lifted on the swelling wave; and upon one vast sheet of foam, that arose like a snowy mountain behind us, we were borne with impetuous velocity over the shallowest part of

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the bar into deep water and safety, when sad thoughts and anxious looks were quickly exchanged for expressions of pleasure and congratulation on escaping from our late dangerous and almost hopeless situation.

Shortly after we had anchored, Captain Vidal, who had been alarmed by the appearance of the weather, came on board, and on the 26th we removed to the anchorage off Quilimane. This town is built on an unhealthy marsh, to drain which no efforts appear ever to have been made. It contains ten houses inhabited by the Portuguese, fifteen by the Creoles, and seven by the merchants from Goa, with innumerable huts for slaves belonging to the Portuguese, in all amounting to a population of about two thousand eight hundred persons.

The houses belonging to the whites, (as the descendants of the Portuguese are called, although sometimes as black as the negroes themselves,) are constructed of brick, and faced with tiles manufactured on the spot from the clay of the river. They are substantial, and, in two or three instances, of great size. The governor's is erected with imitation stone, in the Italian style, and is very commodious. The houses generally contain only one story, the floor being elevated a little above the ground to avoid the marshy dampness and miasma that evaporate from the soil. The roofs project severafeet beyond the walls, and rest at their termination on a row of pillars, forming a broad and commodious gallery or verandah, to

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which, during the heat of the day, the Portuguese retire to smoke cigars, or enjoy the refreshing coolness of the breeze. In most of the best houses, as a substitute for glass, they use the pearl oyster-shell, the epidermis and outer coat being first detached, a process which renders it sufficiently transparent for any one inside to distinguish objects but not to be seen from without.

The huts of the blacks are of various sizes and shapes, but more commonly approximate to that of the English cottage. They are small, and built of the different species of reed that grow in the river, frapped neatly together. The roofs are thatched with the coarse grasses that cover the country. None have more than one door, which serves the various purposes of an entrance, not only for the inhabitants, but for light and air, and an exit for the smoke, or for part of it; for the inhabitants are frequently seen rushing from their gloomy and sooty abodes to escape its stifling effects. They study no order in their arrangement, but build them promiscuously among the cocoa-nut and mango trees, which are planted m avenues parallel to one another, the space between being cultivated with vegetables or rice, the latter, from the nature of the soil, being the most productive.

The fruits are cocoa-nuts, mangoes, oranges, limes, bananas, acajoa-apples, custard-apples, pineapples, guavas, and plantains; and the vegetables, cabbage, lettuce, spinach, peas and beans, of different kinds; tomatoes, pumpkins, cucum-

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bers, rice, millet, maize, different species of pimento, and a small quantity of wheat. But, it must be understood, that, although these fruits and vegetables are produced, yet they are not indigenous to the soil, the greater portion being grown in the private gardens of the Portuguese.

The cattle are small, but the asses and pigs are of respectable dimensions: a few horses had lately been imported from Brazil. In the vicinity of the town, lions and tigers are common, and large aliigators in the river. Ostriches are unknown, but elephants abound in the interior, as also buffaloes, and deer of various species. Cameleons are held in great dread, not only by the negroes but by the Canareens, who consider death as the inevitable consequence of their bite; and, when some of our people handled one to convince them of their error, they expressed the utmost astonishment and dismay, and very confidently assured them that they had but a few minutes to live.

Quilimane is now the greatest mart for slaves on the east coast. They are purchased with blue dungaree, coloured cloths, arms, gunpowder, brass and pewter, red coloured beads in imitation of coral, cutlery, and various other articles. The free blacks of the country and banyans carry on the trade inland for the merchants; and the arrival of one of these people among the tribes with his pedlar's stock is the signal for general warfare, when the weak become victims to the strong. Great faith is kept towards these mercantile agents, who are never plundered unless they are guilty of some unlawful act; then the confisca-

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tion of the whole, or part of their goods, is the penalty.

Some time since, a Creole Portuguese, whilst employed as an agent for slaves in the country, commenced an amour with the wife of one of the natives; when the husband discovered it, he plundered the offender of every thing he possessed.

From eleven to fourteen slave-vessels come annually from Rio Janeiro to this place, and return with from four to five hundred slaves each on an average. It is true, they are regulated by law as to the number that they shall respectively convey, but how little is the alleviation to the wretched slave, when that law allows a brig of three hundred tons to carry upwards of seven hundred full grown males and females!

To contain the slaves collected for sale, every Portuguese house has an extensive yard, or enclosure, called a Barracon, generally surrounded by a lofty brick-wall, on the inside of which a shed is erected for their accommodation. At the back entrance of the slave-yard of the Governor's house were mounted the only pieces of artillery in the place, which, with about sixty soldiers and a small number of militia, form its strength. We here witnessed the celebration of a native marriage, the officiating priestess being an old Portuguese creole. The ceremony consisted in placing the bridegroom on some sticks over a well, and pouring a large quantity of the water in a profuse shower over his head, while the spectators sang and danced to the wild notes of the cassanga

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accompanying their distorted and violent gestures with loud clapping of hands. This wedding was numerously attended by the natives, especially the young girls.

Upon one occasion passing a negro hut, our attention was attracted by the loud sobbing of a female, and the mournful cadence of her voice. On entering to ascertain the cause, we discovered that it was a mother wailing over the body of her infant child, who had died that morning. This lamentation sometimes lasts nearly two months, during which time they barely take sufficient nourishment to support life, and perform no labour whatever, leaving the most trivial domestic duties to their neighbours, who, in return for these services, are supplied with abundance of food. It is common to see one of these women at the most laborious employment, with her infant slung on her back; and, such is the force of habit, it sleeps as soundly there as the most fostered child in the arms of its nurse.

Polygamy is universal, some of the men having as many as six wives, or slaves; for the work they do and the treatment they receive render the latter term more applicable. On the banks of a small stream, bounding the eastern quarter of the town, a number of human skulls were observed mouldering and bleaching in the sun; this unfeeling exposure of the remains of the dead orginates from a total indifference amongst the blacks as to the disposal after death of those who, perhaps, during their life-time were the objects of their fondest affection. They are thrown un-

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ceremoniously into a hole, or consigned to the river, by the stream of which they are either carried to sea, or left on its muddy banks, there to lie until the birds or alligators devour the decaying flesh.

The practice of tattooing is here universal, and, as each tribe has its distinguishing mark, a slave-dealer can at first sight tell to which particular one his victim belongs. They are generally marked in irregular devices on various parts of the body and face, and, as the operation is painful, it requires some degree of fortitude to undergo it; large gashes are cut, and the flesh made to protrude from the wound by constant pinching and repeated irritation of the lacerated part: many days elapse before this torment is over, and weeks before the wound is perfectly healed. The hair is worn in a variety of ways, some shaving it entirely off, others partially, some but one side, others at the back, and many in alternate ridges to the forehead, as if done by a small plough.

The men are of the middle size, and ill-formed, with broad hips, flat noses, woolly hair, and thick lips. They appear to pay little attention to the cleanliness of their persons; yet their huts, although dingy from the smoke, are otherwise kept in the neatest order. A portion of coarse cloth merely sufficient to cover their nakedness constitutes the clothing of all except the chiefs, who indulge in a larger supply and of better quality, wearing it around them like a mantle, with one end thrown over their shoulders, often in a graceful and becoming manner. They use but few

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ornaments, except bangles of brass and iron, to which they are particularly attached, having sometimes twenty or thirty on each leg.

But the most remarkable as well as hideous custom among the blacks at Quilimane is that of perforating the upper lip with so large a hole that the teeth are in many cases exposed through the gash. To prevent the aperture from closing, it is generally kept distended by means of broad rings of brass. This custom, we were informed, was peculiar to only two tribes, the Macquilans, who live by the sea-shore between Quilimane and Mozambique; and the Majowjies who dwell north of Senna; but, as before-mentioned, we had observed the same practice (but on a smaller scale, and confined only to the women) at one of the Bazaruta Islands.

The climate of Quilimane, from the swampy situation of the town, is highly prejudicial to health; some seasons are much worse than others, yet many of the Portuguese had resided here from ten to twenty years, although their sickly appearance and tottering gait sufficiently indicated the slender thread on which their existence hung. They condemn altogether the treatment adopted by European surgeons, and prefer either that pursued by the oldest inhabitants amongst their countrymen, or that of the blacks. Their favourite medicines are Peruvian bark, Columbo root, rhubarb, and the Marrello pill, which is formed by a mixture of the first and last; but they never bleed or administer mercury in any shape.

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CHAPTER XVI.

Anchor recovered.—Bazaruta Islands.—Inhamban.—A rejoicing.—Trade at Inhamban.—Courage of the Natives.—Dance of Women.—A procession.—An oration.—A boat lost.—Shells.—Musical Instruments.—Arrival at Sofala.—The Governor's Deputy.—Ignorant Pilot.—His despondency.—Murderous attempt.—Dr. Guland's wound.—Recover the Guns.

ON the 8th of August, having completed a survey of the river up to the town and the bar at its mouth, together with the dangerous roadstead, we proceeded in search of the anchor which We were obliged to leave during the gale on the 23rd of July. We knew its situation from our observations, easily resumed by means of a quadrant, and the objects on shore used in the survey. We dropped our anchor immediately above the one we had lost, when it was very shortly found. Our boatswain, a true seaman of the old school, who from the age of six years had spent his life in the service, after witnessing the means used to discover the situation of the

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lost anchor, was observed buried in profound thought. At length, having apparently brought his lucubrations to a satisfactory termination, he exclaimed with a swing of the arm and squirt of tobacco—"Damme if ever I heard of an anchor being picked up with a quadrant afore: I now see it well enough; them 'ere things are of more use nor one!"

It would be unjust not to mention that, after the melancholy catastrophe by which we lost the services of our midshipmen on the west coast of Madagascar, the same boatswain, Mr. Wheatley, made himself acquainted with the use of this instrument, and during the remainder of the voyage rendered himself of great service in the practice of surveying.

As soon as our anchor was procured we made sail for the river Inhamban, and on the 14th arrived off the Bazaruta Islands, when Lieutenant Boteler was sent on shore to ascertain whether the Leven was, or had been, there. As he approached the beach, four of the natives were observed motioning where they should land and preparing to receive them; but afterwards, becoming fearful, they retreated to a short distance from the beach to await their arrival.

The Lieutenant landed with a rifle in his hand, followed by three of the crew armed with muskets; but this formidable array, which precaution dictated, caused them again to retreat. The party, therefore, laid down their arms, and slowly followed, while the natives appeared by their gestures

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to be consulting with each other whether they should communicate; it was, however, finally determined in the affirmative, when they allowed themselves to be overtaken. Lieutenant Boteler imitated strictly their form of salutation, which consisted in a slight inclination of the body, one arm being held up straight over the head and the other resting on the breast, then bringing both down with a quick motion to the thighs, as a sentry in coming to "attention," but with less precision and formality.

In answer to the signs made, they seemed to imply that no vessel had been there, but Lieutenant Boteler thought it advisable to walk some distance round the island in order to assure himself that the Leven was not in the neighbourhood. They were very solicitous for him to visit their village, assuring him that they had abundance of goats to sell and plenty of fresh water; but, as his time would not admit of this delay, he returned on board.

On the 18th we arrived off the river Inhamban, where we anchored while Lieutenant Boteler repaired to the town to announce our arrival to the Governor and demand a pilot. He says, "For a long time whilst approaching the shore, I heard beating of drums, firing, and loud exclamations as of people rejoicing; and when I came nearer perceived about one hundred and fifty soldiers, some dressed like those of Mozambique, marching with their colours flying and drums beating, followed by many Portuguese, and a multitude of blacks;

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who were dancing, singing, whooping, and performing a variety of wild cries and fantastic evolutions.

"In the distance was a venerable black, who admirably personified the patriarch of the town; he was mounted on the shoulders of a negress of Amazonian form, and surrounded by a posse of men, women, and children, exercising their lungs and legs with as good an effect as the other party. I repaired to the porch of the Governor's yard, and was conducted to his presence by a Canareen officer, who was waiting my arrival. I found the Governor in full dress, seated at a table placed in a tent under the shade of a solitary tree of gigantic dimensions, adorning the upper end of a place like the "Champ de Mars;" in the front of this were drawn up a line of soldiers, and at the lower end three small field-pieces were inspiring by their constant report the profoundest awe and respect amongst the motley spectators.

The routine of the day for which the preparations were made, appeared about to commence as I entered and presented to the Governor the circular letter of the General at Mozambique; which having read, he expressed his regret that he could not immediately attend to me; but requested I would wait until the ceremony was over; adding at the same time that, as a stranger, he had no doubt it would afford me amusement. I accordingly left him, and soon among the holiday captains and colonels met with one who

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could speak a little French, from whom I learnt the following particulars.

Inhamban is by no means so rich as Quilimane, as from the small extent of its river it has not the same facilities for procuring slaves, the source of wealth to the latter place; those they do obtain are the spoils of war amongst the petty tribes, who, were it not for the market they thus find for their prisoners, would in all likelihood remain in peace and amity with each other, and probably be connected by bonds of mutual interest. The trade of Inhamban consists principally in ivory, and bees'wax, about one hundred thousand pounds of the former being annually conveyed to Mozambique. This article is obtained from the natives for blue dungaree, fishhooks, needles, &c.; and so highly do they prize the last of these, that one of our seamen for a single needle procured two fullgrown fowls.

The natives about Inhamban are entirely independent of the Portuguese, and, although they are ready to traffic with them, will not allow them to advance any distance into the interior of their country. This spirit, ever watchful of any attempt to subjugate them, leads to continual hostilities, in which the natives suffer severely; yet such is their determined courage, that the conflict always tends to establish them more firmly in their independence. On account of these wars, the soldiers composing the force kept at Inhamban are in a much better state of discipline, and more nu-

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merous, than at any of their other stations upon this coast. The arms used by the savages consist of spears, assagayes, and bows and arrows; the latter being dipped in a vegetable poison that, when fresh, is highly active and fatal; but in time it loses its effects, in a great measure, so that among the many wounded few eventually die.

Notwithstanding this objection on the part of the natives to the Portuguese entering their territory, still they never attempt, excepting when at war, to intercept the periodical couriers, who pass unmolested overland between Sofala, Inhamban, and Delagoa; and, considering the nature of the country, with great dispatch. Our old acquaintance, the Zoolos, were well known here under the name of Vatwahs, and were described as a marauding banditti, leading a life of constant warfare with those around, and always making their attacks at night, or when they expected the least resistance; but it appeared they seldom approached Inhamban, for the natives are too warlike to be trespassed upon with impunity, especially one tribe, who never wait to be attacked; but, whenever the Vatwahs come near their country, they sally forth in great force, and generally come off victorious, selling the prisoners they take as slaves to the Portuguese.

The River Inhamban, although easy of access, and affording a superb harbour, is scarcely navigable for a ship beyond the town, eight miles from the entrance, and, five further, not even

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for boats. The Portuguese population, exclusive of the military, was only twenty-five, but the coloured inhabitants were very numerous. My obliging and intelligent friend then informed me that the ceremony about taking place was on account of an annual visit paid by all the neighbouring chiefs and kings to the Governor; when they discussed affairs relative to their commerce, and stated their grievances. But our conversation was interrupted by the sounds of a kind of kettle-drum and loud whoopings; a dance then commenced, and shortly afterwards a woman from the crowd appeared in front of the tent; her wool shaved so as to represent various figures and clotted with red pomade; her ankles, wrists, and neck encircled with beads and brass bangles; while around her waist hung a species of plaid. In one hand she held a shield made of hide, and in the other a spear. The dance commenced by flourishing these weapons in the most warlike and savage manner about her head; she then directed her steps from one line of the soldiers to the other, exhibiting in her progress the most wild and extravagant gestures; several more women then accompanied her, but they had neither shield nor spear, although their other ornaments were similar. Many of these performers were elegant figures, a little above the Middle size, while their features, although of the darkest hue, were in many instances pleasing and expressive.

The chiefs and kings next appeared, arrayed in

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long red cloth robes, and night-caps of the same colour on their heads, which they had just received from the Portuguese governor. They were all aged and intelligent-looking men, and generally of superior stature. Around them was a concourse of negroes, many dancing with the emblem of their commerce, an elephant's tusk, in their hands, which they flourished in a graceful manner, keeping exact time to the wild notes of the music. A line of warriors, or young chiefs, closed the procession, dressed in the following martial and becoming costume: a large plume of black ostrich-feathers was fixed on one side of the head, the ends drooping elegantly towards the opposite shoulder, like the plume of the Highland cap, and on the other a double row of large polished buttons; over the left shoulder was carefully suspended a small black tube of hide, about eighteen inches long, and tastefully ornamented; this was used as a quiver, but was then without arrows, which, with the unstrung bow, were emblematic of the peaceful nature of their visit. On their backs, a little below the shoulder, was a second tuft of ostrich-feathers in the form of a kilt. The remainder of their dress consisted of a piece of broad-striped dungaree about the loins, reaching nearly down to the knee, with numerous bangles encircling the wrists and ankles. The ornaments commonly worn by those of inferior rank were a few beads around the neck, and a piece of dungaree over the loins. The Governor, with a guard behind him, and his nu-

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merous staff, (for at all fêtes every Portuguese, and even their black descendants, appear as officers,) received the chiefs standing at his table: as they entered, they took their seats upon the mats on either side, excepting three who had speeches to deliver; these sat in the middle, opposite to the Governor; a Portuguese militia officer acting as interpreter.

The eldest of these orators commenced, and, I dare say, judging from the noisy plaudits of the other chiefs, made a very impressive and eloquent harangue; the first part he delivered sitting, but soon, growing warm and impressed with his subject, he arose, and towards the conclusion of his oration became quite theatrical; affording a pleasing example of the lively energy of age, when brought into action by the stimulus of popular applause. This old man's speech lasted for nearly half an hour, when the others continued for some time in a similar strain; but the attention of these sable senators was evidently occupied more earnestly in watching a small door at the back of the booth, than in listening to the orators.

This mystery was soon cleared up, for, after the Governor had, through the interpreter, delivered his short yet complimentary speech, a number of slaves entered by this attractive door, each bending beneath the weight of a large tin dish containing some pounds of boiled beef and rice. No unbecoming modesty was visible in their behaviour upon this occasion; not more at least

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than is generally displayed by well-bred pigs, when the delectable wash is put into the trough for their regalement. Leaving them in the enjoyment of their mess, I repaired with the Governor to his house; I found him a gentleman of polite manners, and possessing a military frankness which convinced me that the attentions he offered were the emanations of a kind disposition and not mere official compliments. But my time was short, and I was soon obliged to leave him and return on board."

We entered the river on the 20th, and were employed a fortnight in its survey: it required great precaution to trace the bar, as in many parts, even where there was a depth of thirty feet, the rollers would arise at times so suddenly, and break with so much violence, that no boat could possibly exist. This was fatally exemplified during our stay by one belonging to a Portuguese brig, which was lost, and out of the five men three perished; the survivors were saved by the merest accident. A succession of rollers unexpectedly arose, the first overturned the boat, and the succeeding ones washed or rather beat them on shore, where they were left by the ebbing tide in a state of total insensibility, from which they were recovered only by the humane attention of some natives.

One of our boats very nearly experienced a similar fate; she was forced by the velocity of the ebbing tide amongst the breakers, and, as a last resource, was obliged to push through them;

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in doing which one sea passed so close to her stern as to break an oar placed there for the purpose of steering. This spot offered an immense variety of shells, of the most delicate form and brilliant colours; but the nature of our service almost precluded us from forming any collection, though, could we have done so, it would have been of great value. The goodnatured Governor's conchological exhibition afforded us much amusement. In the course of a conversation with some of our officers, an allusion was made to the beautiful shells that abounded in the river. "Well, stop a little," exclaimed the Governor, "and you shall see what I have got." He stepped out of the room, and shortly returned with a canvass bag, which he shook with much complacency while exclaiming, "Here's for you!" and forthwith deposited the contents on the table, consisting of an assemblage of the most delicately-formed shells, not one of which was in a perfect state.

Inhamban is considered the most healthy settlement the Portuguese possess upon the coast; but the buildings are by no means equal in style to those of Quilimane, although in cleanliness they are far superior. Flamingoes are so numerous in the river that every shoal is covered with them, looking at a distance like large variegated plains, and upon a nearer approach resembling files 0f soldiers: when the sun was shining upon them, nothing could surpass the beauty of their brilliant and dazzling appearance.

