RECORD: Owen, William Fitz William. 1833. Narrative of voyages to explore the shores of Africa, Arabia, and Madagascar; performed in H.M. Ships Leven and Barracouta. 2 vols. London: Richard Bentley. Volume 2.

REVISION HISTORY: Transcribed (single key) by AEL Data 7.2013. RN1

NOTE: This work formed part of the Beagle library. The Beagle Library project has been generously supported by a Singapore Ministry of Education Academic Research Fund Tier 1 grant and Charles Darwin University and the Charles Darwin University Foundation, Northern Territory, Australia.


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NARRATIVE OF VOYAGES

TO EXPLORE THE SHORES OF

AFRICA, ARABIA,

AND

MADAGASCAR;

PERFORMED IN H. M. SHIPS LEVEN AND BARRACOUTA,

UNDER THE DIRECTION OF

CAPTAIN W. F. W. OWEN, R. N.

BY COMMAND OF THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS OF THE ADMIRALTY.

IN TWO VOLUMES.

VOL. II.

LONDON:

RICHARD BENTLEY, NEW BURLINGTON STREET,

Publisher in Ordinary to his Majesty.

1883.

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LONDON:

PRINTED BY SAMUEL BENTLEY,

Dorset street, Fleet-street.

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CONTENTS

OF

THE SECOND VOLUME.

CHAPTER I.
Quit Zanzibar.—Survey of the Monfeèa.—Great Quiloa.—Fallen state of Quiloa.—Its Port.—Town on the Lindy.—A Spring of Water.—Mikindany Bay Page 1
CHAPTER II.
Querimba Islands.—Surveying the Islands.—A Frontier Post.—Attack of Ibo.—Portuguese Indolence.—Poniba Bay.—Leap of the Bonita.—Arrival in Mozambique.—Destination of the Vessels 9
CHAPTER III.
Leave the Barracouta.—Lupe de Cardenos—His Treachery.—Machakane and Mayetta.—Portuguese tyranny.—Sail for Mauritius.—Loss of H. M. S. Delight.—Prince Mombarrok.—Departure for Madagascar. 18
CHAPTER IV.
Harbour of Tamatave.—Monsieur Dayot.—Ladies of Madagascar.—Anchor in Port Louis.—Monsieur Blevée—River Maransectzy.—Death of Mr. Durnford.—British Sound.—The Natives.—Case of Yellow Fever.—Return to Isle Madame.—Receptacle for the Dead.—Native Mode of Life.—The Slave Trade.—The Barracouta's Journal.—Adonis and Antonio.—Our ill-fated Friends. 28

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CHAPTER V.
The Senna Expedition.—Nosongo.—Progress up the River.—Boco do Rio.—Dangerous bathing.—An easy Life.—Country round Marooro.—Mr. Forbes's Illness.—Journey to Chaponga.—Donna Pascoa's Residence.—The Lake and Forest.—The Donna's wealth.—Departure from Chaponga.—Theatrical Performances.—Habits of the Boatmen.—Death of Mr. Forbes.—His Funeral.—Environs of Senna.—Aspect of the Country 45
CHAPTER VI.
Town of Senna.—Extent of territory.—Conduct of the Priests.—Agriculture.—Commerce of the Colony.—Its Districts.—Judicial Office 64
CHAPTER VII.
A Priest's extortion.—The Commandant—Dinner at his house.—Death of Mr. Browne—His interment.—Mr. Kilpatrick's illness—His death.—Tablet to the memory of persons lost in the Julia brig.—The black Servants.—Negro medicine.—Dangerous situation—Delivery from it 71
CHAPTER VIII.
Sandy Island.—Native Oratory.—Costume of a Chief—Demands of the Visiters.—Native Fishermen.—St. Augustin's Bay.—Tullia Bay.—King Bahbah.—A tragical event.—Two Officers murdered.—Escape of the Crew.—Mourondava.—Coral islets and reefs.—Bay of Boyauna 85
CHAPTER IX.
Coast of Madagascar.—Bembatooka.—Traffic with the Americans.—Slaughter of the bullocks.—Native Tribes.—Heroic Chief.—People of Madagascar.—Stern justice 99
CHAPTER X.
Radama—Treaty with him.—Succession to the Crown.—The Kaba.—Superstitious customs.—Hair-dressing.—Female clamour.—Short crops.—The Ovah people 108