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Amona the musical instruments of Inhamban the marimbah holds the first place: it is composed of ten pieces of hard wood suspended in a frame, each being placed opposite to a hole in a small calabash; these pieces of wood, on being struck by sticks with knobs of India rubber at the end, produce a pleasing sound, very similar to that of the harmonicon. The cassanga is also a great favourite. We met with it everywhere on the coast; whereas the marimbah was only seen at Inhamban, Quilimane, and Delagoa; at which places it is termed tabbelah. The cassanga consists of a number of small pieces of iron, attached at one end to a hollow box, and resting on a bridge; they are of various lengths, in order to produce the different notes, and are played by the thumb and fingers.

We were at a party of the Governor's, who entertained us in the most kind and hospitable manner; after supper the tocador (performer on the marimbah,) was summoned. He entered with his instrument, attended by two men, and five or six boys as dancers: one of the men danced in the European style, and far surpassed in grace any thing of the kind we had ever seen. The native dance was a most hideous exhibition, as the principal movements consisted in violently shaking the shoulders, protruding the stomach, drawing back the elbows, bending the knees, throwing the face into contortions, and stealing over the ground with a shuffling, mincing step.

Independently of the rite peculiar to the Jews,

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and generally adopted amongst the better sort of Negroes on the coast, many at Inhamban abstain entirely from pork; and of all insulting terms that of pig is deemed the most opprobrious.

We left the river on the 3rd of September, and the next day sailed for Sofala, where, after having surveyed part of the intermediate coast, we arrived on the 11th, and anchored at a short distance outside the bar.

"The reception I met with," says Lieut. Boteler, "upon landing to announce our arrival and the object of our voyage to the Governor, afforded a strong yet laughable proof of the ignorance of the Canareens and Creole Portuguese. As the boat passed along shore towards the landingplace, a hurried assemblage of soldiers and natives took place on the beach; which, headed by an officer, kept pace with us at double-quick time until we landed. The soldiers were armed with muskets, which had no flints; the natives, with bows and arrows, spears, assagayes, clubs, and knives. I went up to the officer, and asked for the Governor; he informed me that he was absent in the country, but that his deputy, the Major, was waiting to receive me.

The officer led the way, when I followed, and called to the midshipman and interpreter to come after me; this, however, was objected to, on the ground that it was a regulation of the port that on the arrival of a strange boat, no person was allowed to leave her but the officer. Perceiving that this was only a foolish suspicion of our in-

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tenuous, I insisted upon their accompanying me. The soldiers had divided, some escorting me, and the rest remaining by the boat.

As this arrangement showed that I was guarded, I produced the Governor of Mozambique's letter, enjoining those under him in the various ports belonging to the Portuguese to render us every assistance we might require for the furtherance of our undertaking; at the same time I protested against the insult thus offered to me, and refused to proceed, charging the officer with the consequences unless the soldiers were sent off. This determination induced him to comply with my wishes, when I shortly arrived at the Governor's house, where I found his deputy (a Creole Portuguese) surrounded by officers of different shades, ready to receive me. I produced the above letter, but finding the Major did not consider himself authorized to open it, I did so for him; but as he then thought it improper for him to read it, 1 did that also. But all would not do; the panic had spread, and, in fearful consultation, it was agreed that every thing should remain in statu quo until the Governor returned. I accordingly repaired on board.

As soon as the interview was over, an express was sent to the Governor, who arrived at the fort in about an hour, and, vexed at the folly and fears of his officers, fired two guns with a view to recall the boat, and early next morning sent a pilot to bring the vessel in, and to offer the Captain any further assistance it was in his

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power to give. This boat I met whilst going on shore the following day, with a letter of remonstrance from Captain Vidal to the Governor, respecting my over-night's reception. I found no guard as on my first landing, but two officers were waiting the arrival of the boat on the beach. With them I repaired to the Governor, whom I found surrounded by his staff, and delivered my letter, when he expressed great anger and regret at the reception I had met with from his deputy, and with a letter to this effect I returned on board,"

The pilot was a Canareen, of a mulatto caste, and appeared of a very mild and courteous disposition. Before entering the river, he was furnished with a boat, that he might the more correctly ascertain the channel through which he intended to take us. We weighed in the afternoon, and proceeded towards the river, with a boat sounding ahead, and notifying by signals the depth of water, which gradually decreased to fifteen feet; but, as the pilot continued to assert that all was right, and as the boat did not make any sign to the contrary, we continued our course; when, just as the latter had informed us of our danger, we grounded, and remained immoveable for some time: then, as the sea got up, we were struck with so much violence, as to be in momentary apprehension of the masts falling overboard. For thirty-three hours, notwithstanding every effort—starting our water, heaving our guns into the sea, and laying out anchors—we could not get off, and at times

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the ship laboured so much, that we feared all our attempts to save her would prove abortive; and nothing but the continuance of fair weather, could have enabled us to obtain the success which, after constant and anxious exertions, we did, when, to the great and loudly-expressed satisfaction of all, she once more floated, and we stood out for deeper water.

Since this display of his unpardonable ignorance and folly, the pilot had become rather melancholy, and whilst at dinner refused every thing that was offered to him; but, with his hand in a praying posture, commenced entreating that we would intercede for his life, which he obstinately persisted in believing was to be forfeited. The surgeon, (Dr. Guland) with the humane intention of removing the extraordinary suspicions that harassed his mind, showed him great attention, and three or four times prevailed upon him to take wine; thinking that its effects might banish these gloomy ideas. It would have been supposed that, had this wretch entertained designs against the life of any person on board, he would at least have spared him who thus kindly interested himself to remove the miserable impressions under which he laboured; yet, by some strange inconsistency in human nature, he was marked for the first victim.

After dinner the doctor and master (Mr. Oldhall) were sitting together on the poop in conversation, the pilot standing near them, apparently in deep thought; they had remained thus for

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some little time, when, suddenly turning towards the doctor, he made some hasty observation, which that gentleman not clearly understanding, answered "Si," when in an instant the villain rushed upon him, drew a knife from his breast, and thrusting him back with one hand, stabbed him deeply with the other just below the heart; he did not pause here, but thinking he had accomplished his murderous object upon this victim, he turned with the same deadly intent upon the master, striking at him a furious and well-directed blow. The result would in all probability have proved fatal, had not Mr. Oldhall anticipated his intention, and, having no time to arrest the blow, thrown himself back, and received it in a slanting direction. It however cut his trowsers across, and struck one button from his waistcoat. The surgeon, who was of an athletic frame, as soon as he felt that he was wounded, sprang up, and, assisted by the Master, before the assassin had time to repeat his blow, threw him from the poop, when by a simultaneous rush of the seamen he was secured before he could fully accomplish his bloody designs.

To such a state of frenzy had this murderous ruffian brought himself, that he foamed at the mouth with rage, and, when seized, appeared Under the influence of insanity, gnashing his teeth, and attempting to strike with his feet those who held him. Both his legs were placed in irons and his arms pinioned, in which situation he remained motionless all night; it was supposed at the time

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from insensibility, but it afterwards was found to proceed from a gloomy sullenness, for whatever took place at that period he minutely related. As soon as the stimulus from exertion had passed, Dr. Guland became faint, and retired to his bed: from the distressing symptoms that took place, the depth of the wound (four inches), and the dangerous direction of the knife, he fully anticipated a fatal termination. A shortness of breath ensued, with an excruciating pain in the region of the heart, so that he could not remain in any other than a sitting posture. Syncope was fast supervening, when, no assistant-surgeon being on board, he bled himself, and happily experienced from it immediate relief; in fact, so great and sudden a change took place in the symptoms, that the following morning he considered his recovery as almost certain; no fever ensued, the wound healed rapidly, and in twelve days he was perfectly recovered.

The pilot in the mean time was kept in irons and strictly guarded: when he was examined as to his motive for committing the act, he alleged that the surgeon had several times informed him that he was to be hanged; and when for the last time he enquired on the poop whether such was to be the case, and received an answer in the affirmative, he determined not to die unrevenged, and for the act he had committed he was willing to suffer. He strenuously denied any intention of attacking the master, and stated that the blow which struck him was meant as a second for the surgeon. To

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dwell longer on the particulars of this wretched man's conduct is unnecessary; he continued to the last to glory in the act he had committed, and to lament in strong terms that his blade had not been more successful.

On the 16th, by means of our pinnace, we recovered the guns which we were obliged to cast overboard when ashore, and next day entered the river, when Captain Vidal visited the Governor. In the evening we were all agreeably surprised by seeing the Leven enter the river, after having been parted from her nearly three months.

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CHAPTER XVII.

Islands of Boene and Chuluwun.—Rivers of Eastern Africa.—Port of Sofala.—Dr. Cowan.—Early Navigators.—Commandants of Factories.—Whales.—Convivial lizards.—An earthquake.—Sea-birds.—Joys of civilization.—Remarkable meteor.—Naval discipline.—A military officer arrested.—Survey of coast above Zanzibar.—Arrival at Muskat.—The town.

The following are the only particulars we could obtain of the coast between the Bazaruta Islands and Sofala.

A small well-wooded uninhabited island called Boene is situated about seven leagues to the southward of Sofala, but the mud creek which separates it from the main is only covered at high water. About five leagues from this is another island called Chuluwan, sixteen miles in length, with a salt creek almost dividing it in two, opening into the small channel that separates it from the main land.

The River Savey, or Sabia, is almost five leagues from Chuluwan, or Holy Island, the country northward of which is called Marhonga; on its south ward entrance is the post of Mambony, where

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a Portuguese serjeant and six men are stationed: this appeared to be the only post subordinate to Sofala, but their communication by land is much interrupted by the tribe called Lindeens, who, it appeared, had almost exterminated the original inhabitants, and entirely overrun and laid waste the intermediate country.

The mouth of the Savey is narrow, with very little water, yet it is said to be a large river in the interior, having a common source with the Zambizi, and bounding the country called Monica on the west. Between the River Savey and the Bazkruta Islands the coast is called Buok, where is the great Bay of Maroonōne, into which the Gawooro empties itself. This last river is hardly navigable for boats at its entrance, but becomes a large and superb river in the interior. It is stated to be a branch of the King George River, which falls into Delagoa Bay: but there appears to have been a particular fancy amongst the old Portuguese geographers for tracing all the great rivers of Africa to the same source in the "Mountains of the Moon;" from which source it has been seriously affirmed, even in these days, that the Nile, the Niger, the Zaire, the Orange, the Great Fish, the Espirito Santo, or King George, and its twenty branches, from the Mapoota to the Gawooro, the Zambizi by its various names from the Savey to Quilimane, forty more as far as the Ravooma near Cape Delgado, and numerous others thence to Babelmandel, have each had their birth assigned to the Nile or the

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Zambizi; all which stories may have as good a foundation as the geography of the mountains in the moon, if the term geography will bear an application to that planet.

At Chuluwan and near Maroonōne are several remains of stone buildings, said to be Arabic edifices erected before the Portuguese conquests. Lieutenant R. Owen, in the Albatross, traced this coast, which to navigators may be considered the most dangerous of all Eastern Africa.

The port of Sofala, its castle, its town, in short every thing relating to it, had excited the strongest interest amongst us; in olden time, it was the Ophir of Solomon,* whence his fleets returned laden with "gold, almug trees, and precious stones;" the spot whither the early but venturous Phoœnician navigators steered their cumbrous barks, and where, in later years, Albuquerque and the last heroes of the Portuguese race had distinguished themselves.

With all these claims upon the recollection, it was with much curiosity that we looked forward to our arrival at Sofala, and with much disappointment at the total failure of our expectations. In-

* It appears to have escaped the numerous iuquirers into the truth of this being the Ophir of Scripture, that the Arab name for Sofala was Zofar or Zofaal. The great similarity between these sounds must be considered as a convincing, if not decisive, proof that the Ophir of Solomon and the Zofar of the Arabs are one and the same place, especially as the license in our translation of Oriental orthography offers no obstacle to error or guide to truth.

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stead of what the fancy pictured, remains of past grandeur and opulence, frowning in decay and falling gradually to dust, we found but a paltry fort and a few miserable mud-huts, the almost deserted abode of poverty and vice.

But not only here, every place in Africa and India subject to the Portuguese has withered beneath the iron hand of oppression. Lust and avarice are their idols, and never gods had more devoted worshippers.

In a large shallow bay, immediately to the northward of Sofala, is the estuary of the river Boozy, in some maps improperly styled Jarra. This bay is called Massangzany, and is the place where, in 1810, the Racehorse, commanded by Captain William Fisher, got on shore, whilst in search of Sofala, to land Mr. Salt. This gentleman's object was to institute some inquiries into the fate of Dr. Cowan and his party, who had left the Cape to proceed to Mozambique through the interior of the country.

It may here be observed, that all the accounts we could obtain, both at Inhamban and Sofala, respecting this undertaking, tended clearly to prove that they were massacred by the natives within twelve days' journey of their destination; and it is but justice to the Portuguese authorities to contradict the widely-spread report that the murder of these travellers resulted from their policy and at their instigation: whilst the truth is, that they have scarcely any influence beyond their guns,

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and knew nothing of the enterprise until they heard of its melancholy termination. It was to this place that the Portuguese researches extended (by the Red Sea and north-east coast,) before they succeeded in their voyage round the Cape of Good Hope.

Peter Cavilgony, or Pedrōa de Cavilhāo, visited Sofala about 1480, and transmitted his description to Portugal. On the other hand, the voyage of Bartholomew Diaz, who reached Cape Padrāo, seemed to leave little to be accomplished by Vasco de Gama, who was, by his own account, so well aware of the shallowness of the coast in the neighbourhood of Sofala, that he ran past it and entered the Zambizi at Quilemane, called by him the "River of Good Signs," and which he found inhabited by white Arabs. The fort, which the Portuguese say was built in 1508, is very small, in the true Moorish style, and surmounted by thirteen honey-combed guns of different calibres, the largest not being more than a six-pounder.

The gate is shut every evening at seven o'clock, and the garrison mustered. The incessant challenging of the sentinels in still nights has a pleasing effect, but much amused our men, who attributed it only to their fears. The beasts of prey are said to approach the walls of this fort, and to pass through the villages almost every night, in consequence of which, as our officers were frequently on shore to observe the altitudes of the stars, they were particularly directed to be on their

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guard, but they never saw or heard any signs of such visiters.

The commandants of all the smaller Portuguese factories are the principal and frequently the only merchants in the place, so that all supplies must be obtained through them. Our purser, in contracting with this Commandant for stock, appeared not to have been over-delicate in his method of bargaining for bullocks; in consequence of which we had nearly gone without any supply whatever. Upon referring, however, to our letters from London, Lisbon, and Mozambique, he sent us, without charge, ten small bullocks; we nevertheless paid him their full value in groceries and other articles, with many compliments for his civility and attention. The circumstance of the pilot running the Barracouta on shore gave him much pain; and he dined on board two or three times with Captains Owen and Vidal, to inquire into the particulars of his attempt upon the life of Dr. Guland, in order to institute a criminal process against him. Amongst the officers deputed for this purpose were the Colonel Jāo Juliōa de Sylva and the surgeon, who very gravely requested Dr. Guland to allow him, as a necessary part of the judicial process, to measure by a probe the precise depth of the wound, which could scarcely have escaped some of the vital organs a hair's breadth. The doctor received the proposition with due gravity, but declined submitting to the probe, although the assassin should escape for

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want of this part of the evidence; and escape he certainly did, but whether on this account, or that even murder amongst the Portuguese is not punished except by changing the place of banishment, we could never learn.

Having concluded our observations, and completed the survey of the bay, all three vessels proceeded out of the harbour to the northward, when the Barracouta again narrowly escaped striking on the bar. At sea Captain Owen returned his thanks to her Captain, officers, and crew, for their meritorious and successful exertions in saving their vessel when entering the port, and ordered a bullock to be given to the latter, as a reward for their good conduct, not only then, but in the course of the various services they had performed whilst separated from us.

We saw during this voyage a countless variety of fish, but more particularly the white-finned whale, these were so numerous that we were sometimes alarmed during the night by the cry of "breakers ahead!" and once actually tacked to avoid them, but soon found that the cause of our alarm was the splashing of these sportive leviathans.

On the 26th we passed the several branches of the Zambizi, called the Luabo, and at night passed Fogo Island, when, finding a current against us and the wind light, we anchored, and the next morning proceeded to Casuarina Road. At this place we cut some Casuarina spars; which at first were so extremely heavy as to be almost useless,

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yet when well dried, although not light, they answered the purpose, and were remarkably strong.

From the Bazaruta Islands as far as Licungo River the land is low, but from thence northwards it assumes a bolder character; from Licungo to Mozambique are seen a great many of the most stately casuarina trees, looking at a distance like ships under sail, a peculiarity which we nowhere else observed. We dug seven feet for water on both these islands, but without success; and it is remarkable that the lizards suffer so much from the privation, that when our men were at dinner they actually ran over them, and endeavoured with much perseverance to get at the water they had brought for their own use: they absolutely drank of their grog, to the great amusement of our people, who, as they had proved themselves such convivial companions, were desirous of taking them on board for pets. On the 4th of October, we arrived in the harbour of Mozambique.

The constant use and exposure of our boats in surveying, kept the carpenters continually at work in their repair; and such was the penurious policy of our public dock-yard establishments in the issue of small stores, that all our nails were expended before we reached Sofala, and the forge obliged to be kept constantly at Work for their manufacture, so that, calculating fuel alone, each nail must have cost more than one pound would have done in England.

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Seven or eight vessels were in this port to take cargoes of slaves to Brazil; one of about six hundred tons being fitted for twelve hundred of these miserable wretches.

During this visit to Mozambique, Lieutenant Mudge, assisted by Messrs. Badgley and Foster, surveyed the harbours of Conducia, Mozambique, and Mokamba, by permission of the Governor, and Captain Owen afterwards presented him with copies of such parts of the coast as we had examined. A ship was lying here, belonging to the Mauritius, commanded by a Frenchman; he had for nearly twelve months been in Passandava Bay, off Madagascar, where he had salted a cargo of beef, some of which we purchased and found excellent.

From the 1st to the 8th of October there were repeated shocks of an earthquake about noon, and on the 8th, at midnight, one was felt on board with so much violence that Captain Owen was induced to come on deck, under a supposition that the chain-cable had parted or was running out.

Having completed our water, the Barracouta and Albatross were ordered to Patta, to commence a survey of the coast from that place to Mozambique, where they were to meet the Leven on the 14th of March following. Accordingly, on the 15th of October, our little squadron quitted this harbour for their various destinations. Leaving the Barracouta and Albatross to the labours assigned them, we steered north-east, intending to make

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the most direct course for Bombay. Off Johanna, we were detained a few days by heavy rains, squalls, and calms, usual about the change of the monsoon. We sought in vain the Island of Natal, which still defaces our charts, although there is no authenticated proof that such an island was ever seen; but if it were, its place is certainly not near that where it is usually represented. On the 30th, we crossed the equator for the second time since quitting England, in longitude 61°½E: when some birds were caught on board, particularly a kind of jay and some hawks. These must have been blown off the coast of Africa, as there was no land within two hundred and seventy leagues; it may therefore be presumed that birds are not a sure sign of its proximity. There is, however, a species of sea-fowl which we never saw more than fifty leagues from some dry spot or other; these were the frigate-birds and the small, white and dun-coloured gulls; the latter we always met within twenty or thirty leagues of coral reefs, or islands.

We boarded a dow, five days from Colombo, and a Spanish ship of Manilla, eight days from Bombay, from whom we learnt that no man-of-war was at that port: this ship had been on the coast of Africa, Zanzibar, and Muskat trading for ivory. On the 12th, we passed the fort of Caunanore, showed our colours in passing, and then beat up along shore.

It is difficult to describe the feelings excited upon visiting a highly cultivated and commercial

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country, after having been long accustomed to a land of ignorance and neglect. Nature may have her wild and desolate beauties pleasing to the romantic or the melancholy disposition; but a long residence amongst such scenes soon destroys the pleasing visions, and the fancied lover of nature quits his solitudes, and with delight flies back to the cultivated and busy paths of men. For the thousands that leave the desert to taste the joys of life and civilization, how few are there who seek their happiness in the woods and wilds of nature? We at this moment felt all the delights of children; every thing seemed new and worthy of admiration. The coast was inhabited by a lively and industrious population. Numerous vessels that were constantly passing denoted an active and thriving commerce, while the coast, bold, and studded with majestic trees, gave to the whole scene a look of life and animation far different from the still, wild shores we had left, where all nature seemed stunted and parched, with scarcely any appearance of commerce, or, if any, that resulting from slavery! The wealth, the prosperity, of their trade is obtained by bartering the sorrows and blood of their fellowcreatures. Weakness is there the victim of oppression; with none to protect it from the hand of civilized man, who has turned its tears into wealth, and put shackles on the children of Africa in order to enrich himself by the sweat of their brows. But we must return to our narrative.

In the evening of this day, which was extreme-

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ly fine and clear, we saw at a short distance from our vessel an object which all supposed to be a large bird, of strange but brilliant plumage. The sun had set about five minutes, and it was some little time before we could distinctly see that We were mistaken, and that what we were admiring as a thing of earth was a light fluttering meteor, soaring through the air, and exhibiting the most varied and beautiful colours during its rapid flight.

Long as this coast has been known and navigated by Europeans, we found its precise geography very imperfect, and perhaps there are few parts of the world where a good hydrographical survey is more required; for at present even the best directions are not to be depended upon.

We entered Bombay harbour on the night of the 22nd, and anchored amongst the shipping near the middle ground. We here completely refitted our ships, and contracted for provisions to be sent to Mozambique, but there was so little commerce between the Indian and African coasts, that we had some difficulty in chartering a vessel, upon sufficiently moderate terms for their transport.

Lieutenant Mudge had a tent on Apollo-green for astronomical observations, which were continued during our stay, while Lieutenant Reitz went round Caranjah to survey the back navigation, and we sounded the harbour. He was also employed to survey the shores as far as Kennery and Hennery, together with those islands, but his

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removal to the Government of Momhas prevented his work being brought to a conclusion. We finished our charts of the coast of Africa, and sent them home by the Catherine Stewart Forbes, a free trader. We completed our crew from the merchant-vessels, whose seamen always prefer when abroad serving on board his Majesty's ships: and the only difficulty is to avoid distressing the traders by receiving too many from one. This circumstance is mentioned because it has become a fashion with many to mislead the public on this subject, and with the public to be misled, and readily to believe the reported cruelties to which "poor seamen" are subjected in ships of war; whilst the officers are represented as arbitrary despots, who exercise the power with which they are necessarily invested capriciously, and without judgment or mercy. This and various other parts of naval discipline have been so strongly urged as objections against this branch of the King's service, that a short digression on the subject, as far as is deducible from the circumstances of our own voyage, may not be here misplaced.

On quitting England every man in both vessels was a volunteer, (with the exception of about twenty-five marines,) all having engaged to perform the voyage, subject to the well-known regulations of the King's naval service. Unfortunately the moral principles of this class of his Majesty's subjects are as much to be deprecated as their courage, steadiness, and subordination, are to be admired whenever danger or necessity call for

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their exertions. Our voyage had scarcely commenced, when, as is universally the case with new ships' companies, drunkenness, insubordination, and irregularity, prevailed to a very great extent, more particularly amongst the marines, it being a rule with that corps to select their worst characters upon every demand for men to serve afloat. These faults on shore would perhaps produce little immediate evil beyond example, and, therefore, those who deem the social glass and the elevation it inspires, even to the subversion of all order and discipline, evils of such little moment as not to merit the degradation of corporal punishment, denounce its infliction as cruel and inhuman, and the officers, whose painful duty it is to award and see it executed, as capricious tyrants. But this is not a correct view of the subject, and its operation has produced much mischief by the encouragement it gives to crime in fostering the hope of impunity. On shipboard the lives of all are frequently placed in the hands of a single individual, and no part of the multifarious duties could ever be executed unless a system of the most unequivocal and prompt obedience were established. On shore, in the common course of relative duties and reciprocal obligations, a man may bargain with his employer in every stage of a transaction—may gainsay, dispute, or even disobey—nay, may break his contract, without any immediate evil resulting to any but the parties themselves; but in the military service, and above all on board ship, even to hesi-

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tate in obeying may be fatal, not only to the ship but to fleets, and even to nations. The importance of such unqualified and prompt obedience is acknowledged by every one acquainted with the sea-service, and it is well known that this cannot be effected without a regular system of order and sobriety. Amongst those who assume to themselves the character of being friends to the "poor sailors," without knowing their feelings or propensities, much less their duties, it is taken for granted that corporal punishment is considered by seamen as a slavish degradation, ruinous to their moral character, destructive of their patriotism, and the means of implanting in them a desire to transfer their talents and services to other countries; but, above all, it is assumed as a fixed principle that they prefer the merchantservice to the navy: all which gratuitous assumptions may with justice be flatly contradicted.

On board a ship there are few modes of varying punishment to meet all the gradations of offence. But no sailor ever considers himself a worse seaman, or lower in the estimation of those around him in his own sphere, merely because he has been punished at the gangway. And almost universally, when the inflexible rules of order and discipline do bring a known good man to punishment, the feelings of the individual himself are not so much mortified as those of his captain and lieutenants; while his pride is frequently more wounded by the fear of losing their esteem than by

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the fictitious importance attached to the chastisement itself; and it may with justice be said in the navy, as well as in other situations, that a man is always degraded among his fellows, and loses the favour of his officers for the crime, and not for the punishment, which, on the contrary, is often considered as an atonement to regain that consideration and favour which they had forfeited by their faults. Without discussing the subject at greater length, these remarks shall be concluded by observing, that the preference shown by merchant-sailors for the navy is perfectly natural. In the merchant-service, the interests of the masters and the men are almost universally in direct opposition, whilst in the navy they can never clash, but must ever run together. The masters of merchant-vessels are not responsible to any immediate superiors for the abuse of their authority, whilst in the navy every officer is known seriously to be so.

Some of our men were invalided at Bombay, and many suffered severely from the brackish water, which produced dysenteries, that in some cases proved fatal; this evil, so far as the shipping are concerned, might easily be remedied by the tank-boats being filled at a place where the water has not that deleterious quality. Our transactions at Bombay were concluded by an occurrence which would have been considered unworthy of notice, but for the importance attached to it by the heads of the military, in a lengthy undigested mass of frivolous correspondence, afterwards for-

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warded to the Captain, and by him transfered to the Admiralty. The facts were that a young officer of the Company's army came on board uninvited, and got so drunk as to become extremely disorderly, and to conduct himself without any regard to decorum or decency. Upon its being reported to the Captain, he put a sentinel over him, and he remained under arrest for twenty-four hours, when he was, at his own request, suffered to go on shore.

The military chiefs, it seems, were fired with indignation that one of their officers, whatever his offence, should be subjected to any other than their own authority, and complained of the Captain's conduct, accusing him of a breach of courtesy at least, if not an insult against the whole corps; to these complaints, most uncourteously and vexatiously urged, it appears the Captain did not think proper to make any reply, except in an uncalled-for explanation to the Admiralty.

Our survey was ordered to commence at Guardafui, which may be considered as the southernmost cape of the entrance to the Red Sea. Of the whole coast from thence to Zanzibar, scarcely any certain information was known to the public, so that in Malte Brun's celebrated geography, he only exclaims, "What has become of the famous city of Melinda, and the twenty churches of Mombas?—do they exist?" &c.

Mr. Horsburgh, however, states, in his invaluable Directory, that the Government of Bombay sent an expedition in 1812, under Lieutenant

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Smee, of the Company's marine, to survey from the Red Sea to Zanzibar. The ostensible object of this voyage was to find a mouth of the Nile said to open somewhere on that coast, by theoretical geographers, who, in their closets, measure a thousand leagues with a pair of compasses, without let or hindrance from the intervening obstacles, and thus bring the whole limit of the earth's surface into the narrow compass of their own diminutive ideas, without any regard to the little arrangements of Nature.

Mr. Smee made a hasty voyage from Guardafui to Zanzibar, and back again to the Red Sea. His chart is on a small scale, and exceedingly imperfect, but most of his observations are corroborated by our future work. He had some communication with the inhabitants of Patta, where he conceived himself ill treated by the reigning Sultan, and accordingly went to Zanzibar, where he refitted and revictualled his vessel, but had no intercourse with any other part of the coast. To obtain the particulars of this voyage, and such other information as might be useful to us, was the Captain's principal object at Bombay.

By a communication received from the Hydrographical Office,* since we left England, it appeared that the whole coast of Arabia, from Ras al Had, or Cape Raselgat, as it is sometimes Called by the English, was but little known, and the geographical situation of its prominent features but ill determined; and as other places on

* Vide Instructions, No. 2.

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the coast of Africa, besides Zanzibar, were generally understood to be under the dominion of the Imaum of Muskat, the Captain sought letters of introduction from the Government of Bombay, that we might procure such passports from him as would enable us to proceed peaceably and without risk along the shores of Arabia and Eastern Africa. For this purpose, and to obtain interpreters, we proceeded to Muskat, where we arrived on Christmas-day, and moored in the inner cove. We were immediately visited by Lieutenant Hunter, of the navy, and Abdullah, a Moorish captain of one of the Imaum's frigates, three of which, together with a fine new brig, built at Cochin, were lying in the harbour, and appeared to be good stout vessels. He had also recently purchased the Liverpool, which was in dock at Bombay, and in her he afterwards performed his pilgrimage to Mecca.

The small cove was filled with a forest of dows, and presented a most interesting and animated scene; every height is surmounted by a fortification inaccessible to Christian view, but a powerful memento of the prowess and enterprise of the Portuguese of other days. All these fortifications seemed strong, and capable of resisting an assault; but the place itself may be cut off from the interior and easily blockaded from without.

The town is situated on the beach, at the foot of a high hill, which completely encircles it, leaving but one pass into the country by the Sudoaf

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Road: in this gap, and round a noxious muddy pool, numerous miserable mat-hovels are erected by the native Arabs, as they are not allowed to build any thing more substantial, for fear they should cover the advance of an enemy.

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CHAPTER XVIII.

Town of Muskat.—The Sultan's horses.—A royal merchant.—Merchant-frigates.—The Sultan's pilgrimage.—Exchange of gifts.—Pearls.—The coast.—A man drowned.—Island of Massera.—Bays.—Islands and reefs.—Erroneous chart.—The north coast.—Abdul Koory.—Its bay.

MUSKAT must be the filthiest town in the world. It forms an entire bazaar, inhabited by every caste of Indian merchants, who dwell in narrow alleys, partly covered by open mats of palm-leaves, slightly interwoven; these serve to keep out the sun, but admit the rain freely, so that after a shower the whole bazaar is knee-deep in mud; and, as neither the sun nor the wind can find admission, it remains in that state until the moisture is evaporated by the animal heat arising from the numerous passengers constantly in motion, or the mud carried away upon their feet in cumbrous masses.

The houses in the bazaar are in general only one story high, having a flat roof covered with earth, which gives the town the appearance of

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a large burrow. In the front of each residence is a small area opening into the alley, wihch is used as a shop for the display of goods. The Sultan's palace, and the houses of his family and wealthy merchants are, however, in good style, and some apparently comfortable.

It will readily be believed that such a place is unhealthy: and in fact, it is so fatal, that it is considered certain death for any Englishman to remain during the hot season. No fewer than three residents appointed by the Company had died within a short period after their arrival. The British Consul at the time of our visit was Golab, a merchant Banyan; who, although a Hindoo, so far conquered his religious scruples, as to supply us with bullocks and goats on very reasonable terms. We also used his house, which was close to the palace, as our observatory, and he one evening gave us a nautch* by way of entertainment.

The harbour of Muskat is perfectly sheltered from all but northerly winds, which sometimes bring in a heavy sea, when the outer cove becomes a dangerous anchorage. Adjoining this cove to the northward is the beautiful Bay of Muttrah, the country around which is more open and the place not so unhealthy. On the beach of Muttrah a small ship was being built by a native carpenter under the immediate inspection and direction of the Sultan. Abundance of fish is taken in this bay, and the surrounding country must be

* An exhibition of dancing-girls, who, in eastern countries, are by the strictest laws devoted to Venus.

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well supplied, as we saw daily many camels loading from the boats to send into the interior. It would seem that both the men and beasts live principally upon dates and fish; yet the beef thus fed was found by far the best flavoured and fattest we had met with since leaving England.

Hindoostany appears to be the lingua franca, Arabic being only spoken by the native Arabs, who form by far the smallest portion of the inhabitants.

The Sultan has a stud of excellent horses, some of which he presents annually to the Governor of Bombay, but who is by the laws of the East India Company enjoined not to receive presents; they are, therefore, always sold by auction for the benefit of the Company, when, if the Governor should wish for them, he is frequently obliged to pay very dearly for his presents.

In the neighbourhood of Muskat, lucerne is cultivated as green food for horses, and is brought daily to market. We procured some fine grapes, water-melons, pomegranates, oranges, sweet and sour limes, dates, and kissmisses; this last-named fruit is a small raisin without stones, and it is excellent when it can be procured free from filth; but in general, nothing can be more disgusting than both the dried dates and kissmisses, for the Arab is beyond a doubt the dirtiest of the human species. It was not without good reason that the lawgiver of that people enjoined numerous daily ablutions as a religious dogma, the fulfilment

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of which, he told them, was as necessary to salvation as prayer; but this, like most dogmas in their own and other religions, is now become a matter of mere form, affording no security against their habitual uncleanliness. In their cooking, however, which is performed principally by the women, it is but justice to say that the utmost nicety is evident, and the most dainty might find in their repasts no obstacle to the indulgence of a fastidious appetite.

Muskat is absolutely dependent on commerce for its daily bread, and its importance has in a great measure arisen from the liberality of the present Sultan, under whose mild government every merchant finds security of person and property, while all creeds are tolerated without being subject to insult or arbitrary exactions from the disciples of the prophet. The Sultan himself is the chief merchant, and can borrow money largely from the Banyans, to whom he farms certain revenues; these Banyans are the Jews of the East, and take care never to lend without a certain prospect of large returns. Besides the facility the Sultan has in thus obtaining money, he comes into the market on much easier terms than other merchants, who are subjected to a duty of five per cent, on all their transactions; but, unlike most princes of his faith, he is said to be contented with this profit. The expenses of protection and government are paid by him from his possessions on the eastern coast of Africa, which may be considered as his private property,

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at least so far as their revenues, which are levied arbitrarily. The good faith of the Sultan, the security he derives from his connexion with the Government of Bombay, and the advantageous situation of the port (at the entrance of the Persian Gulf) has rendered it a sort of emporium for the Coasts of Africa, Madagascar, the Red Sea, the Persian Gulf, and India in general; and in being so, it has rather added to than diminished the trade of Cutch, Surat, Bombay, &c.

The family of which this Sultan is a member, is considered holy, a character to be maintained only by a rigid performance of the rites prescribed by Mahomet. They are punctilious in their five daily washings and prayers; these ceremonies, therefore, occupy much of the Sultan's time, but his court is attended twice every day by his officers, when he transacts business.

He employs his frigates as merchant-vessels, the officers and crews of which are the Lascars of India. It did not appear that he had ever used them for hostile purposes, as he has learned that warlike equipments are not only the most expensive but the least productive; they are, therefore, engaged in collecting cowries and other articles of commerce on the eastern coast of Africa, at Quiloa or Keelwa, Zanzibar and Lamo, with which he traffics to Calcutta and the Persian Gulf. In 1824, he fitted out the Liverpool at Bombay for a voyage to Mecca, when, it is said, he presented the richest offering that had been made at the shrine of his prophet for many years. This may

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be inferred to have been more the effect of policy than religious zeal, for his title to dominion required the high sanction of the Porte, before the name of Sultan could be assumed; and that of Imaum is conferred by the Shireef of Mecca, but is never granted without the assistance of a pilgrimage and a considerable donation. Until his power had these great warrants, he was always open to intrigues and plots, while his dethronement or assassination would have been deemed less criminal. Before he made this important voyage, he called himself Saheed ben Sultan, or Saheed the Sultan's son. His father had been a successful rebel against his prince, and Saheed himself obtained his power by the assassination of his uncle. But at first his title was not even acknowledged so far as his power, and even that was not recognised more than forty or fifty miles along the sea-coast to Burka. In the interior, the Wahabees held an independent dominion, but their rapine and plunder of British merchant-vessels caused two expeditions to be sent against them from Bombay; one to Ras ul Kheima in the Strait of the Persian Gulf, and the other against Beni boo Alii, who ruled the coast southward and westward from Ras al Had. The success of these, and the destruction of his enemies, confirmed the power of Saheed ben Sultan, who may now be considered as firmly seated on his throne, at least while under the protection of the British Government of Bombay.

At the time of our visit to Muskat, the Sultan

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was about forty years of age, with mild and gentlemanly manners; he was very communicative, and forced, on the Captain some trifling presents, which the latter could not decline without giving offence. Captain Owen upon this gave him an Arabic copy of the Scriptures, with which he appeared much gratified, not from any thoughts of conversion, but because they are declared by the Koran to be holy books containing God's Word. The Sultan in return presented the Captain with an emblematic offering of his own creed —a superb sword, the blade of Damascus steel, and the handle richly mounted with gold.

Before our departure, he came on board in state, when we received him with our yards manned and the ship dressed with flags, but did not salute on account of our chronometers; the preparation for this ceremonious visit was rather ludicrous, for, as we had many pigs on board, they were ordered to be put into the boats, that they might not offend the Sultan by their profane appearance. The noise they made during their removal was enough to alarm every Mussulman on shore or afloat, for the morning was still, and the echoes reverberated from the surrounding hills as if animated with the vulgar desire of offending the religious prejudices of the natives; but bigotry is not amongst the vices of Muskat, and the scene afforded as much amusement to the Mahometans as to ourselves.

We might have purchased numerous pearls from the fishery of Bahrein in the Gulf at a tole-

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rably cheap rate: three of uncommon size and beauty were offered us at Golab's house, one weighing fifty-seven grains, for one thousand eight hundred Spanish dollars, and two others, weighing twenty-seven grains each, for nine hundred and twenty, which in Europe would probably have been worth more than as many pounds.

This Golab was one of the Sultan's principal agents and farmers of revenue; they both examined very minutely the pearls which we had brought from the Bazaruta Islands, and the Sultan was desirous of sending thither a fishing establishment. Without doubt, this point offers one of the best openings for a lucrative speculation that at present exists; the fishery has now been neglected for so many years, that in all probability it would produce many exquisite pearls of the largest size. The Sultan supplied us with wood and water at his own cost, and gave us a pilot for the coast of Arabia and eastern Africa, as far as Zanzibar; he also furnished us with an interpreter, who spoke French tolerably and a little English; this man's name was Harmees ben Othman, a Sowhyly African, to whom, as well as to the pilot, the Imaum paid fifty dollars from his own purse.

On the 1st of January, we weighed from the outer cove of Muskat, and beat down the coast past Sedap and Ul Heraun to a village named Hessat Shekh, a little to the eastward of Ras ul Heraun. The land eastward from Muskat is composed of rugged mountains with little verdure,

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but the country on the other side is said to be fertile and productive. Ul Heraun is an island which forms a fine harbour, with a clear and deep entrance from the eastward, but to the westward it is shallow, although sufficiently deep for small vessels; it is about five leagues from Muskat, and has abundance of excellent water but no wood, an objection which holds equally against Muskat, whither the fuel is brought from Burka.

It was the Captain's intention to trace the coast minutely from Muskat as far as Dafoor, although not directed so to do by his orders; but the details of this part of the Arabian coast were so much at variance that it was impossible to place any reliance upon their authenticity.

It was found, however, that when close in-shore the wind constantly failed, which prevented our approaching sufficiently near for this purpose any where from Boo Dahood or the entrance of Cape Kooriat to Soor: the detail of the intermediate part of the coast was therefore lost.

we recommenced our survey at Ras al Had, which is a low sandy point, being the only one upon the coast, and thence named Flat Point. It has a Sheik's tomb at the extremity, and the ruins of a Portuguese fort and village, forming good land-marks. The shore is rocky; two miles from the point, is the narrow entrance to Heiran Bay, but neither the fort nor entrance can be seen from a ship's deck. The mountains at the back of Ras al Had are about six thousand feet high, forming a chain as far as the Devil's Gap

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and Kooriat: they are called Jeebel Huthera, or the green mountains. Ul Huthera is about west by south of Kooriat, and the next to the southward is called Jeebel Jahalem, at the foot of which stands Beni boo Alli.

From Ras al Had we surveyed close in-shore, passing Ras Jins and Ras al Hubba, when we came on a bank of shoal soundings, being the same that had been passed over by the Menai in 1823, during her voyage from Zanzibar to Muskat. A seaman, William Evans, here fell overboard whilst passing the lead; the boats were instantly lowered, and the life-buoy let go; but in vain, as he could not swim! We were, therefore, compelled to witness his dying struggles without being able to render him any assistance. How awful is an event of this kind in a small community! The poor fellow a few moments before was cheerfully doing his duty, with habitual confidence in the firmness of his footing—but reflection had no time to break upon him, one false step and every thought was absorbed in fruitless efforts to escape; with those efforts life ceased, and the deep closed over him for ever.

We anchored near Al Ash Hara, famous in the Beni boo Alli war of 1820, in consequence of the crew of an English ship having been murdered there. From Ras Jins, or Angel Point, to Ras al Hubba, the coast is formed of steep rocky cliffs, from thirty to forty feet in height, after which it becomes sandy and shallow, with good anchorage and plenty of fresh water.