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CHAPTER XI.
Interview with Radama—His appearance.—Ovah ingenuity.—The Garrison.—Ovah soldiers.—Ramanatook.—Currency of Ovah.—Ovah youths.—Missionaries.—Radama's remarks 118
CHAPTER XII.
Commerce.—Interview with Radama.—Boyauna Bay.—Majambo Bay.—Tombs.—Unlucky mistake.—The Maccaca.—Passandava Bay.—Mass of mountains.—Minow islands.—A porpoise and bonito.—Meet the Leven.—Lieutenant Reitz's Journey.—Town of Pongue.—Island of Tanga.—Town of Tangolla.—A perilous night.—Lieutenant Reitz's illness.—The fever 128
CHAPTER XIII.
The Funeral.—Slave Trade at Mombas.—Liberated Slaves.—Arab Injustice.—A young Offender.—Treachery.—A Struggle.—Office of Sheik.—Wedding Procession.—The Wanyekahs 147
CHAPTER XIV.
The Seychelles Islands—Their number.—Island of Mahé.—Trade of the Seychelles.—Treatment of Slaves.—Hospitality.—M. de Quincy.—Canoes.—The Coco do Mar 158
CHAPTER XV.
A Massacre.—Arduous Survey.—Difficult Navigation.—Ruined Buildings.—The Gallas.—Large Trees.—Wooden Anchors.—A large Serpent.—Snappers and Sharks.—Mission from Mombas.—Arrival at Lamoo.—Night Festivals.—Sail for Zanzibar.—Survey of the Seychelles.—Ball and Supper 169
CHAPTER XVI.
Leave the Seychelles.—Coral islets.—Port Robinson.—Chief of the Seclaves.—Savage warfare.—Native sentries.—Levee and Ball at Mozambique.—A notorious Slaver.—A capture.—Barrett's sufferings— His idiotism.—Demand for Presents 184

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CHAPTER XVII.
Join the Albatross.—An Insurrection.—Visit to Rafarla—Rafarla's Wives—His House and Park—Dinner with Rafarla.—Embarkation of the Troops.—Profligacy.—Narrow Escape.—A Dispute.—Hippopotamus Hunt.—Brute affection.—Enraged Elephant.—Mr. Arlett's danger.—The Spoil 197
CHAPTER XVIII.
A Boy sold.—A family meeting.—Jack Inyack and his Son.—Misery of the Natives.—Altered looks of old Friends.— Mr. Farewell's settlement.—Jackot and Chaka.—The Delagoa-fever—Change of officers.—Charts supplied 215
CHAPTER XIX.
Kidnapped Seamen.—Irish Slave Trade.—Walfisch Bay.—Hottentots.—Nourse's River.—Capes and Bays.—Cape St. Mary.—Arrival at Benguela.—Bond Slaves.—St. Paul de Loando.—A friendly Governor.—Island of Ascension.—An Antispasmodic 226
CHAPTER XX.
A Native King's Son.—Military Convicts.—The Banana Islands.—Unaccountable Accident.—Slave Stations.—Attack of Murkabba.— A Village Fired.—Ravages of the Fever.—Leave the Bananas.—Erroneous Precautions.—A Sandbank.—Dangerous Situation.—Unexpected Attack.—Season able information 240
CHAPTER XXI.
Bijooga Islands.—The Chief of Bawak.—Beaver Port.—Mr. Lawrence.—Native Villages.—Mutiny of the Garrison of Bissao.—Portuguese faith.—Highland of Galinhas.—Colonial Steam-vessel.—Blunder-blind Channel.—Natives of Kanyabac.—The Sangaree Mountains.—Anchor at Sierra Leone 254