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The early Portuguese frequently visited this coast, and the Arabs still benefit by, but never repair, the tanks they established for preserving the rain. We next made Ras Jibsh, which at first appears like an island, on account of the land connecting it with the main being nearly on a level with the sea. The low coast from Jibsh is called Shēéble, as far as Massera. We here saw some Arabs whose tents had a wild and wretched appearance. No sooner did they perceive us than they mounted their camels and followed along the shore, in the hope (as Abdallah our pilot informed us) of seeing a wreck. We next made the island of Massera, the northern point of which is called Aulf, or Alif, probably on account of its similarity to the Arabic letter of that name, being a long narrow stripe of sand extending into the sea. The eastern point is Eya, or Ya, which it has also, perhaps, obtained from its configuration. Abdallah was much alarmed, during our approach to the island, on account of a reef of dangerous rocks, which he described as extending nearly two miles from the coast; but, the weather being fine and the water smooth, we had no apprehension, but employed ourselves in catching dolphins and horse-mackerel, while the whales were amusing themselves by sporting around the ship.

The external appearance of Massera is as forbidding as the rest of Arabia Felix, which we all agreed was the most unhappy looking coast we had visited; yet this is the only place where the

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date-trees are said to bear twice a year, but the quality of the fruit thus rapidly produced did not meet with much approbation from our Arabs. Just round point Alif, is the village of that name, and, in the North Bay, a place called Hastelleugh, inhabited by the whale-fishermen. A deep, but narrow channel with marks exists within the island by keeping close round Alif. We surveyed the whole outer coast of the island to Aboo Rassas, and then continued our course along the main, passing in succession the shoal cliffs, Cape Isolette, Raskooriat, and Ras Markass. We discovered that, by steering a S. W. by S. course from Massera, the shoals that extend from the land opposite to that island may be cleared. From Abdallah we learned that a south-westerly course would lead to Gezirat ul Humr, the rocky island seen by the San Carlos. Vessels from the Red Sea visit this place to obtain the deposit of the numerous birds, which is said to be used by the Arabs for a cement in building.

Passing Markass, on the north side of which is a safe little harbour during the south-west monsoon, we steered close in to Tagayat Abak, or Abak's Hat, when Point Soore was seen within the Great Bay of Saūgra, which is formed by Cape Isolette and Marica. The port of this bay, between Madraka and Saūgra, falls back to the westward much more than is represented in our charts. The Arabs place its western point in 18° 35′ north latitude, and nearly forty leagues

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from Madraka; but we were led to believe that it was not more than thirty. We could not perceive the least appearance of vegetation or animation on the shores, with the exception of a few men and huts at Madraka. The dominion of the Imaum of Muskat here terminates, and that of the Sultan of Dhofar commences.

The next place to Saūgra is Koorya Moorya Bay, which is extensive, and has good soundings throughout; the islands are named Jibly, Hallanny, Soda, and Haskec. A long reef is said to extend from Hallanny to within a few yards of Soda, and an English ship, probably relying upon Horsburgh, attempted to pass the intervening space in 1820 or 1821, when she was lost and all her officers perished. There is another reef which joins the rock Radonda and Hallanny, 1 but between Soda, Haskee, and the main land, the channels are good. Horsburgh relates that Admiral Blanket attempted to pass between Hallanny and Soda, but was obliged by the wind to steer to the eastward of both. This was a providential necessity, for had he pursued the other course his loss would have been inevitable. Soda is the only one of these islands that is inhabited; the anchorage and village are at the north end, where it is said water may be obtained. Its mountains are very high, and apparently of volcanic production.

We had now been eight days from Muskat, and completed about one hundred and forty leagues of coast; the only rivers we had met with

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in the whole of this distance being that at Saūgra, and the one at Minjy. The cliffs increased gradually, as we continued our course, from five hundred to nearly one thousand six hundred feet in height; and the hills of Noss and about Morbat cannot be less than five thousand. We found the eye-draft of Captain Smith, which had been sent us from the Admiralty, full of faults; Tagayat Abak being just two degrees eastward of its true situation, and Ras Noss about forty miles too easterly. This work, as reduced by Dalrymple, is, as an eye-draft, respectable, but as a chart very imperfect. Captain Bissel's observations agreed with our own more fully than any others we had met with. Off Cape Morbat, the wind came round from the westward, when Captain Owen was taken extremely ill from a stroke of the blat*, and it being considered that we had surveyed sufficient of this coast to connect it with other works already before the world, and not being included in our instructions, we sailed to the southward for Soktra.

Morbat and Dhofar were at this time under the government of Mohammed ben Akēēl, a rich Jew, who, having hired and trained one thousand Nubian slaves, conquered the country from Fartak to Garwow on the coast, and to Hadramout in the interior, which is the name of a populous town, and not of the whole coast, as erroneously

* A pernicious land wind peculiar to this coast, which produces rheumatic fever and affections of the bones.—Quere. Has the English word blight any relation to this?

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stated in our charts. From Fartak the Arabs are tributary to the Porte.

January the 13th, we arrived within three leagues of the eastern point of Soktra, called Ras Shēērguy, or Dolphin's Nose. We surveyed the whole of the north coast, a distance of nearly twenty leagues, in the course of the day, passing Tamarin Bay, which our Arabs called Bundur Beelad, or "The Town Anchorage," because the residence of the chief. This bay may easily be found, being situated on the plain immediately beyond the most westerly of the sand hills, which compose the whole coast, twenty miles from the high land of Ras Shōōrguy, or East Cape; while nearly south from the town are the chimney or turret-like projections from the summit of the central mountain, six thousand feet high, covered with shrubs, principally of the cactus family, and visible from a distance of nearly one hundred miles.

Proceeding westward to the Bay of Galanseca, we perceived a remarkable pyramidal rock, near the shore, resembling a Chinese pagoda. This bay is the only anchorage used by the Arab navigators, and possesses many advantages over that marked in the Admiralty charts as "Wintering Bay." We passed between Soktra and the Saboyna Rocks, which are called by the natives Karkafaharoon, from their resemblance to the roots of the two-lobed orchis bulbs.

The inhabitants of Soktra and the adjacent

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coast are a race unknown to the Arabs, but are supposed to be Abyssinians, as they neither speak nor write Arabic.

We next made Abdul Koory, and saw Salt's rocks, of which Horsburgh doubts the existence, but which we proved to be six leagues northwest from the eastern point of Abdul Koory. Our anchorage was in a fine bay, formed by a narrow isthmus of sand-hills, with a coral bottom. We sent a boat on shore to communicate with the natives, who were found miserably poor, and with nothing but a little brackish water to drink, in consequence, they said, of there having been no rain on the island for the last three years, and their wells being dried up; they had a few halfstarved goats, which, with rock-oysters and a species of vegetable blubber, formed the whole of their subsistence. This marine vegetable somewhat resembles a puff-toadstool full of water, varying in size from a goose's egg to a fourpound shot; the outer pellicle is transparent, with an inner one of a bright lead colour, and the root resembles that of the mushroom, consisting of small bulbs without fibres.

One old native came on board, when we presented him with some clothes and rice; he appeared of a fine race of people, and stated that he was one hundred years of age, and remembered some events that had occurred eighty years back. The Island of Abdul Koory is about twenty miles long and two broad, composed

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principally of granite, and perfectly resembling Soktra in formation. The bay is immediately at the western point of the high mountain on the south side, and is very good as an anchorage, but offers no further inducement to mariners, being quite destitute of verdure, although above sixty persons contrive to vegetate upon its barren soil.

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CHAPTER XIX.

Cape Guardafui.—Peninsula of Hafoon.—Rocky coast, called Hazine, the Ajan of the maps.—Wreckers.—The Somauli.—The Galla, a wild people.—Mukdeesha.—City of the dead.—Jealousy of strangers.—Treacherous act.—Aspect of the Coast.—Devastation.—Tower of Manara.—Rocks and islets.—The Hakeem.—Lamoo.—The Governor's visit.—Arrival at Mombas.—Cession of Mombas and dependencies to Great Britain.—Pemba, or Green Island.—The Perseverance.—Ingratitude.—Ports and Bays.—Bay of Mizimbaty.—Picos Fragos.

UPON getting again under weigh, we soon obtained sight of Cape Guardafui to the south-west. This bold headland cannot well be mistaken, as the coast makes a sudden turn. It is called by the natives Ras Assere, and the high mountain immediately to its south is named Gibel Jordafoon, near which there is said to be a large pool of spring-water, always full; but whether this reservoir is a work of nature or art we could not learn. Keeping about nine miles off shore we rounded the peninsula of Hafoon, and steered west. Hafoon appears like an island, and belongs to a native Somauli prince, who resides near that part of the coast marked as Cape Delgado, but which is

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properly Ras Maber, meaning Cape "stand off;" because the Arab coasters, steering to the northward, always run out from this point with the southerly monsoon in order to round Hafoon. The country is populous, and produces abundance of sheep, horses, camels, and cattle, with plenty of excellent water by digging.

The Portuguese formerly had possession of this place, when, to make it more defensible, they commenced cutting a canal through the isthmus, which connects it with the main-land; but when the Arabs had beaten them out of Muskat, they continued their pursuit along the coast, and soon put a stop to their proceedings. We caught every day numerous seer or saar fish, and some bonetoes, the former weighing about twenty pounds each. After passing Hafoon we in one day ran down about eighty miles of coast, as far as Ras ul Khyle: the whole shore was rocky, and varying from two to four hundred feet in height. This is known by the Arabs as Hazine, or "rough ground." Southward of Ras ul Khyle is Sef Tweel, "the bald," or "declining shore;" and after that Herab, or "mountainous country." It is strange that this descriptive term "Hazine," should have produced the names Ajan, Azon, and Azamea, in many maps and charts; as the country never had any other appellation than Barra Somauli, or "the land of Somauli," a people who have never yet been collected under one government, and whose limits of

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subjection are only within bow-shot of individual chiefs.

In a community thus formed, it is not surprising that persons and property should become the prey of superior power. A few months since a large chelinga, belonging to the Imaum of Muskat, was stranded on the shores of Sef Tweel. A thousand natives soon came down from the interior claiming by force their deodand upon the vessel; this was, of course, objected to, but in less than an hour not a plank was left to point out the wreck, while the merchants and mariners were carried to Mukdeesha, where they were sold for slaves. After being in captivity for nearly a year, they contrived to get letters conveyed to their friends at Zanzibar, who sent some stout negroes to replace them, and thus obtained their ransom. Mukdeesha, Marka, and Brava, are the only places on this coast which keep up any communication with the interior; but, as the enduring camel is common, even south of Zanzibar, and as there are no large streams, few obstacles exist to a more general intercourse. It Was stated that the Imaum of Muskat had recently subjected the two latter places to his dominion.

The coast of Africa, from the Red Sea to the river Juba, is inhabited by the tribe called Somauli, apparently descendants from the aborigines of the country, who were early subjected to the Koran by the Arab merchants trading with them.

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They are a mild people, of pastoral habits, and confined entirely to the coast; the whole of the interior being occupied by an untameable tribe of savages, called Galla, perhaps at the present time the most uncultivated and ferocious in existence.

Between Cape Guardafui and the Straits of Babelmandel are two or three towns little visited or known by Europeans. One named Barbara, or Burbureen, is on the track of the caravans from the interior, whence the pilgrims and merchants embark for Jedda and Mecca. In the whole country from Guardafui to Mukdeesha there is not the least appearance of an inhabited spot, although we could observe abundance of camels and cattle, and it is said to possess a race of small wild horses. The commerce of this country appears to have been solely directed towards the Red Sea by means of caravans; in consequence of which, as the people are not themselves subject to the dangers of the sea, they have no feelings of compassion for those who are thrown on their shores. A wreck to them is a prize, and the unfortunate sufferers become their slaves, the misery of whose lot is heightened by every species of suffering, in order to enhance the value of their ransom.

The information we were enabled to obtain respecting the government of these people, was very vague and uncertain, but by all accounts it possesses more the character of patriarchal tyranny than any other form. Our Arab reporters

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stated the whole country of the Somauli to be under one prince, but we were led to believe that it was ruled by as many chiefs as hordes, and as many tyrants as chiefs. It is however certain that either their poverty or valour has prevented any invasion of their country or rights; no foreign establishments have been formed upon their coast, neither are there any decayed monuments visible of either the Christians or Arabs, so that whatever may be their social compact, liberty is still their birthright.

Mukdeesha, (2° 1′ 8" south, 45° 19′ 5" east,) the only town of any importance upon the coast is the mistress of a considerable territory. The port is formed by a long reef, extending to the eastward for four or five miles, within which is a narrow channel, with ten to twelve feet water at low spring tides. At a distance the town has rather an imposing appearance, the buildings being of some magnitude and composed of stone. The eye is at first attracted by four minarets of considerable height, towering above the town, and giving to it an air of stilly grandeur, but a nearer approach soon convinces the spectator that these massive buildings are principally the residences of the dead, while the living inhabit the low thatched huts by which these costly sepulchres are surrounded. It is divided into two distinct towns, one called Umarween, and the other Chamgany, the latter of which may with justice he called "the city of the dead," being entirely composed of tombs. Umarween has nearly one

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hundred and fifty stone houses, built in the Spanish style, so as to enclose a large area. Most of the Arab dows visit this place in their coast navigation, to exchange sugar, molasses, dates, salt fish, arms, and slaves, for ivory, gums, and a particular cloth of their own manufacture, which is much valued by the people of the interior.

The inhabitants appeared extremely jealous of strangers. Our officers, upon landing, were subjected to a species of imprisonment, being immediately shut up in a house, but with liberty to ramble about according to their inclinations within it. The only knowledge they gained of the town was, therefore, from the terrace of their place of confinement. This restraint was most respectfully but firmly enforced, and, to evince their friendly disposition towards us, a camel, a bullock, and a goat were brought to the beach for our use. The latter only was accepted by Captain Owen to convince them that their probably necessary precautions had not produced an unfavourable impression.

The language of these people differs from that of the Sowhylese, and very few understand Arabic, consequently their religion can be little more than form, as the Koran must be read in the original tongue. Their arms consist in a spear, with bows and arrows, while every Arab and Sowhyly carries a sword, one or two daggers, and a target.

Upon anchoring off the town, a canoe with eight or ten persons came alongside, as we con-

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cluded with the intention of coming on board; but, when within a cable's length, they lay upon their paddles and beckoned us ashore, and all our active eloquence could not induce them to approach any nearer. Their appearance was very singular, being entirely naked, with their heads shaved perfectly bald. The probable cause of their want of confidence in foreigners, was the following occurrence, which was then fresh in their recollections.

In 1823 the squadron of dows sent for the subjugation of Mombas by Seid ben Sultan, of Muskat, under Abdallah ben Saleyum, touched at Mukdeesha, when Abdallah sent orders for the chiefs to wait upon him and receive the commands of the Imaum. Two of the principal people accordingly went on board with some trifling presents, when he immediately sailed, and put them in prison at Zanzibar, there to remain until they could produce two thousand dollars for their ransom. Upon Captain Owen's being made acquainted with this act of treachery in the Imaum's officer, he directed Seid Larkbree, the Governor, to liberate them, which, from either fear or respect, he did. In consequence of this unjust mensure Mukdeesha, Marka, Brava, Patta, and Mombas had, before our arrival, entered into a league against the power of the Imaum.

We found the works of Horsburgh greatly deficient respecting this part of the coast. In fact, we were led to believe that his authorities must have drawn their information from very distant

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observations. The places called in his work Cape Delgado, Barn-hill, Bandel D'Agoa, or Bunder D'Agoa,* and Mora Kober, we could not find, in the situation assigned to them: his boundary line of coast is, however, less erroneous. The whole of this shore presents but little variety, being composed of sand-cliffs and hills, and as there are many dangerous reefs, ships should not approach nearer than twenty fathoms without some well-defined object as a guide. To the westward of Mukdeesha the country assumes a more fertile and populous appearance. This was formerly in possession of the Portuguese, who landed here in the fifteenth century, when the numerous towns from Mukdeesha to Sofala, appear to have been held by some Mohametan Moors, differing in every particular of language, person, and character, both from the Arabs and native Africans. To the southward of Juba, even to the island of Chuluwan, and perhaps to Delagoa, every part of the coast was inhabited by this race of people, now called Sowhylese; their language being still spoken from Patta to Mozambique, and strong evidences of it existing in the various dialects as far as the confines of our Cape Colony.

The most wealthy of these Sowhyly states was the Sultany of Patta; the line of islands, ports, and rivers, between Ovoombo and the bay still show the ruins of several towns that were

* A curious combination of Arabic and Portuguese in the same name.

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once of considerable importance. The destruction of these is attributed to the fierce and restless Galla, whose desolating fury has swept off every town situated on the main-land, from Juba to Mombas; but as, like the Kaffers, these savages have an unconquerable aversion to the sea, the only places free from their attacks were those in insulated situations. The character of the times, however, justifies a doubt whether the whole of these dilapidations properly belong to the Gallas. Arab piracy was then common, and the successful robber was sure of a good market, either among the Christians or those of his own faith, and the lawless adventurer could then bring into the market his stock of human misery without a blush or fear of punishment for the means which he had employed to obtain it. These considerations make it probable that many of the towns that now have hardly a mouldering ruin to mark their site owed their destruction to men more lawless and scarcely less savage than the wild barbarians of the forest.

The Portuguese formerly made the princes or chiefs of these countries tributary to their dominion, and the inscription over the gate of Mombas records that they were frequently subjected to war and rapine for refusing the most tyrannical exactions. When the dominion of the Portuguese had become hateful, and the power of the Imaum of Muskat had grown into importance, two of his generals were dispatched in different directions, with considerable forces, to

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possess themselves of the Portuguese establishments. Both succeeded. But the grandfather of the present Imaum, who conducted one of these expeditions along the shores of Arabia and the Persian Gulf, consummated his success by throwing off his allegiance and usurping tlie conquest that he had made for his prince. The only benefit that the Imaum derived from these hostile measures was obtaining possession of Zanzibar, by an agreement that the Sowhyly chief of the island and certain other towns should receive fifteen thousand dollars a year, but which, like most Arab agreements, has never been fulfilled.

In this state the country appears to have remained for ninety years, the rulers of Muskat sometimes making a feeble attempt to surprise Pemba, or other places attached to the government of Mombas; still, however, keeping up a commercial intercourse.

Our next anchorage was off the tower of Manñara, which must originally have been intended as a sea-mark, and is an excellent situation for a light-house. Upon the shore could be observed groups of natives, and plenty of cattle, sheep, goats, and camels; many of the people were travelling to Brava with loads of wood, collected from the hills westward of Man¯ara. The decriptions of Bessel, Smee, and other authorities, were so imperfect that we found it impossible to discover the position of the Dedalus Rocks by their assistance; we were, however, ultimately

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successful, and have marked them in our charts with accuracy. We now made the mouth of the River Juba, known by the Africans as Wowweenda. This river rises in Habeshy, or Abyssinia, and may be navigated in boats for three months from its mouth. The bar is narrow, but has plenty of water. The coast, and most of the islets to the southward of Juba, are formed of madrepore. The first island of any size, after passing the river, is Kismayhoo, all the rocks and islets around which are called by the Arabs Hooma ul Hawaween, and are considered very dangerous, but we found a good anchorage for small vessels between them and the main.

We now steered along shore for Lamoo, passing several islands, but none of sufficient importance to require a description, until we saw what we called the Pesanby Rocks, known to the Arabs as the Seven Islands of Eryaya, which is also the name of the great channel through the reefs into Patta. Abdallah would have taken us into the river, like a dow or chelinga, but finding the water had shoaled to four fathoms, we instantly let go an anchor about five miles from the town, when a boat was sent ashore to the Governor, which, in a short time, returned with a letter from Captain Vidal, stating that the Barracouta had quitted on the 25th of November.

This part of the coast we found more imperfectly described and delineated than any other, the charts being made apparently to frighten vessels, instead of encouraging them to approach

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the harbour. The Island of Kwyhoo, situated near the north entrance of Patta Bay, may easily be distinguished by its white sandy soil, spotted with verdure, and terminating in a low point, having several small islets at the extremity. Lieutenant Mudge and the surveyors were sent on shore to Has Kattow, 2° 19′ south, 40° 52′ 3" east for observations, while two boats went to the town of Lamoo for water, and to take Captain Owen to pay his respects to the Hakeem or Governor Sef Ben Hamed, who was a cousin to the Imaum. We found him in an open shed called the Custom House, surrounded by his countrymen and black soldiers. It was pleasing to observe the manners of these Arabs, which were courteous in the extreme, but devoid of the slightest affectation. Even our fisherman-pilot, Abdallah, behaved in the presence of the Governor in an easy and dignified manner that would have graced any European court. They all saluted the Hakeem by shaking and then kissing his hands, the constant repetition of which was very tiresome.

The Captain presented his letter from the Imaum, as well as an authority which he had received for making some arrangements to prevent the continuation of the slave-trade from this port to Mozambique and Bembatooka. The town of Lamoo is situated about three miles from Ras Kattow, its houses built in the pure Arabic style, that is, crammed together as close as space will allow, so as to admit of a narrow and always dirty alley intervening. It has much commerce, and is

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populous, being decidedly one of the best stations upon the coast. In the centre is a large fortress, about one hundred yards square, and surrounded by walls from forty to fifty feet high. The channel, as before-mentioned, is narrow, and, had we depended upon our Arab pilot, he would certainly have run us ashore. The prows upon this part of the coast are sharp at both ends, built without any timbers, the planks being neatly laced together with coir,* and carrying but one large sail, made of matting: the boatmen appeared a peaceable and friendly people, composed partly of Arabs and Africans. They have, in addition to their prows, some small canoes for fishing, and, in order to give them confidence, we purchased some of their cargoes. We also procured a bullock, weighing two hundred and sixty pounds.

Captain Owen presented the Governor and many of his principal officers with some copies of the New Testament in Arabic, with which they were much pleased, and in return sent him a quantity of fine fruits. Their notions of Christianity were evidently taken from the Portuguese, whom they considered as stupid idolaters. "For," said these people, "they first cut a piece of wood into the figure of either a man or a woman, and then worship it." Every reasonable man must agree with Sir W. Jones, that Mohammedanism is but a sect of Christianity. Its professors are in every respect as much Christians as the

* Rope made from the husk of the cocoa-nut.

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Arians, Unitarians, or Socinians, and their practice, if not faith, is purer than that followed by the Romish Church. They acknowledge the Divine founder of our religion as a prophet of God, and believe Mohammed to have been gifted with the same inspiration, but that his services were more immediately directed to the Arabs. Perhaps there are no people who would listen with more attention and advantage to the sublime lessons of the Gospel than the humble followers of Mohammed; neither can there be any doubt that all which is good in the Koran was drawn from that sacred volume.

Before leaving this place, the Governor, Seid Sēf ben Hamed, came on board to dinner, and was received with military honours. From him we learnt that the inhabitants of Patta had placed themselves, with all their dependencies, under the protection of the Imaum of Muskat; and it is desirable that the whole of this coast should be united under his government, for not until then will the British have power to put an effectual termination to the slave-trade. The Governor requested Captain Owen to give what orders he pleased for the guidance of the prows proceeding northwards, should they fall in with any vessels engaged in this illicit traffic. He had already published the orders of the Imaum, which gave authority to any of His Majesty's ships to seize vessels carrying slaves southward of Quiloa, or Cape Delgado.

Having received on board eight bullocks at ten

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dollars each, ten sheep at three and a half, and a plentiful supply of good water, on the 4th of February, we continued our course to the southwest, passing several islands and the mouth of the river Ozy, which appeared rather shallow and small. On the 7th, we saw the British colours flying on the fort of Mombas, and the Imaum's fleet of chelingas employed in the blockade; we fired a gun for a pilot, which was answered by the largest of these vessels, when the commander came on board in his boat to conduct us in; and shortly after we had anchored, the fighting captain of the Imaum's expedition waited on Captain Owen.

Lieutenant Reitz immediately went on shore with the interpreter, and was saluted on landing with five guns; but he shortly returned with a son of the Sheik's, who informed us of the Imaum's endeavours to subjugate them, and their exertions to defend their liberty and rights which they had so long been fighting for. He stated that they had now collected twenty-five thousand men, but, having no ships, they feared that they could not succeed without the assistance of the English. In fact, he recapitulated all the arguments before used to Captain Vidal, and concluded by requesting Captain Owen's permission to place themselves under the British Government and hoist the English colours. He also brought a letter from Captain Vidal written in English, and addressed to Soliman ben Hoffman ben Alli ul Mozrow, the Sheik. This letter was unopened,

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as they imagined it was intended for us. It was to request permission to survey the place and obtain a supply of bullocks, but being written in good English round hand, those to whom it was directed were quite in ignorance of its contents. After this interview, the Prince partook of some coffee, and was shortly after landed.

The following morning, Captain Owen went on shore, when he was met by the chiefs who conducted him to a room in the castle, where the members of the Council were assembled to receive him. They acknowledged having hoisted the English colours without any authority, but unanimously craved permission to place the whole country under the protection of the British nation. Captain Owen informed them that, provided they would consent to the abolition of the slave-trade, he would transmit their proposal to his Government for their decision, and that he should have no objection to hold the place in the mean time. To these conditions they readily assented, and made a formal cession of their island, that of Pemba, and the country from Melinda to Panghany. Our third Lieutenant, Mr. John James Reitz, was made Commandant, and Mr. George Philips, (midshipman,) a corporal of marines, and three seamen, were appointed to remain with him until further instructions should be received.

Shortly after this interview, the Commander of the blockading squadron waited upon Captain Owen, by the order of the Imaum, to express his

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readiness to obey his commands in any respect. He was accordingly directed to send a pilot on board for Pemba, and upon the Leven's sailing, to follow with his fleet for that place. When this political arrangement was made, the Imaum's chelingas anchored near the town, and were soon on most friendly terms with the inhabitants. Soliman Ben Alli, the then chief of Mombas, was an old dotard who had outlived every passion but avarice.

Captain Owen having promised to convey Prince Mombarrok, the hereditary chief of Mombas, and fifty of his men to Pemba, they were embarked on the night of the 13th, when we got under weigh, and were shortly followed by the Imaum's chelingas. The natives behaved with great propriety, cooking their meats after our people had dined. The prince lived with the captain.

On the 15th, we anchored, with the chelingas near us, off the fort of Pemba, known by the Arabs as Ul Huthera, or Green Island. It is strange that we should have been so long in ignorance of this fine port, called Masai ul Chak Chak, and which Captain Morsely describes as having no anchorage but numerous reefs, while, on the contrary, we could see no reefs, but found a good and secure anchorage. It is besides one of the most fertile islands in the world, luxuriant vegetation springing spontaneously from the soil, and abounding in excellent ship-timber. We sent a boat on shore for stock, which soon

VOL. I. 2 B

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returned with twenty head of cattle and a considerable quantity of fine fruit, being a present from the Imaum. The captain directed Abdallah Ben Saleyam, the fighting captain of the Imaum's squadron, to proceed to Mongallow, and seize three vessels under Christian flags that were trading for slaves, which he promised to do upon receiving an order "in the name of God and the Imaum," according to the Mohammedan form.

Having landed the prince and his people, we again got under weigh along the coast, until we made Zanzibar, when we anchored off the town, and letters from Captain Vidal were brought on board, stating that he had concluded the survey as far as 6° 28′ S. Captain Owen went on shore the following day, to wait upon Abdallah Larkbree, who presented him with a letter from the Imaum, which he had sent to this place to await the Leven's arrival. In the harbour was a Greek ship belonging to Mohammed Ali, Pacha of Egypt, a vessel of Muskat, the Perseverance of Mauritius, and a great number of chelingas.

The Perseverance had been for more than a year employed salting beef at Madagascar, and was the same vessel from which we had obtained thirty casks of provisions, as mentioned in a former part of this narrative. The master, whose name was Delostelle, had recently sailed in a schooner for Seychelles, leaving his boatswain and two others in charge; the former upon our arrival repaired on board to Captain Owen with the ship's

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papers, followed shortly afterwards by the crew of lascars, who came to complain of their treatment. It appeared by their statement that they been obliged to quit the vessel on account of had having nothing to eat, and that for seventeen months' service they had received but one month's wages. They were ordered by the captain to return on board the vessel, when he directed the English resident to give each of them one month's pay, and the same allowance of provisions usually supplied to lascars in India.

Before leaving the port, a chelinga arrived from Mombas with letters from Lieutenant Reitz, by which it appeared that his opinion of the people of Mombas was not so favourable as hitherto, affording another lesson of human ingratitude and the inconsistency of our nature. When hopeless of relief, and fearful of the power of the Imaum, they appeared all virtue and patriotism; but now that they were freed from their difficulties, all their obligations were forgotten: but why should we find fault with the people of Mombas for a failing which is general among mankind?

On the 23d we continued our course, in the hope of falling in with the Barracouta. Our pilots were possessed of little information respecting this part of the coast, and we could not help suspecting that Seid Larkbree had purposely supplied them on that account, and had sent to Lindy and other ports to apprise the slave-dealers of our approach and hostile intentions. This conclusion was in a great measure

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confirmed by a knowledge that he possessed the entire monopoly of the traffic at Zanzibar.

We directed our course so as to pass between Latham's Bank and Monfeea, but a strong landwind with much rain coming on, we were not enabled to discern the bank until day-light the following morning, when we found that we had passed it within four or five miles during the night. This must be considered as a most providential escape, for although we were constantly sounding, we might have struck upon the bank without having had the slightest indication of its vicinity. Continuing along the coast, we passed many coral islands, the greater part being formed upon the same bank. The next port we made was Lindy, which is situated at the bottom of a deep bay formed between reefs, which in some parts extend two or three miles from the land. On the same day we passed the Mandarin's Cap off Mikindany, another port; but we could not perceive any vessels in either, and a boat that we met during the day informed us that there were none upon the coast.

From this last place we steered for the peninsula of Mizimbaty, the bay of which is formed by the isles of Manakoohanga, but the whole appeared to us blocked by reefs: our pilots said there was no passage but at high water, and that Mizimbaty itself was then insulated, but we could place but little faith upon their statements. This place has been rendered famous in the history of Eastern Africa by the following event: A few years

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since the Malegash, during their predatory excursions, pillaged and destroyed every place north of Ibo to Monfeea, which island they seized, with about three thousand slaves and all the moveable property they could find. They were about to return to Madagascar when the account of their ravages reached Zanzibar, where the Arabs immediately equipped twenty chelingas, each carrying several guns, with which they pursued them. The Malegash had put into the Bay of Mizimbaty, and seeing an opening between it and the main, they endeavoured to pass through, under the impression that it would lead them to the islands south of Cape Delgado; but, instead of this, their whole fleet ran aground, where it was left by the tide an easy conquest to their pursuers, who shortly afterwards arrived and destroyed them without mercy.

We were surprised by the appearance of shoal water near the south point of Mizimbaty; but, upon sending a boat to sound, we discovered that it was produced by the great river Rovooma, which here empties itself by two mouths into the bay. This is said to be a considerable river, but our pilots knew no more of it than its name, and that its water may, during the rainy season, be taken up at sea perfectly fresh. From the vast stream that we saw rushing out of this river, we were led to imagine that, next to the Zambizi, it is the most considerable on this side of Africa. We looked in vain for the long disputed Cape Delgado, as, in the situation assigned to it, no such

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cape exists; but at length we found that which the Portuguese have so designated, and from which they claim dominion. All who have written concerning this point are in great confusion and error, it being in 10° 42′ south, and as well defined as Start Point. Upon our arrival off Ibo we made the signal for a pilot, which was answered by a gun from the fort.

Shortly afterwards an officer came on board, bringing a letter from Captain Vidal, informing us that the Barracouta and Albatross had left only five days previous, and that they intended to be at Mozambique about the 10th of March. Captain Vidal also informed us that they had experienced much sickness on board since leaving Zanzibar, and it is worthy of remark that the crews of all vessels, after watering at that place, have been subject to dysenteries and fever. The instances of this are, Admiral Blanket's squadron, the Menai, the Andromache, and now the Barracouta: this applies more particularly to the river-water, as that procured by digging, or from wells, does not appear to possess the same deleterious property.

Being anxious to rejoin the Barracouta, we continued our course towards Mozambique. When off Picos Fragos (broken hills), we saw her surveying the coast upon which these extraordinary hills are situated, which, as they never have been noticed, merit from their singular character a slight description. They extend nearly twenty miles, varying in their approach to the sea. When

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seen from a short distance they appear like the ruins of some giant city, but, upon a nearer view, they are seen to be the fragments of a range of mountains split into numerous fantastic shapes, and strewed over the wild tract which they cover. They are diversified in size and height from the cloudcapped pinnacle, with a yawning chasm beneath, to the crumbling mound of almost ant-hill dimensions.

The Barracouta immediately joined us, when Captain Vidal came on board to report his proceedings, as related in the following chapters, extracted from a journal kept by Lieutenant Boteler.

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CHAPTER XX.

Boteler's Journal.—Distressed Fugitives.—Steer for Patta.—Native timidity.—Visit from a Chief.—Island of Patta.—Conquest of Patta by the Imaum of Muskat.—Arab Dows.—Lamoo.—Buildings and Costume.—Military Weapons.—Arab Fortification.—Arab Women.—Education and Food.—Coasting Trade.—The Galla.—Surprise of the Arabs.—A Hog.—Survey to the Southward.—Shooting Elephants.—Dread of Fire-arms.—An accident.

We parted from the Leven on the 15th of October, and in company with the Albatross proceeded to survey the coast from Patta, situated in lat. 2° south, to Mozambique. We passed through the Comoro Islands with a strong wind, and on the 22nd, when about eighty miles from the land of Africa, with almost a calm prevailing, we observed in the early part of the afternoon a distant white speck on the water, apparently slowly approaching. It was supposed to be a large bird of the albatross species, magnified beyond its natural size by refraction, and it was only just before a breeze sprung up that it

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was discovered to be a boat. We arrested our course instantly, feeling confident that nothing so small would be out so far from the land from any other cause than necessity.

As she approached, we perceived her to be a large canoe, with a sail formed by a small piece of blue dungaree and an old cotton sheet. In her sat four black men, haggard and emaciated in their appearance, while a fifth lay stretched at full length under the seats, apparently in a dying state. They lowered their sail, and seemed to hesitate whether or not they should venture on board; upon which we endeavoured to remove their fears by friendly motions to advance, and by means of one of our seamen, who spoke a little Arabic. We imagined of course, that they belonged to the coast, but by venturing too far out had been blown off. To our astonishment they replied in French, inquiring in a most anxious manner if we were of that nation, and on receiving an answer to the contrary, they uttered a cry of joy and paddled alongside as fast as their little remaining strength would allow.

Upon coming on board it was evident that

"Famine, despair, cold, thirst, and heat

Had done their work on them by turns;"

and it was some time before they were sufficiently recovered to make us acquainted with their history.

It then appeared that they were from the Seychelles Islands, where, oppressed by the cruelty of their master, a Frenchman, they seized his

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canoe and quitted the small island, one of the Amirantes, where they had been left without an overseer. Not knowing which way to steer, and careless of the port they might reach, all places appearing preferable to that from which the tyranny of their master had driven them, they had taken what articles they conceived might be serviceable, and amongst them was fortunately the curious sail before-mentioned, to which they owed their preservation, as the glare of the sun upon the white sheet first attracted our attention, which the dark shade of the boat would otherwise never have done. They had a little fish, some rice, and about a gallon of water upon commencing their arduous voyage, but from never having experienced the necessity of looking to the future, they improvidently consumed their little store in the first few days, and when picked up by us were in almost the last stage of starvation, and certainly could not have survived more than a day longer without nourishment.

The poor negro who was lying at the bottom of the boat had been rapidly sinking for the last three days, and when taken on board, joyfully expressed the happiness he felt at escaping from a fate which he before considered as inevitable; yet how short the delusion! How like the many and transient joys of this life! His pulse was gone, and in less than an hour he expired from mere debility, sensible to the last, and still clinging to the hope of life and liberty. The rest by care and attention survived, but remained in a dreadfully

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weak and debilitated state for a considerable time. Seventeen notches in the side of their canoe, indicated the many days of misery and distress they had passed during this voyage of seven hundred and fifty miles, a distance scarcely credible, considering the means they had for its performance.

We were now near the spot where our operations of survey were to commence. During the night following this rencontre, steering, as we imagined, directly for Patta, an intervening current, of which we were not aware, carried us several miles to the northward, which distance we in vain endeavoured to regain by keeping in shore. We were at last compelled to stand out to sea, and there, beyond the influence of the current, succeeded in beating up sufficiently to the southward to reach a large bay, answering in latitude that assigned to Patta, but in no way resembling the chart furnished us of that place, and its neighbourhood.

The sea view of the country presented a lively and varied appearance of hills covered with verdure and well wooded lowlands; but the shores within the bay exhibited a gloomy contrast of swamps and mangroves. We saw also numerous small coral islets, seldom of a greater height than twelve feet, and generally overhanging the rocky flats on which they stood. The summit of the heights was level, and, from the constant decomposition of the coral, presented a surface of sharp points, over which it was difficult to pass. We remained in this bay for four days, vainly attempting

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to communicate with the natives, whom we saw constantly paddling about in their short canoes; but, in consequence of petty wars and the slave traffic, they were so timid, that whenever our boats approached, they took shelter on the shallow flats skirting the shore.

As our stock of water was much diminished, it was necessary to come to some understanding with them, in order to obtain an additional supply; but, finding that they still persisted in shunning us, it was determined to seize by force the first that we could get hold of, and by friendly treatment of him overcome the fears of the rest. Unfortunately, an attempt made for this purpose upon a canoe, in which was an Arab and his slave, was unsuccessful, and only tended to increase their apprehensions; and it was not until the fourth day after our arrival that we succeeded in securing three natives, who were brought on board.

Shortly afterwards we were rejoiced at seeing the Albatross enter the bay, having been for some time anxiously expecting her arrival. She had also been carried to the northward by a strong current and contrary winds, but at length succeeded in getting back to Patta. Her people were quite confounded at having found both the wind and current so different from what their calculations had led them to expect.

The natives whom we had brought on board were, by the kind treatment and presents they received, soon rendered confident. When once

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assured of their safety, they entered freely into conversation with the interpreter, and informed him that this bay was bounded on one side by the island upon which Patta was situated. On being questioned respecting their fear of approaching us, they answered, that they imagined we were Frenchmen, who in many instances had kidnapped their countrymen from the canoes and sold them into slavery.

In the evening these people were landed, and in all probability we were indebted to their report for the visit we received on the following morning from a venerable old Arab chief, of the village of Krinyhettey, a small place just within the bay. He was sent to us by the Governor of Patta, together with a native of that place who spoke a little English and a Muskat soldier, to enquire who we were, and, if belonging to his Britannic Majesty, to tender civilities in the name of their sovereign, the Imaum of Muskat. We learned that no water could be obtained either in Kwyhoo Bay or at Patta, but, as we ascertained by a commuication with the Governor of Lamoo that we might at any time procure it from that place, we surveyed the two bays. That of Kwyhoo is large, and abounds in reefs, shoals, and extensive flats, ending in a cluster of islands, between which the stream of a large river empties itself by several channels into the sea.

The island upon which Patta stands, and which forms the southern side of Kwyhoo Bay, is bounded by hills, and divided from the main land by a

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narrow, sandy creek, through which boats only can pass to the town and thence to the bay of Patta, situated to the southward of Kwyhoo just described, and which it much resembles. Little of the early history of Patta is known, but it was formerly a place of much greater importance than at present: its decline is, perhaps, more owing to the miserable and corrupt government of the Arabs than to any other cause; though much of its trade is now absorbed by Lamoo. At the time the Portuguese became masters of the coast, they established Patta as one of their holds, and built a castle, the ruins of which still remain, and form a proud contrast, by the solidity of their construction, with the wretched mud habitations of the Arabs, by which it is surrounded.

The invaders did not remain long in undisturbed possession, as the natives were ever on the alert to regain their lost liberty. In this they ultimately succeeded, but at what period is not exactly known. Since that time this place appears to have undergone a variety of changes; sometimes it has been independent, at others under the government of the Imaum of Muskat, or the Sheik of Mombas. In 1720 it was in possession of the former power, but during the early part of 1812 was again independent; when the inhabitants finding they were likely to be once more subjugated by the Imaum, against whom they entertain great enmity, solicited the aid of the Mombassans, but, for this protection, they delivered up their territory, upon condition that the native prince should still

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keep his title, and exercise his authority under the directions of Prince Mombarrok, of Mombas, who, with a military force, was constantly to reside there. The part that Mombas took in this affair, was the ostensible cause of hostilities between that place and the Imaum, who in 1817 attacked Patta with thirty dows and four thousand men. Some particulars of this expedition we obtained from the ex-Sultan Boanamko.

Twice the Imaum's forces were vigorously repulsed, but, incited to a third effort by the overtures of some discontented persons amongst the besieged, they gained that by treachery which they had ceased to expect by force.

The respect which their opponents had taught them by their courageous defence was, however, evident, for Mombarrok, with his handful of men, not above sixty, and the ex-Sultan, were allowed openly to retreat unmolested. A party of this deposed prince's soldiers afterwards established themselves in some of the more distant parts of his dominions on the river Ozy, and in the great bay of Formosa, holding them for Boanamko.