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CHAPTER XXII.
Captain Vidal's proceedings.—Dassen Island.—Angra Peguena.—Cross of Bartholomew Diaz.—Cape Negro.—Benguela.—Buildings of Benguela.—Invasion of Elephants.—Natives of the interior.—Extraordinary conduct.—St. Paul de Loando.—Citadel and Harbours 267
CHAPTER XXIII.
Population and Commerce.— Convicts.—Enter the Congo.—Banks of the River.—Mafula Rico.—Fetiches.—The breeze invoked.—Survey of the River.—Lieutenant Boteler attacked by the Natives.—The Natives repulsed.—Water of the Congo.—Unfitness of our Ship.—Kabenda.—Prince Jack.—People of the Congo 279
CHAPTER XXIV.
Scenery in Kabenda Bay.—Negroes of the interior.—Anecdote of Lieut. Hawkey and a Mafula.—Challenge and Contest.—Fears of the Natives.—War-ships.—Arrival at Cape Lopez.—Visit to King Passol.—The Royal Residence.—Ingenious Construction.—A naturalized English Boy.—A Fetiche dance.—The Fetiche.—Superstition 295
CHAPTER XXV.
People of Cape Lopez.—Tom Qua Ben.—"Tradesmen and Hostages.—Connubial Tyrants.—Mode of Combat.—Toby Philpot.—Dread of Poison.—Condemnation of a Chief on suspicion.—The Prison.—Frightful Cruelty.—Interview with King Glass.—Barter.—Ingenious Contrivance.—Facility for Trade 310
CHAPTER XXV.*
Corisco Bay.—Certificates.—A Massacre.—Price of a Wife.—Strange Phrases.—Traffic.—People on the River Moonyee.—Diminutive Canoes.—Want of Provisions.—Fatal accident.— Native treachery.—A "Gentleman."—Arrival at Maidstone Bay.—Fernando Po.—Animated scene.—Description of the Island 323

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CHAPTER XXVI.
Fernando Po.—Natives of the Island— Their Costume—Their Canoes.—Sail for the Bonny River.—Lucrative Trade.—King Peppel.—English Courage.—Boarding the Slavers.—The King's rage.—His oratory 338
CHAPTER XXVII.
Intended Visit to King Peppel.—Flattery.—Bonnytown.—Jew-jews.—Cruel propitiation.—Leave the Bonny.—Promotions.—The River Benin.—Fish-town burned.—Booby Town.—Quit the Benin.—Old Callabar.—Village of Fish-town.—Disposal of the Dead.—The River del Rey 350
CHAPTER XXVIII.
Rivers between Cape Formosa and the Bonny.—The Camaroon Mountains.—Return to Fernando Po.—Intended Visit from the King.—The King's danger.—Salted Chickens.—Destruction of Chickens by Rats.—Ship reduced to a wreck by a sudden Squall.—Arrival at Sierra Leone 362
CHAPTER XXIX.
Survey of the Gambia.—Inaccuracy of the old Charts.—Death of Mr. Tudor.—Approach towards home.—Remembrance of the Dead.—Results of the Expedition.—Cables.—Currents.—Beauty and Fertility of the Coast of the Cape Colony.—The Fever.—Dangerous Medical Practice.—Civilization—Not advanced in Africa by the Portuguese.—Portuguese Oppression.—Growth of Civilization 373
APPENDIX 387

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NARRATIVE OF VOYAGES,

&c.

CHAPTER I.

Quit Zanzibar.—Survey of the Monfeèa.—Great Quiloa.—Fallen state of Quiloa.—Its Port.—Town on the Lindy.—A Spring of Water.—Mikindany Bay.

ON the 8th we quitted Zanzibar, and, with the Albatross in company, stood over towards the main, and came to an anchor near one of the sand-banks that, as before mentioned, form, at a short distance, a line parallel to it. We continued to the southward the next day, but had not proceeded far when we suddenly struck, without any previous indication of our danger, on a steep ledge of coral rocks lying about four miles from the shore. The water being fortunately smooth, we received no apparent damage, and, in a short time, by the assistance of the schooner,

VOL. II. B

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were enabled to extricate ourselves from this disageeable situation.

On the 10th we anchored near Monfeèa, and commenced a survey of the neighbouring islets, together with the labyrinth of surrounding shoals. This island rises abruptly from an unfathomable depth, based upon the usual coral foundation, the surface being covered with trees. The west point is situated about nine miles from the main, and is not, as represented in the charts, of a circular form, but long and narrow, faced on the south-east by several large islands, enclosing a large lagoon.

We finished the survey of Monfeèa and its surrounding dangers in a week; Lieut. Owen in the Albatross having examined the channel between the island and the main, which he found so thickly studded with coral shoals, as to be impassable for vessels of any size without considerable danger.

At the expiration of this time we were again upon the main, and, as we imagined from certain appearances in the land (exactly answering the description given in a French manuscript), close to the Port of Quiloa, although the latitude did not agree. To clear up our doubts, a boat was sent to a dow that was at anchor at a short distance, which shortly returned with an Arab and his attendant, who volunteered to pilot us into Quiloa, which he said was at the extremity of the bay. We were the whole day beating into this place, and then had the mortification to learn that there

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were two Quiloas, and that this was the wrong one, being nothing more than a small village. We thought at the time the whole business was a piece of finesse to obtain pilotage, and therefore, considering ourselves imposed upon, were not desirous of the further company of the Arabs; but after we had anchored the two dows made fast to our stern, and by casting off the rope we succeeded in getting rid of them.