From this period Patta has remained in the hands of the Imaum, and is garrisoned by his soldiers. The town is small and scattered, the houses and huts being in the true Arab style of misery and filth. They are generally of an oblong form, standing east and west, composed of reeds and stakes well plastered with mud; the roof is not made to rest upon the wall, but is supported by rafters a few feet above the eaves, pro-

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jecting far beyond the building. As we approached the land, the appearance of activity and commerce was extremely pleasing, the large boats or, as they are called, dows,* were passing in all directions, principally freighted with the produce of the soil, and coasting along the shore. As strangers, their extraordinary construction did not fail to attract our attention. They are generally sixty feet long by about fourteen broad, their stem terminating in a long sharp point, with a lofty and overhanging stern; and, as they are built like a wedge, upon grounding they are obliged to be kept in a perpendicular position, by means of small wooden shores which they always carry for the purpose. Their planking is more frequently secured to the ribs by coir lashings than by either nails or bolts, and in some the seats or beams project a short distance through the side, like the boats of Delagoa and the Massula boats of Madras. Their huge square sail of canvass or matting, has a yard above and one below, with braces and three or four bow-lines; yet, notwithstanding their uncouth appearance, they are very swift, and sail much closer to the wind than most vessels: they are always well manned, and generally pull with sixteen oars or paddles, excepting in shoal water, when they are propelled by means of long slender poles used against the ground, in the management of which the natives are very dexterous. These dows have sometimes a small canopied space near the stern, on which,

* This is an Indian or English term, as the name by which they are known on the coast is chelinga.

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when prosecuting their voyage, the turbaned old chief, or master, may often be seen issuing his commands. They scarcely ever use iron anchors, their usual custom being to make them formed of wood, with four arms like a grapnel, and the inside of the shank loaded with heavy stones.

Although at first we all looked with contempt upon these readily constructed substitutes for iron, yet we soon found that upon this hard rocky coast they had a decided advantage over our own, and the boats were in consequence supplied with them. We loaded them with shot instead of stones.

On the 12th of November we anchored off Lamoo, the harbour of which is formed by a small river and the creeks running at the back of Mandra. The Albatross shortly after proceeded, and came-to off the town, when Captain Vidal paid a visit to the governor, who next day returned it, accompanied by a suite of between twenty and thirty Arabs. The town of Lamoo is situated on the side and at the foot of a sandy ridge of hills, forming the southern boundary of the harbour, and contains a population of about five thousand souls, inclusive of Muskat Arabs (who are its present masters), Sowhylese, and slaves.

The buildings are of the same kind as those already described, excepting such as are occupied by the principal inhabitants, which are generally erected on the ruins of some old Portuguese house. The rooms in these are frequently ornamented with saucers; and in one belonging to an

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Arab of the first class was displayed an English tea-tray, which, from the pride he betrayed in its exhibition, was doubtless considered a very superb decoration. Their mosques are built with a flat roof, supported by low clumsy arches, and the great reverence in which they are held is evinced by the superior materials used in their construction.

The costume of the inhabitants consists in a carpet skull-cap, nearly covered by a white embroidered turban; a long white garment reaching down to the ankles; a piece of cloth secured as a girdle around the middle; and on the feet sandals of hide, attached by two straps, one passing just above the instep, and the other descending from it to the fore-part of the sandal, and separating the great toe from the next. Poor, indeed, must an Arab be, who is seen without a sabre hung over his shoulder and a dagger by his side. In richly embellishing the handles of these, he considers the few dollars he can manage to scrape together by painful self-denial, even of necessaries, well laid out.

The Muskat soldiers are distinguished by a circular shield pendent from their shoulders, about a foot and a half in diameter, and in shape much resembling the umbo of the ancient shields. They are manufactured in great numbers at Zanzibar, from rhinoceros hide, which, after being soaked or boiled, is easily moulded into any form, and then embellished by turning. Their swords are always straight, and, from their long and

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guardless handles, bear a great resemblance to the double-handed swords used some centuries back in Europe. The thinness of the blade is accounted an excellence, on the supposition that, by the vibratory motion when dealing a blow, a greater impetus is given and a more deadly wound inflicted: against such an idea an English dragoon, with his unyielding broadsword, would prove the best argument. Independently of their sword, shield, and dagger, the Muskat soldiers carry a pike from seven to ten feet long, of rather a peculiar make, having an iron bead nearly eighteen inches in length, with four slender pieces, projecting at right angles about three quarters of an inch, and then gradually tapering towards the point.

The Muskat governor of Lamoo, Seif ben Hamed, formerly commanded one of the Imaum's frigates, By his conversation he appeared to be a shrewd, sensible man, and his manner, although grave and sedate, was courteous and pleasing. His countenance was strictly Arab; a high and narrow forehead, large eyes, surmounted by arched eyebrows, prominent cheek-bones, sharp aquiline nose, and lips sensibly alive to every expression of his mind. Like the generality of Arab governors, he made but little display of his official dignity, and could never be distinguished from those by whom he was surrounded, except on the entrance of an Arab, who always first saluted him. He was generally to be found sitting in the guard-house, receiving the duties levied on goods

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embarked or landed, out of which, we were informed, his allowance as governor was paid. Though he had once commanded a frigate, yet he knew not how to ascertain the direction of Mecca from Lamoo, which Lieutenant Owen obtained for him at his particular request. The method of saluting amongst these Arabs is by kissing hands when two of the same rank meet, but an inferior does not aspire to so great an honour; he merely lifts the hand of his superior to his lips, but very humbly kisses his own. What a satire on form! The homage paid to a European monarch would be considered as an insult by a petty Arab chief.

In the castle of Lamoo we witnessed the first specimen of a modern Arab fortification. It had no moat, but consisted of a large square building, with a tower at each corner, but so lightly constructed, that in all probability the discharge of its honey-combed ordnance would bring the whole fabric to the ground. By permission of the governor we were allowed to visit it. The entrance was through a pair of massive folding-doors, where was standing the porter, who, as the insignia of his office, bore a stone batten in his hand. The large vaulted entry was occupied by the main-guard, consisting of about twenty Muskat soldiers, lounging on the stone benches on either side, with eye intent on vacancy, and armed with shields, swords, and pikes, with a large assortment of matchlocks suspended from the walls above, resembling those used by the primitive small-arm men of England.

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The castle itself consisted of three stories of balconies, supported inside by arches. The area was blocked up by miserable huts, from around the corners of which many a stolen inquisitive glance was shot from the dark full eye of the Arab females, as, shrouded in their domino-masks, they took a hasty look, and then, fearful of observation, quickly retired from our view. The practice of immuring these "dark-eyed treasures "leaves to a stranger but little opportunity to describe them; but, upon quitting the fort, some again came to the door, and beckoned us to enter, but on our approach hastily retreated and were seen no more. Their dominoes shroud the greater part of their face, leaving only the eyes, mouth, part of the forehead, and chin, exposed. Their gowns or robes, sometimes party-coloured but more frequently white, reach about half-way below the knee; they are made with long sleeves, and so arranged as carefully to cover the bosom. Many of these women are tall, majestic, and elegant figures, but generally they are of low stature. Their retired habits of life, unexposed to the sun, save their complexions from the darker hue of the men, and place them in the class of brunettes.

Some years since a plurality of wives was universal; but at present the practice has much fallen into disuse. The men have learned, perhaps by experience, that one woman is generally as much as any man can manage; neither does the husband take his wife blindfold, but previously to his pro-

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posals for marriage he is allowed to visit her, and if she does not meet with his approbation he is at liberty to quit her, without being under any apprehension, as formerly, of incurring the animosity of her family.

There are four schools in the town where children are taught to read and write, those of poor Arab parents gratis, and the others at a very trifling expense. They have boards of an oblong shape, with the characters pricked upon them; and, as soon as they are perfect in these, they have to read and copy passages from the Koran, and afterwards, with the assistance of their masters, they expound them.

The food of the lower class of Arabs consists principally in dhol* rice, cocoa-nuts, and a large fish of the bonito species, salted and dried in the sun. Though the higher differ so materially from the lower orders in the luxuries of their table, yet, with few exceptions, their drink appears the same. Sherbet, and toddy, extracted from the cocoa-nut tree,† is the only beverage of by far the greater number. A few will venture to take spirituous liquors; but, in so doing, they are very careful that none of their countrymen witness it. We expected to have found them by no means so abstemious, concluding from their half-civilized habits that one of the most judicious doctrines

* A small species of pea.

† This is obtained by cutting off the fruit, baring the branch, and hanging a vessel of earthenware, or perhaps a cocoa-nut shell, beneath, to catch the fluid as it oozes out.

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of their faith would have weighed but little in the scale against self-gratification.

The coasting trade along their own possessions consists principally in dhol and rice, conveyed in the dows, some of which are upwards of two hundred and fifty tons burthen. These vessels are of the most primitive construction. They seldom, or perhaps never, perform their voyage but with the monsoons, (or periodical winds, which alternately last for six months,) going with the one and returning with the other. The bulk of their cargo is often composed of cowries, which, in some parts of India, pass current for money. These are collected from the reefs in great abundance, and deposited in pits, until the fish becomes rotten and falls out. They generally choose a retired spot for this depôt, as the stench that proceeds from them is "wondrous unsavoury." They likewise trade in dried fish. Their bullocks are of the humped species, and their sheep of the Tartar breed, very small, but the flesh delicate and sweet. Lions, tigers, elephants, and a great variety of other wild beasts, are common; but the hippopotamus is rather rare. Their fruit and vegetables consist of musk-melons, cocoa-nuts, bananas, plantains, cashew-apples, pompions, dhol, rice, peas, and beans; but what ivory they possess is obtained from the Galla.

These people are here considered a most ferocious and cruel race. The Arabs, whose humanity and leniency of character generally obtains

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for them the goodwill of the natives, dare not venture into their country, but confine themselves entirely to the sea-coast. The Galla are said to have no houses, but wander through the woods in the wildest state of barbarism. Professed enemies to every nation and tribe around them, they hunt and are hunted, frequently committing indiscriminate slaughter upon an unresisting multitude to-day, and themselves becoming victims to a similar treatment on the morrow. Like their brother-savages of America, they consider a relic from the body of a slain foe the most honourable and distinguishing emblem they can wear of their military prowess. When at their feasts, the most successful amongst their warriors is rendered conspicuous by a number of certain dried members* dangling from his arm, and the scalps of hairy breasts and bearded chins covering all parts of his body. They unite subtlety and want of faith with their ferocity of temper; consequently, the commerce between them and the Arabs is carried on entirely in the towns of the latter. These they will sometimes venture to harass, but seldom with less than two thousand men, armed with bows, arrows, and assagayes. Besides the Galla, there is another race of savages in the vicinity, termed Dowla, who are far more tractable and settled in their habits; and with these the Arabs constantly traffic and keep up an amicable understanding.

* ή хέζхος.

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The country, we were assured, was exceedingly fertile; but from our own observation we should decidedly conceive otherwise. The Arabs also praise the climate; but we never found a country like this, abounding in sand-hills, swamps, stagnant pools, and mangroves, any thing but destructive to the life of Europeans. These people entertained a very high opinion of our doctor's skill; and while the schooner was at anchor off the town her decks were literally covered with patients, many of whom, although objects of natural deformity, expected to be made perfect by a pill or potion from our worthy Galen.

Those Arabs who had visited English settlements must have seen many things that were novel, and on their return had, in all probability, described them to their countrymen; yet the ignorance that all displayed relative to the use of various articles that we had on board, and their curiosity and astonishment at witnessing their respective purposes, produced much surprise. A telescope or watch were magnets of attraction that commanded the attendance of a crowd, and their tone of admiration and remarks were, for ignorance, quite on a par with those during the interview with Prince Slangelly at Delagoa Bay. A French mirror, with a magnifying-glass on one side, and another of common power on the other, was a general favourite, excepting when the glare of the sun was reflected upon its shining face, which made it immediately an object of superstitious dread.

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A large hog on board the Albatross was the subject of universal disgust. The effect its presence had upon one of the first Arabs who went on board was truly ludicrous. As he was about coming on deck, he observed the beast close to him; he instantly stopped short, and stood petrified with religious horror, not attempting either to retreat or to advance, but stood, with his eye fixed on the object of his alarm, until, to put him again in motion, it was driven away. He then ventured on; but ever afterwards, like the rest of his countrymen, was on his guard, lest the unclean monster should approach to pollute him.

The Imaum of Muskat's governors were ordered to supply English men-of-war with wood and water gratis; but, from the habitual dilatoriness of their character, we soon found at Lamoo that using our own means, limited as they were, was better than relying on their tardy proceedings. We accordingly obtained the water from a well sunk close to the castle-wall and near the beach; this was excellent when drawn at high water, but at other times brackish.

With the view of obtaining as much information as possible respecting the various places along the Arabian coast which we were about to survey, Captain Vidal procured from the governor one of the natives as a pilot and a Muskat soldier as an interpreter. But neither was eventually of service; for the former, although a respectable character, knew not the coast; and the latter fell as far short in his knowledge of tongues as he did in

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knowing how to follow one of the wisest precepts of his religion, "abstinence from wine."

After having received a visit of ceremony from the governor, accompanied by a large suite, we left Lamoo on the morning of the 20th of November, and in company with the schooner continued our survey to the southward. In the afternoon we anchored off the river Ozy, situated at the depth of the northern extreme of Formosa Bay. We did not examine this river, but received the following description from the ex-Sultan of Patta. It is one mile across at the entrance; but, although deep inside and of great extent, it is difficult of access, on account of a dangerous quicksand-bar, over which, at low water, there is only four feet.

Just within this bar, on the south side, stands the small town of Sanda, and twelve miles further that of Kow. This place is built on an island in the dominion of Patta, and possesses an extensive independent territory by right of conquest, being inhabited by Sowhylese and their slaves. They have but few swords or matchlocks, but are well supplied with spears and bows and arrows, in the use of which they are particularly dexterous. During the rainy season, the river rises and inundates the surrounding country for many miles, destroying innumerable wild beasts and animals of various kinds, amongst the rest many elephants, whose bodies, as they float down the stream, are despoiled by the natives of their tusks: fish are very abundant, as well as alligators and hippopotami.

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Above the town of Kow, at every twelve or fifteen miles, there are large villages on the northern bank inhabited by the Pocomasa tribe, subject to Sheik ben Hamed; and at the distance of fifteen days' journey in a canoe, poling and paddling from eight in the morning until sunset, is situated the town of Zoobakey, beyond which the current is too strong for further progress. The banks are formed of sand, and the water near Zoobakey our informant described as being of a deep red colour. The country abounds with elephants, sometimes caught in pits, but more frequently shot with poisoned arrows by the Galla, who inhabit the southern side of the river. When the envenomed shaft is in the animal, they follow him, until his monstrous frame is enfeebled and his courage subdued by the subtle enemy working within him, which soon renders him an easy and unresisting prey, showing the victory of reason over mere force. This monster, unless by the agency of reason, never could have been brought beneath the power of man, but, conquered by its strength alone, he falls at his feet his most humble and willing slave. The young savage who here destroys him has not half so much intelligence as the brute that he subdues; but one possesses only instinct, while the other, gifted with reason, is enabled to obtain by sure and simple means that which the other never could succeed in. The lamb could not overcome the lion by force or stratagem—instinct would teach it to fly, but never by any subtlety to entrap or destroy its enemy; while

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man, by that which is "stronger than strength," is enabled to subject the most powerful animal of the creation to his will.

The Galla of this part of the country bear the same savage character as those near Lamoo, and are equally inimical to the Arabs; but the chief of Kow contrives to carry on some little trade in ivory with them, by means of an annual present to their chief, which is forfeited by any act of hostility or robbery committed by his subjects during the year. They have a great dread of fire-arms, and will enter no house where they are, and a recent occurrence had added greatly to their terror. A party of Sowhylese, who were on a mercantile expedition to the interior, were attacked and plundered by the Galla, notwithstanding their stipulations to the contrary. Amongst the spoils was a matchlock, which one of the savages, after some time, mustered courage enough to approach and touch, when, finding it did not resist his advances, he got enamoured with its docility, and amused himself for some time in examining and attempting to discover its use. But the novelty soon ceased, and as it was rather a cumbersome ornament, they determined to break it in pieces, and divide the iron equally amongst all. A fire was considered the readiest means of detaching it from the wood; accordingly, one was kindled, and the stock of the loaded matchlock placed within it, the proprietor holding the muzzle, to keep it in the flame. As it may be imagined, the unfortunate

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Galla soon found that if he had not (to use a vulgar expression) "the wrong sow by the ear," yet, at all events he had the wrong end of the matchlock; for in a few seconds the explosion took place, and he was laid dead before his companions, one of whom was also wounded. This occurrence is said to have put an end to their hostile attacks upon the Sowhylese.

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CHAPTER XXI.

The Leopard's Bank.—Memorial Pillars.—City of Maleenda.—Its Decline.—Arrival at Mombas.—The Fortress.—Old Portuguese Inscription.—Interior of the Fort.—Decline of Arab Power.—Sheik of Mombas.—Prince of Maleenda.—An Offer of Territory.—The English Flag.—Arab Repast.—Harbour of Mombas.—Commercial Facilities.—History of Mombas.—Going without Arms.

ON the 24th we anchored in Maleenda* road, off the Leopard's bank, so termed from His Majesty's ship of that name, commanded by Commodore Blanket, getting ashore during her voyage to the Red Sea, when, not knowing how to surmount the difficulty, she struck with violence on the most dangerous part of the reef, and narrowly escaped being lost. This bank is a sea-barrier to the anchorage of the old city of Maleenda. Some rivers are known to exist a short distance inland, and on the sea-shore is a small pillar surmounted by a cross, which latter in the course of the survey we visited. It is erected at

* Melinda, as generally written.

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the extremity of a narrow rocky promontory, serving as pier to a small cove, which, from the shallowness of the water, could never have been used by any other than boats. Nine pillars were set up on the west coast by order of the King of Portugal, to record the date of discovery and Christian sovereignty; and, although not mentioned in history, yet, doubtless, these mementoes existed on the east coast, as well as on the west, and the pillar at Maleenda in all probability is one of the number, answering at the same time the purpose of a land-mark. The narrow rocky promontory on which it stands has a picturesque appearance, being covered with verdure, and perforated by two natural archways. It is perfectly flat at the top, and elevated above the sea about twelve feet. If ever there existed an inscription upon this pillar it is totally obliterated, as not a line can now be traced; but the marble cross on its summit exhibits the arms of Portugal in full preservation.

It is probable that Vasco de Gama might have erected it during his voyage to India; for the people of Maleenda, who were in want of his assistance, were not likely to prevent his establishing this shadow of sovereignty. At Mombas he met with treachery, but at Maleenda the inhabitants, who were engaged in a war with those of the former place, received him with open arms, entered into an alliance with him, and on his departure supplied him with trustworthy pilots to conduct him to Calicut.

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He relates that he found "the city of Maleenda pleasantly situated on a plain near the sea-shore, surrounded with gardens and entertaining houses, neatly built of hewn stone, with handsome rooms and painted ceilings." The haven or port he describes as lying some distance from the city, and the landing-place dangerous and difficult of access on account of the rocks.

This statement was in some degree corroborated by our own observations. In 1505 the Portuguese, under Don Francisco D'Almeyda, took possession of Maleenda, but how long it remained in their hands is uncertain. About one hundred and thirty years afterwards, it appears again to have been attacked by the governor of Mombas. This record we obtained from an inscription over the gate of Mombas Castle, but as the writing is in old Portuguese, we could not clearly understand whether Maleenda was described as being entirely reduced under the dominion of, and garrisoned by, the Portuguese, or merely rendered tributary to them. The period of its final destruction is not known, although the commencement of its decay in all probability took place shortly after the conquest of Portugal in 1580 by the Spaniards, who, as they were at the same time prosecuting a war in the Netherlands, entirely neglected the protection of their newly-acquired possessions in the east. The consequence of this was, that those in Africa who resided in cities not well defended were compelled to resort to such as were. Another reason for the decline

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of Maleenda was its constant wars with Mombas, till that place was conquered by the Portuguese, which induced the European merchants, those of Goa and the Banyans, to fly to Mombas, and the strength of Maleenda failed with its commerce. The Sowhylese, the native inhabitants of the country, and the slaves, alone remained, who, hitherto trusting to others for their defence, were ill able to maintain the city against the attacks of such formidable enemies as the Galla, by whom there can be little doubt it was ultimately taken and destroyed; and as a descendant of the native kings of Maleenda was still living at Mombas, it is more than probable that those of the inhabitants who escaped fled to that place for protection.

The territories of the ancient kingdom of Maleenda are at present totally occupied by the Galla, who are much dreaded by the Arabs in their coast navigation; and our pilot informed us that they never attempted to land, as the enmity of these savages is so great that they are constantly on the watch to entrap them.

Our survey of the Leopard's Bank was completed by the 28th of November, when we weighed and continued towards Mombas, passing on the way a small river called Killeefy, where there formerly existed a large town, which, many years back, after being repeatedly harassed by its more powerful neighbours, was finally attacked by the Galla, who burnt the place, and butchered its unfortunate inhabitants.

The whole of one day, while proceeding along

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the coast, the surface of the sea was covered by a species of animalcula. We mentioned this circumstance to some Arabs at Zanzibar, who stated that it was a common circumstance at certain periods of the year.

On the 3d of December we arrived at the celebrated port of Mombas, on the venerable old castle of which the red flag of the Arabs was flying. It was late when we anchored, and therefore no communication with the shore took place; but in the morning the nephew of the Sheik or Sultan, named Mombarrok, came on board with a retinue of twenty-six persons, and, in the name of his uncle and the people of Mombas, begged Captain Vidal to authorize them to hoist the English flag, and place their town and territory in the hands of his Britannic Majesty. As this offer required some deliberation, it was agreed that the answer should be deferred until the following day, when Captain Vidal, feeling himself indisposed, sent Lieutenant Boteler to convey the result of his determination.

"On landing," says that officer, "I was completely hemmed in by a number of men and boys, who seemed determined to set no bounds to their curiosity. My sword, hat, and every article of apparel, underwent as strict an examination as the short time I had to wait for the Sheik's nephew would admit. He soon arrived, with several more Arabs, to escort me to the castle, to which we at once ascended by means of a log of wood over a deep and apparently natural rent in the ground

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leading to the moat, over which, opposite to the entrance of the fortress, lay a huge mass of rock that had always remained unhewn as a natural bridge.

Here I was requested to stop, until the Sheik and his divan were prepared to receive me, and Arab dilatoriness allowed abundance of time for the most critical examination. A massive portion of rock, elevated some feet above that which forms the surface of the island, serves as an excellent foundation for the substantial castle that the Portuguese erected for its defence. It is cut down so as to form a deep and broad moat, while the

LAND GATE, MOMBAS.

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masonry above rises as a continuance of the rock, from which, until you are very near, it cannot be distinguished. The whole exhibits the firm union of natural strength, cemented by the ingenuity of man. The entrance is a more modern erection than the rest of the building, and has a grand and imposing effect; it projects over the moat, and is much adorned by sculptured stone-work in high relief. Its large folding-doors are studded with iron spikes, projecting from pieces of hard wood, shaped like the umbo of a shield; above which a large tablet bears the following inscription, in old Portuguese, the characters almost obliterated by time, and mouldering fast into decay.

"'Em 1635, O Capitaō Mor Francisco de Seixas de Cabreira o foi desta Fortaleza por 4 annos, sendo de idade de 27 annos, e redificou de novo, e fes este Corpo de Guarda, e reduzio á Sua Magestade a Costa de Melinde, achando a alevantada pelo Rei Tirano, e fes lhe tributarios os Res de Tondo, Mandra, Luziwa e Jaca, e deu pessoalmente á Pate, e Sio, hum castigo naō esperado na India, athe arazarlhe os muros; apenou os Muzungulos; castigou Pemba, e os Povos rebeldes, matando a sua custa os regulos alevantados, e todos os mais de fama, e fes pagar as pareas, to aviatas, negadas á Sua Magestade—Por taes serviços o fes Fidalgo de sua Caza, tendo ja despachado por otros taes co Abito de Christo, co Mil reis de tença, e 6 annos de Governador de Jafampataō, e 4 de Beligaō, co faculdade de poder nomear tudo á sua vida e morte: sendo Vice-rei, Pedro da Silva, A. D. 1639.'"

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"'In 1635, Francisco Xeixas de Cabreira was Capitao Mor (governor) of this fort for 4 years, and built this fortress, being then 27 years old. He reduced to His Faithful Majesty's arms the coast of Melinde, having found the country in a state of disturbance, occasioned by the tyrannies of the king. He also made the Kings of Tondo, Mandra (now Mandu), Laziwa (now Oozee), and Jaca (now Chaka), tributaries. He also went personally to Patte and Suvie, and chastised them in a manner not before seen in India. He razed their walls, and seized some natives. He also punished Pemba, and its rebellious subjects, executing, on his own responsibility, the rebellious chiefs, and all others of note, and caused the contributions that had been denied, to be paid for his Majesty. For all which services he was made a Lord of the Household, and he had also granted to him the order of Christ, with a thousand reas pension. He was made governor, for six years, of Jafampatao, and four years of Beligao, with the privilege of disposing of them to his death: being Vice Roy, Pedro da Silva, Anno Domini 1639.'"

"The castle is of a quadrangular form, and, notwithstanding its great size and dilapidated state, it might, with little expense, be rendered strong, especially those parts which the Arabs have allowed to remain untouched; for so wretched is their masonry, that their attempts to repair the Portuguese work have, in general, taken away from its strength. The interior of Mombas fort

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is a mass of indiscriminate ruins, huts, and hovels, many of them built wherever space could be found, but generally formed from parts of the ruins matted over for roofs. When seized from the Portuguese, every building within the outer wall was thrown down, and the foundations torn up to search for treasures supposed to have been hidden there. The fine tank, which once contained water enough for two or three years, cannot now be traced without great difficulty. But, wretched as the place is, it is now used as the residence of the reigning family, whose retainers constitute the garrison, amounting to about two hundred men, women, and children.

After passing the large vaulted entry in which some Arab soldiers were stationed, I was conducted to a building which appeared to have been originally occupied by the main-guard, though now reduced in height, and covered by an ornamented roof. This served as a council-chamber. The Arabs sat on huge stone benches projecting from the walls, while, as a mark of attention, two old-fashioned three-cornered chairs were brought in for the accommodation of myself and companion.

The appearance of the hovels around, the ragged set that curiosity had collected at the windows, and their general look of poverty and wretchedness, could not fail, in spite of the ostentatious decoration of their arms, to excite surprise and commiseration; for these were the people who had successfully opposed the Portuguese, when, in

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the plenitude of their power, they sought boundless dominion upon these shores; and, in later days, in fact up to the present moment, these Arabs had firmly resisted the whole force of the Imaum of Muskat. They had ever loved and nobly fought for their liberty; but the power of their enemy had increased, whilst their own had long been on the decline, and they were now about to taste the bitter cup of slavery. As a proof that they were worthy of respect, it is only necessary to remark that, although weakened, and in a great measure stripped of their possessions, still the people of Mombas were regarded with fear and admiration by the inhabitants of the whole coast.

But to return to my narrative. Shortly after we were seated, the Sheik entered, followed by a venerable-looking man, with a long light spear in his hand, who sat down by him on an elevated seat. The Sheik was aged, tall, and thin, and, although in his countenance the effects of time appeared heightened by those of care and anxiety, there still remained a mild and pleasing expression, perhaps the effect of Mohammedan education, which teaches to speak little, and always first to examine the words before they are uttered. No particulars were entered into, but they seemed very anxious that Captain Vidal should himself come on shore, and were evidently embarrassed by the place they were in being too public for the nature of their communication. Yet, before adjourning to one of more privacy, it was necessary to await the arrival of the Sowhylese chief,

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without whose sanction nothing could be finally adjusted. After sitting for a short time he entered, received and returned the salutes of those assembled in a most graceful manner, then, giving me a hearty shake of the hand, and a welcome in broken Portuguese, he took his seat.

The appearance of this chief, who was the hereditary Prince of Maleenda and Portuguese Consul, was striking; his countenance being strongly expressive of penetration and liveliness, which even sixty-five years could not entirely repress, though they served in a slight degree to temper. His silvery white moustaches afforded a strange contrast to the darkness of his complexion, which differed but little from that of the negro. He was of short stature, slight, and well made; had on a large turban, and was clad in a green garment.

The assembly broke up, and I was motioned to accompany the Sheik and a select few of his principal people into a small room on the rampart, which, after we had entered the door, was carefully closed, and the subject of delivering up Mombas to the English commenced. It was opened by the Sheik, the old Sowhylese chief, and two or three others. In an impressive manner they dwelt on the constant efforts of the Mombassians to support their small territory against foreign subjugation, of the feelings of liberty their successes had grafted in their minds, and of the heart-rending idea that it was now about to be outraged, their privileges to be trampled upon, and even their lives sacrificed to the resent-

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ment of the Imaum of Muskat, for their patriotism in defending their native soil from his grasp.

'Not a post,' they continued, 'had he gained which was not defended to the last; but now, oppressed by numbers, their resources cut off, and resistance hopeless, they had unanimously resolved to give up their country to the English, who, although differing so widely in religion and customs, yet ever protected the oppressed, and respected the shrines of liberty.' Much more was said, but it was difficult to translate with sufficient facility for noting down, yet was there eloquence and feeling enough displayed to grace a greater nation and the most talented assembly.

Their cause was interesting, for the pleadings of liberty are drawn from the deepest recesses of the heart, and I could not but respect the dignified and excited warriors, as each in his turn tried to awaken my sympathies to their distressed situation. This measure of delivering the place up to the English had long been contemplated, and during the last monsoon a proposal to that effect had been transmitted to Bombay, but no answer had yet been received, and the Imaum's forces were daily expected. In this emergency they hailed our arrival as their last resource, and wished, under our sanction, to hoist the English ensign. 'For,' resumed the old Sheik, (while producing one which they had made for the purpose,) 'even supposing that this is not seconded by your assistance, still, beneath its protecting shade, we may defy our enemies; as the Iamb trembles at the

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lion's roar, so will the Imaum shrink from that which is the terror of the world.'

He concluded by requesting, in the name of himself and the people of Mombas, that I would hoist the British flag upon their castle. To this, according to my instructions from Captain Vidal, I objected, offering, however, to take charge of, and forward by the first opportunity, any letter upon the subject to the Cape, Bombay, Isle of France, or Commodore Nourse; but they used so many arguments, and were so earnest in their solicitations, that I began to think they intended to make me hoist the English flag, either with or without my consent. However, finding that I was positive in refusing to accede to their wishes, they altered their tone, and begged that if the Captain could possibly leave his bed he would pay them a visit.

Accordingly Captain Vidal and myself again attended them upon the following day, but, as may be supposed, the result was the same. When the conference was over, we were invited by the Sheik to partake of a repast at his dwelling. This was prepared in the true Arab style; a large round wooden tray was placed upon the table, and set out with upwards of a dozen saucers, surmounted by handsome covers, manufactured of straw dyed yellow, finely worked, and resembling pointed Chinese caps; these contained meat, fowls, and eggs, generally cut into small pieces, and prepared with sugar: there was likewise a great display of sweetmeats and rice cooked in a variety of ways,

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but principally with a mixture of cocoa-nut water. All these dishes were as remarkable for the excellence of their flavour as for the extreme cleanliness with which they were prepared.

"As soon as Captain Vidal, the Sheik's nephew, the Sowhylese chief, and myself, had finished our repast, the remnants of the feast quickly vanished before the active fingers, (for they used neither knife, fork, nor chop-stick,) and voracious appetites of the surrounding Arabs, who, although of the highest rank, did not scruple to vie with each other in obtaining the largest share and the choicest bits."

Perhaps there is not a more perfect harbour in the world than Mombas. It possesses good riding-ground at the entrance, sheltered by an extensive reef on either side; an anchorage, which, from its vicinity to the coast, constantly enjoys the sea-breeze; and a steep rocky shore, in many places rendering wharfs unnecessary, and in others forming a shelving sandy strand, where vessels can be hauled up and careened, favoured by a tide rising twelve or fourteen feet.

The island is said to be three miles long by two broad, surrounded with cliffs of madrepore, capable, by very little labour of being rendered almost impregnable,—Nature having formed it like a huge castle, encircled by a moat, over which, at the back, there is but one dangerous ford, passable only during low water of spring tides. As to the commercial importance of Mom-

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bas, or whether it would be advantageous to Great Britain to establish it as another post for the enterprise of her merchants, this is a subject upon which we decline entering; but every observation we were enabled to make shall be stated, for the information of those who are better able to judge.

Facility of navigation constitutes one of its greatest recommendations; as, by a proper attention to the monsoons and currents, voyages both to and from Mombas may be effected with safety and certainty at all seasons. Goods sent from England to that port could be conveyed by the Arab dows along the whole line of coast, where they would meet with a sure market, and the expense of these vessels would be very trifling. Its soil produces abundance of corn, and the sugar-cane thrives well. As a possession of the English, it would be an excellent port for ships passing through the Mozambique Channel, either as a retreat from an enemy, or, in case of necessity, to refit. The navigation would be better known, and the communication by this route to India more frequently attempted, while a lucrative trade might be entered into with Madagascar. In conclusion, our holding Mombas as a military station would be one of the most effectual steps towards the entire civilization of Eastern Africa and the suppression of the slave-trade. The Wanyekas, who inhabit the country for some miles inland, are not so blind to their own interests, wild and savage as they are, as to neglect commerce,

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and through them the native productions might be obtained at a very trifling cost.

On this coast cowries are abundant, and the Arabs informed us that small quantities of gold were occasionally procured. Mombas appears formerly to have been a place of great consideration, yet but little mention is made of it in history.*

* The following account of the early history of Mombas is translated from an Arabic manuscript which we obtained there, and is perhaps the only one in existence.
IN THE NAME OF GOD, THE MERCIFUL, THE CLEMENT.
Praise to the Lord of all Worlds, and blessings and peace on our Lord, Muhammad the seal of the Prophets. And then. This is an antient tale about Mumbasat, and what passed there between the Arabs of Umān and the Portuguese, and those inhabitants of the coast who were then at Mumbasat.
It hath been reported to us by those who are worthy of credit that the last of the Chiefs of Shiraz, who were sovereigns of Mumbasat, was Shahat son of Masham, and they used to call him Shahat, or Mifta, and after him the chiefs came from Melinda.
Now, the Portuguese came to Mumbasat in the reign of Shahat, and sent stones ready cut from Rainū to Mumbasat, and built the citadel which stands to this day, and garrisoned it, and subdued the people of Mumbasat; and the inhabitants of the coast were weak.
And they exercised oppression and tyranny there, and went beyond all bounds. Then the inhabitants of the coast could not bear their oppression, and deliberated about going to Uman, to the Imām Sultan Bin Saif, the prince of that country and tribe. So they went and complained to him of the violence of the Portuguese and their tyranny in Mumbasat. So he went with his army to Mumbasat to fight the Portuguese, and fought with them five years, till he drove them out of the fort. So the fort fell into his hands, and he made Muhammad Ibni Mubārak the Governor.
Then the Portuguese returned with troops to give battle to the Arabs, and fought against them till they expelled them from the fort; and they became supreme, and exercised their violence, and vehemently oppressed those coast people who dwelt at Mumbasat, and put them to death, because they had gone to Uman and complained to the Imām. Thus, the coast people were unable to dwell at Mumbasat by reason of this tyranny, and took counsel together, and their opinion was, that they should flee to the Imām at Uman, and they went accordingly. And the Imām, at that time, was Saif-ibnu-Sultan, to whom they made their complaint. Then he marched and fought with the Portuguese, and God helped him, and he drove them out of the fort, and gave the command to Nāsir-bin-Abdullāh of Mazrua. And there were in the fort some retainers of the Imām, who rebelled; and they meditated seizing the Governor, and giving the command to their own chief, Saisah Rumbah, which they accomplished. Then they sent to the people of Mumbasat, saying, that they had made Saisah their Governor, and calling upon them to obey him; but they replied, they would not submit to incompetent authority, and that they should leave the fort. The rebels replied, "If the sun and the moon should descend from the sky, we will depart from the citadel." So they and the coastpeople went to war. The chiefs of the coast-people, at that time, were:—
Shaikh-ibn-Ahmad of Melinda.
The Muallim Dāv-ibn-Mashāf.
Mi-ghut-bin Zāg.
Mi-Mūl-bin Haj.
And while this was going on, God brought in the Portuguese, which was thus:—
A man, of the nation of Battah, by name Mann ī Hanid-bin-Kibäi, had a quarrel with the Prince of Battah, who was called Banah Tam Makū. So Mann ī Hanid set off for Mozambique, and invited the Portuguese to attack Battah, and they went there with four ships. And when he arrived, he sent the Sultan, and said, "We are come to give you battle;"—but the Sultan said, "Come, let us agree; there is no use in desolating our country." So Mann ī accepted the terms of the Sultan, and they made peace.
Then Mann ī Hanid said to the Sultan, "What shall we do with the Portuguese; for I brought them out of their country in expectation of war." The Sultan said, "The people of Mumbasat are at war with their Governor, and they have seized Nasir-bin-Abdallah the Governor; let us send the Portuguese to them, and give them the possession of Mumbasat, and get rid of them from our land." Mann ī Hanid approved of the scheme, and the Sultan set the army in order, and they departed for Mumbasat in four ships, and seventy mutaif īyah, (supposed to be small craft.)
And when they reached Mumbasat, they entered it by the gate (or straits) of Kilind īn, and they agreed with the people of Mumbasat about attacking Saisah Rūmbah, and driving him out of the fort: so they sent a messenger to him that he should leave the fort, and give it up to the Portuguese. He left it, therefore, without resistance, and the Portuguese obtained the dominion over the people of Mumbasat, and settled in the fort. Then the Sultan of Battah took leave of the Portuguese, and said he would return to Battah; adding, "I advise you to punish these people, and to work them like slaves." And he returned.
The Portuguese acted upon his words, punishing the people and treating them cruelly; and made their chief people serve them, among whom was Shaikh-ibn Ahmad of Melinda: and they flung stones at the people while they were at prayers; and they used to turn the people out of their houses, and take possession of them; and take their wives to themselves: till the people of Mumbasat were driven to despair, and could bear it no longer. So they consulted together about resisting them, and went to the Portuguese and said to them, "We have heard that the Imām of Umān is coming with an army against Mumbasat; what is your opinion?" And they answered, "What do you say to it?" They replied, "We think you should distribute the paddy (rice in the husk) among the people, that they may beat it out for you; and do not keep any of it back, but lay up rice in store." They approved of this, and sent out all the paddy which was in the fort, and divided it among the people that they might beat it out; and there was but very little paddy left in the fort. Then the people of Mumbasat did not give back the rice to the Portuguese; but every one who had received any paddy to beat out kept the rice. So when the great festival of the Portuguese came, they all went out of the fort to the feast; except a few, who remained in it: and the coast-people surrounded them and slew them, and seized the son of their Governor. And they fought, and the Portuguese were defeated. Then the son of the Governor, who had been made prisoner, sent to his father, saying, "Make peace with the people, and leave the fort; or else I shall be slain; for I have no means of escaping from them." So the Portuguese made peace with the people of Mumbasat, and asked quarter, and they gave them quarter, and sent them to Mozambique, with their ships and their mariners. And then Mumbasat was left without a sovereign. But those retainers of the Imām who had seized upon Nasir-ibn-Abdullah, and had made their own leader, Saisah Rumbah, Governor, when the Portuguese arrived, had been put in confinement with hand-cuffs of iron. But afterwards the Portuguese released them, that they might go where they pleased; they sent the Chief, Saisah Rumbah. however, to Mozambique, where he remained till his death; and Nasir they set at liberty, and he went to Umān.
Then the people of Mumbasat seized the keys of the fort, and every tribe placed a man of their own in it, that nothing of what was in it should be lost. Then they went to Umān to the Imām, and there went among them
Shaikh-ibn-Ahmad of Melinda,
Mi-ghut-bin-Zāg of Kilindin,
Mishhāt-bin-Dāce of Tanjan:
And of the people of Mifta, there went one man of each tribe: and of Van īkat, one man from each city; among whom were
Mayānij, of the people of Muta, and
Mamāk, of the people of Tiv.
And the cities of Van īkat, are Ribah, Shūn ī, Kāmbah, Gauma, Jibānah, Rabayi, Jiryāmah, Darvmah-Mutāvi, Shibah, Lūghuh, Dijū. These people went to Umān to the Imām Saif-ibn Sultan, and told him their situation with regard to the Portuguese, and the wars that had been between them. So the Imām set out with three ships; one called Kab-ras; the second, Malik; and the name of the third is not known: and he sent Muhammad-ibn Saa īd of Maamar as Governor of Mumbasat; and he granted to the people of Mumbasat all that was in the fort, except the gunpowder, the lead (or tin), and the copper. After that, Salih-bin-Muhammad of Hazram went as Governor to Mumbasat, and Muhammad-ibn-Saa īd returned to Umān. Then Salih-bin-Muhammad began to exercise violence in Mumbasat, and was tyrannical over the people. So they complained to the Imām, and he commanded them to seize him, and they kept him in confinement for some time, and then released him by general consent. And when they set him free, he made war with Shaikh-ibn-Ahmad of Melinda and the people of Kelindin; and they were unable to maintain themselves in Mumbasat, and went to Vanikat from fear of the Governor Sālih, and the people of Mifta were joined with Sālih in battle against Ibn Ahmad and the people of Kelind īn.
Now it happened that Shaik-ibn-Ahmad had sent his son Al ī-Kūhnbū to the Imām before the war, and the Imām gave him money and a horse, and when he came to Mumbusat he knew nothing of the war, so Sālih seized him with all his property. And when Shaikh-ibn-Ahmad heard of the arrival of his son, and how he had fallen into the hands of Salih, he lost all patience, and could not bear the loss of his son, and went to Salih. And when he arrived Salih treated him with great respect and honour, and gave him supreme command in the fort, but treacherously. Then Salih had no provisions in the fort, so he went to the island for provisions, and he commanded his lieutenants that Shaikh-ibn-Ahmad and his son should not leave the fort till he returned from the island, and as soon as he came back he killed them both.
Now it happened that, before this, Shaikh-ibn-Ahmed and his son Ahmad-bin-Shaikh, and the Kilind īnies with him, sent the army of Van īkat to fight against the people of Mifta, who were in the old town: so they killed them and plundered them, because of their alliance with the Governor Salih in his war against them.
Then a report reached the Imām of the wickedness of Sālih in the land, and his tyranny over the people; so the Imam sent Muhammad-ibn-Othman to be Governor of Mumbasat, and Salih returned to Umān. Then Muhammad-ibn-Othman sent to Ahmad-ibn-Shaikh, and the men of Kilindin, who had gone to Van īkat, that they should come to Mumbāsat, that he and they might make peace, and the land have rest. So Ahmad and the men came and made peace with the Governor, and he brought about a peace between them and the people of Mifta, and the land had rest.
Then the Imām died at Umān, and Ahmad-ibn-Saaid of the tribe of Bū-saaid, took the chief authority there. So when the Governor heard of the usurpation of Ahmad-ibn-Saaid in Umān, who was not of the family of Imāms, he also assumed independent authority over Mumbasat, and would not give up the place to the Imam, and said, "The Imām is a common man like myself, he has usurped Umān, I have usurped Mumbasat:"
And when the Imam heard the words of the Governor, he sent Saif-bin-Khalaf, Saif-bin-Nasir. Saif-bin-Saaid, and Saif-ut-Battāsh, and Maana-bin Kulaib to Mumbasat, that they might use some artifice with the Governor and kill him. When they arrived they used deceit, and said to him: "We have quarrelled with the Imam, and are come to thee, swearing, that we desire to be with thee, to halt where thou dost halt, to depart whence thou dost depart, and we wish that thou wouldest give us some money that we may travel to Kilvah and other places to be seen." And the Governor answered them according to their desires, and whilst he was making preparation for their journey, behold they used treachery and killed him, and they put his brother Ali-bin-Othman in prison, with Khalaf-ibn-Kazib, Abdallah-ibn-Kham īs of Aafif, and they usurped the authority in Mumbasat, and made Saif-bin Khalaf governor.
And there were in the fort Halūb-bin-Bāshed and Hamid-and-Abdal-Balusshi, who were attached to Ali-bin-Othman, and they lived in the fort; so they used a stratagem to send him and his companions down, and they tied long pieces of raw leather together from the top of the fort to the bottom, and let them all down without the knowledge of the people of the fort. And when Ali-bin-Othman and his companions were come down, they were received by the principal men of the town, among whom were Mishaf-bin-Muallim-Dav, Haj-ibn-Maul Mughlūt, Khamis-bin-Mizākal, and Ahmad-bin-Dav, all of Kilind īn, and who accompanied them to Vanikat to the sea-port of Murairah. And the people of Mifta were at that time with Saif-bin-Khalaf, the Governor.
And there was in the harbour of Kilind īn an English ship, and the people of Mumbasat used to call the Captain of her Muzugh-kighugh (query Mr. Cook,) and he was intimate with Ali-bin-Othman; so the Englishman went to Muraisah to Ali, and advised them to make war against Saif-bin-Khalaf, for, if they subdued him, it was finished, and if not he would take Ali-bin-Othman and his adherents aboard his ship Mambai, (Bombay,) and next year would send them to Mumbasat with some ships, and then fight against Saif and drive him out of the fort They liked his plan. Then he told them to make a ladder as high as the fort, which they did. And they marched from Van īkat and entered Mumbasat by night, and fixed the ladder and all entered unawares, and fought with the people of the fort and subdued them. And the governor, Khalaf, mounted a large bastion which was in the fort, and they could not get at him, and he fought with them three days. Then the Englishman landed a gun from his ship, and mounted it against the bastion and fired at it, and made a breach in it, and the Governor Saif cried out for quarter and threw down his arms, so they took him and put him to death. And they made Ali-bin-Othman Governor, and gave up to the people of Mumbasat all that was in the fort of any worth, except the arms and ammunition, and the lead. And the Governor Ali-bin-Othman made an engagement with the people of Mumbasat for many privileges that he would grant—them and the same with the people of Van īkat. Then Ali-bin-Othman prepared for war with Zanguibar, and he marched and entered it, and besieged the people, till they were distressed by what had come upon them. Then the devil instigated Khalaf-bin-Kazite to kill the Governor; so he fell upon him in an unguarded moment, and stabbed him with his dagger, and he died. And Masaud-bin-Nasir succeeded him, and the army returned to Mumbasat, and they made Masaud Governor in Mumbasat, and he lived till God put an end to his days.
And the reign of Ali-bin-Othman was eight years, (8) and the reign of Masaud-bin Nasir was twenty-four, (24) years. Then, after him, they gave the authority to Abdallah-bin-Muhammad-bin-Othman of Mazrua, and he enjoyed it for eight (8) years, and died. Then they chose Ahmad-bin-Muhammad-bin-Othman of Mazrua, who lived in the possession of his power thirty-four (34) years. Then they appointed Abdallah-bin-Ahmad-bin-Muhammad-bin-Othman of Mazrua, who lived in the exercise of authority eight (8) years, and died. And then they chose as Governor Sulaimān-bin-Ali-bin-Othman of Mazrua, and he is Governor at the present day. And God knows the truth. And we have abridged this story, and have left out what was long and full. And we pray to God for a happy end in death. Amen. And this Copy was made the 28th of Shaaban, in the year 1239.
N B. When Shasah-bin-Mish-ham died, there was sent after him a chief from Shiraz—but after him the Chiefs (Shaikhs) came from Milinda; the first of whom, was Sultan Ahmad; then Sultan Muhammad; then Sultan Yūsuf; and he had been brought up among the Portuguese, and used to eat pork and all their other food; and his government began on Saturday, the 7th of Muhaoram, at the tenth hour, in the year 1040 after the Hegira: and when he was in power, he was very tyrannical, and made the people eat hog's flesh, and he was wicked and disobedient. And he was dependent on the Sultan of Rainū; but he opposed his authority, and rebelled against him; so the Sultan of Rainū marched against him, and drove him out of the fort, and he fled to Yaman, and died in the seaport of Jeddah. And there was not after him any sultan but chiefs (Shaikhs) only—But God knows best.

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Vasco do Gama called at Mombas on his way to India, when the houses, built of stone, with

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terraces and windows, made them almost imagine it was a Spanish port, while the favourable feeling

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that the first view had impressed upon their minds was heightened by the apparent kindness

VOL. I. 2 E

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with which they were received. Upon his arrival, a boat came off with several of the prin-

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cipal people, who after welcoming them to their country, promised every supply that the place

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afforded, yet with the suspicious salvo, that, according to the law of the place, they must first enter the harbour.

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De Gama did not like the terms, but be was overruled by the necessity of his situation, together with the earnest entreaties of his men, and

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had nearly fallen a victim to his credulity; but the conspirators, frightened by some strange sound, made their treacherous intentions known, or in all probability the whole ship's company would have been massacred. The Mombassians suffered severely for this intended act of hostility, for Francis d'Almeyda, after having subdued Quiloa, attacked their capital, took it after a severe struggle, and, for the obstinacy with which the inhabitants had defended themselves, burnt it to the ground. The inhabitants, however, still remained, and, in the course of three-and-twenty

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years, rendered the place sufficiently strong to hold out some time against Nunho d'Acunha, who, after he had succeeded in his attack, pursued the same course as Almeyda, by reducing it to a heap of ashes.

From this time, nothing is recorded respecting the history of Mombas but what is contained in the inscription over the gate of the castle, and a short statement that in 1720 it was in possession of the Imaum of Muskat. To this day the Mombassians proudly draw the attention of strangers to a large mass of masonry, the sepulchre of those who fell in wresting the place for the last time from the Portuguese. The town is divided into two parts, one inhabited by the Arabs, and the other by the Sowhylese, and, excepting some houses erected on the ruins of the old Portuguese buildings, with a few in imitation of those at Mozambique, they are all in the same wretched state as at Lamoo and other Arab towns.

An Arab, especially one who has not visited other countries, cannot conceive how any man can demean himself so far as to appear in public without a sword or dagger. Mr. Fisher, one of our midshipmen, had gone on shore unarmed; this accidental omission appeared to attract much notice, and our young gentleman felt rather uneasy at the little respect with which he was treated. Fortunately, he had an opportunity of accounting for the absence of his sword in a way highly gratifying to their feelings. A party was collected around him, when it was asked why

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he wore no arms? Upon this he imitated the sign of amity used by the Arabs, hooking the two little fingers together, and then gave them to understand that such were the terms existing between them, and he did not therefore carry a weapon intended only for his enemies.

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CHAPTER XXII.

Arrival at Pemba.—Capture of Pemba.—Arrival off Zanzibar.—Harbours.—The Chief's visit.—Deserters.—Unhealthy climate of Zanzibar.—Latham's Island.—Sea-fowl.—Cunning expedient.

CAPTAIN VIDAL returned on board amidst the loud cheering of the inhabitants, who now anxiously turned their attention towards the expected arrival of Captain Owen as their last resource. On the morning of the 7th of December, we left Mombas roads, and continued along the coast to the southward, arriving at Pemba on the 10th; when the Albatross was ordered to survey one part of the island while we were employed upon the other.

Few places are so little known, in a hydrographical sense, as Pemba; its extent, from north to south, is thirty miles, and, from east to west, ten; about eighteen from the main at the north end, and twenty-five from Zanzibar. It is low, being not more in any part than two hundred feet

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above the sea, of coral foundation, but covered by a most productive soil, yielding luxuriantly every kind of produce, especially rice of the finest quality, being in fact the granary of the neighbouring coast. The capture of this place from the Mombassians was a great step towards the subjugation of that power by the Imaum of Muskat; but the struggle was severe before he finally succeeded in obtaining the island. The Prince Mombarrok was entrusted with its defence, who, although he could not resist the superior force that was brought against him, still did enough to prove himself a good soldier, and one whose undaunted courage entitled him to better fortune. Whatever he might have felt at his discomfiture must have been greatly alleviated by a knowledge of the high estimation in which he was held by his countrymen. The children are taught to lisp his name, and the wars of Mombarrok are the subject of many a favourite song, not only amongst the Mombassians, but in the inland towns of the Wanyekahs.

Whilst examining the coast of this island, we had a narrow escape from being wrecked; the place we had entered was a complete labyrinth of coral rocks rising abruptly from a depth of seventeen feet to eighty. One of huge dimensions, over which the current bore us, was within a few inches of our keel, for as one man was sounding upon it in a little more than two fathoms water, another on the other side of the vessel dropped his lead in seventeen.

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The Albatross was sent to Zanzibar on the 14th, and the following day we left Pemba and stood over to the main. The land here is low, but covered with trees and apparently fertile. The shore is sandy, with, in some places, a small intervening cliff of coral; while, parallel to it, at a distance of four or five miles, there exists a line of sand and coral reefs with deep water between and inside, but to seaward nearly unfathomable.

After passing the entrance to the river Pangany, we directed our course towards Zanzibar. So little frequented is this part of the coast that since quitting Mozambique we had seen no vessels but a few Arab dows, until the night of our arrival off Zanzibar, when, about nine o'clock, through the darkness that prevailed, we suddenly discovered a large ship bearing down upon us; not a moment was lost in clearing for action. She changed her course a few points, and by other manœuvres appeared evidently undetermined whether to proceed or not; we, accordingly, stood towards her, and, on hailing, discovered that she was one of the Imaum's armed vessels conveying troops to Zanzibar.

Our Arab pilot perceiving the preparations we were making, resumed his sword and dagger, and appeared, by the activity and readiness which he displayed, to be delighted with the opportunity of showing us that a fight would be as agreeable to him as the more peaceable occupation for which he was hired; but doubtless, had any thing seri-

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ous taken place, he would have acted more for his own honour than for our advantage.

We anchored off the principal town of Zanzibar, the residence of the Governor, who we found had taken umbrage at a few small flags placed by Lieutenant Owen on the trees, to serve as marks for the survey. Zanzibar is nearly twice the size of Pemba, which in every other respect it closely resembles. It is a most valuable possession of the Imaum of Muskat's, on account of its abundant produce of grain and sugar. There are numerous harbours between Zanzibar and the main, formed by the islands and reefs, which are safe and not difficult of access; but within the shores of Zanzibar there is not one land-locked port, in this particular not at all resembling Pemba. This place is like most Arab towns, and its castle greatly resembles that of Lamoo. Whilst we remained here obtaining refreshments, Lieutenant Boteler was despatched in the pinnace to survey the coast from the river Pangany to the southward, the following brief account of which is extracted from his Journal.

"The general appearance of the coast is low, but occasionally in the distance may be seen curious insulated mountains, which present a remarkable contrast to the general flatness of the country. One of these is termed Washeen, and can be seen distinctly from the Island of Pemba. Excepting in one part, where the coast is a kind of putrid marsh, the shores are lined with villages, always rendered conspicuous by a lofty

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grove of cocoa-nut trees, in the midst of which they are built, and sometimes by the remains of an old Portuguese or Arabic building. The inhabitants are subject to the Imaum, and, as we passed, never omitted showing their red flag, as an invitation for us to land. We one day anchored near a large dow, and by making signs of friendship prevailed on two of the crew to pay us a visit. They did not perceive at first that we were armed, but when they made the discovery, their countenances exhibited the utmost consternation; but as they had already partaken of some good cheer, the effect was momentary, and after a plentiful repast of flour and rice, for spirits and pork they would not touch, we sent them back to their vessel, much gratified by their reception, when the favourable report they made of the treatment they had received procured us a visit from their old turbaned chief. He came in his canoe, and brought a present of fruit, for the smallness of which he apologized in a good-humoured way, principally by signs. He could not be prevailed upon to take any thing in exchange, and indeed required much pressing before he would join the young midshipman and myself at dinner; but when his scruples were overcome, he did ample justice to every thing before him, especially to the rice and some preserves that fortunately I had with me. The novelty and good fare appeared to have had almost as much effect upon him as if he had not merely confined himself to the eatables; for he laughed and talked with

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wonderful volubility, as if we understood every word that he uttered; and, feeling himself happy and contented, smiled and cracked his jokes with great glee. But the expression of his countenance, and an occasional word, were all the share we had in them. Previously to quitting the boat, he examined every thing with the utmost curiosity, but that which seemed particularly to attract his attention was the brass gun, which he extolled highly, and wished to see discharged; hut, as we were abreast of a village, I was fearful it might alarm the inhabitants, and was therefore under the necessity of declining."

Whilst at Zanzibar, four of our men deserted, being led away by an American Black. It is always better to part with those who are discontented, when it can be done safely; but their desertion always creates a bad feeling among the rest, which it requires some time and management to eradicate. We had experienced this at Madagascar, but hoped from the general appearance of contentment that such a circumstance would not again occur. Two were retaken, the third perished by the fever, and the latest account we received of the fourth was of his being confined in the castle-prison, where most probably he died.

Experience has shown how fatal the climate of Zanzibar is to Europeans. The Andromache lost several of her crew, when there about a year before us; and, during her second visit in August 1824, Commodore Nourse, with a party of his officers, rashly accepted an invitation from the

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Governor to pass a night at his house in the country, in consequence of which he, together with the greater number of those who had accompanied him, was seized with the fever a few weeks afterwards, when all fell victims to the virulence of the disease.

The fate of a boat's crew, who, from unavoidable circumstances were not able to return on board for the night, offers another melancholy proof of the baneful influence of this climate,—four out of the five who formed the party, instead of sleeping in the boat, landed and lay around a large fire, which they had kindled in the jungle. For nearly a fortnight no bad effects were visible, but, at the end of that time, three died, after a most painful and lingering illness, while the fourth was obliged to be sent home with an emaciated body and worn-down constitution.

Bound as we were by constant association in danger, and for years removed from the land of our affections, it is not surprising that the strictness of subordination and etiquette should have been superseded by feelings of a warmer and more congenial nature; or, that the sentiments of all towards each other should possess more of the fraternal than of any other character—so that on Christmas-day we met like a large and united family. The hilarity of this jovial season was not heightened by the substantial splendour of our native soil, but possessed many luxuries of a tropical one; and had not the silent thought stolen

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over the waste between us and home, bringing on the memory all the dear delights we had there enjoyed, we might have been as happy, as the Poet says,

"With those we saw—as those we thought of."

But "Home" was the standing toast, for there was not one heart that had not a cherished something there, and perhaps not an eye that did not upon that occasion pay its slight tribute to the shrine of its affections.

On the 1st of January 1824, we left Zanzibar, for the purpose of surveying and ascertaining the exact position of Latham's Island, or, as it is erroneously termed, Shoal. Although passing at a very short distance, by the greatest chance we discovered it, so small are its dimensions, and so little is it elevated above the sea. It is situate in Lat. 6° 54′, 2″, and Long. 39° 55′, 5″. It. is formed of coral, of an oval shape, about one thousand feet long, and between ten and twelve high, accessible only on the south-west side by a small shelving beach of coral sand: The surface is perfectly smooth, and composed entirely of the excrement of the numerous sea-fowl that resort thither. In some parts this incrustation over the interstices of the coral is not sufficiently hard to bear the weight of a man, as several of our people, in the course of their peregrinations, rather disagreeably experienced. The feathered inhabitants, being unaccustomed to molestation, are perfectly fearless; they appeared totally to disregard us, not even

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getting out of the way to avoid being trampled upon, and, if we attempted to touch them, they would endeavour as far as was in their power to repel the assailant witli their sharp-pointed beaks. Some were of the sooty petterel kind, but by far the greater number resembled the gannet, and in point of size were little inferior to the goose. They presented a very singular appearance upon our landing, as the steep rocky wall of madrepore that bounded the surface of the island was covered by a complete phalanx of them, offering a most motley variety of shades, from the snow-white coats of the young to the dark bilious tint of the old ones. They hailed our approach by a shrill scream, and, without stirring, shot forth a lively expression from their bright golden eyes, deeply buried in the white downy mass that enveloped them. The surface of the island was literally covered with them; some of the hens sitting on their eggs, others tenderly watching their young in their first sally from their nest, or awkward efforts to fly; while the remainder, in large flights, alternately relieved one another in scouring the surface of the surrounding sea for fish, with which they returned in great numbers. Four of these that we took from them, together with some eggs, afforded the boat's crew a hearty meal.

Before leaving this place, we put up a lofty pole, inscribed with the date and name of the vessel, and then made sail for Zanzibar, where we arrived on the 6th of January 1824. Lieutenant Boteler was immediately despatched to wait

VOL. I. 2 F

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on the Governor for the two deserters who had been arrested during our absence. He found him in his balcony, lounging on a cane sofa, from which, on his entering, he arose, and accompanied the lieutenant to the castle-prison, where the two culprits were secured. It appeared that the Arabs who were despatched to arrest these men, dreading the resistance which they well knew they would make, had recourse to their characteristic cunning to overcome them. Their expedient, although rather degrading to our national character, in the event proved their just estimation of it. Spirits were placed in the way; our men drank, and shortly afterwards were unresistingly arrested, and carried to prison in a state of intoxication.

In no place were we furnished with refreshments so cheap, and of such excellent quality, as at Zanzibar. Our decks every morning exhibited the appearance of a market, where for a dollar upwards of two dozen fowls could be procured; sugar of an excellent quality at twopence a pound, very superior rice at a penny, and a great variety of fruits in proportion. Bullocks of the humped breed, and of a moderate size, were obtained at five dollars a head, and sheep of the Tartar kind very cheap.

END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

LODON: PRINTED BY S. BENTLEY, DORSET STREET


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Citation: John van Wyhe, editor. 2002-. The Complete Work of Charles Darwin Online. (http://darwin-online.org.uk/)

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