The effect of this measure was as instantaneous as it was laughable, for the Arabs on board our ship, suspecting treachery, in the most active manner vaulted one after the other over the stern, and swam to their vessels with their white mantles waving in the wind, and their great breeches waving in the water. On the 20th we anchored at Great Quiloa, called by the natives Keelwa, which at the time of the first arrival of the Portuguese upon the coast, appears to have been one of the most considerable of the Arab possessions, holding sovereignty over Sofala, Mozambique, and the intervening ports.

In 1505, Francisco d'Almeyda appeared before the city with a large force, made a quarrel with its sovereign, and, landing during the night 700 of his men, captured it after a most desperate resistance, which induced him to burn the town. A fort was afterwards erected by the Portuguese, but the climate proved so bad, that they were eventually obliged to give up their conquest; still their contaminating presence, limited as was its duration, blasted the prospects of Quiloa for ever.

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A miserable village, scarcely visited or known, occupies its site, and the wretched Arab hovels of the present day are blended among the ruins of the once respectable and opulent city of former years.

It is really melancholy to contemplate the devastation that the monopolizing spirit of mankind has produced on the east coast of Africa; wherever we went, even in the most obscure harbours, we could trace the remains of former wealth and civilization, contrasted strongly with present poverty and barbarism. The courage and perseverance of the old Portuguese must be admired; at the same time we cannot but deprecate that avarice which knew no bounds, but was constantly reducing thriving and populous countries to wild and desolate wastes. So low had Quiloa fallen, that even the Imaums of Muskat, who appear ever to have been greedy of dominion over those of their own faith on this coast, did not think it worthy of their notice until the French, about forty years since, attempted to form a settlement there for the slave trade. Since that period it has been under the control of the Muskat government.

Part of the walls of the city still remain in a tolerably perfect state, as also the ponderous relics of some of the houses. The fort still exists, and is garrisoned by the Arabs. This is a substantial square building of stone, with a tower at each corner, and capable of containing a respectable garrison. It is a pleasing object in many points

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of view, not so much on account of its own venerable appearance, as of its situation, rising from amidst a grove of lofty trees on the verge of the unruffled waters, and towering above the mean habitations of the Arabs and the stately ruins of the city's former grandeur.

The port of Quiloa is one of the finest on, the coast, but has no anchorage outside, as the depth is unfathomable. The lagoons are very extensive, and run a considerable distance inland, abounding with hippopotami; while in the vast surrounding forests are numerous leopards, which are exceedingly daring in their attacks upon the inhabitants. Although Captain Vidal was furnished with an introductory letter from the Governor of Zanzibar to the chief at Quiloa, yet he appeared always in fear of us; and upon Lieutenant Owen one evening landing near the fort to obtain the latitude by the stars, an alarm was given, and the old Governor was seen hurrying half-dressed down to the spot, at the head of a dozen or two Arabs, armed with swords, matchlocks, and every other kind of weapon, ancient or modern, that could at the moment be mustered: these were drawn up in a line a short distance off, where they patiently awaited the departure of the boats.

We left this port on the 80th of January, to prosecute our survey to the southward, and on the following day entered the deep bay into which the river Lindy empties itself, where we anchored about two miles from the principal

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town, which is situated on the northern point of the river. Lieutenant Boteler was deputed to wait on the Imaum's officer, to request his permission to survey the place and his assistance in obtaining refreshments. On landing, he was met by several Arabs, and a great many of the natives carrying assagayes, and bows and arrows, evidently as a precautionary measure, but one that would equally serve as a mark of respect. They conducted him to the governor, whom he found seated on a bench, at the gate of the small whitewashed fort. He rose and received him with many expressions of friendship towards the English and promises to supply us with every thing we desired.

In the midst of their conference the schooner entered the river, and answered with three guns the same number fired by the Barracouta to obtain a base line by sound. This was considered by the Arabs as a salute, and the governor, highly gratified, shuffled into the fort and returned the compliment.

The situation of the town is low, and, during the rainy season, in all probability swampy and unwholesome; yet, as the straggling huts that compose it are interspersed with groves of cocoa-nut and other trees, it has upon the whole a pleasing appearance. Our party endeavoured to obtain water from the muddy wells of the town, but the access to them proved so difficult, and the quality of the supply so bad, that they with pleasure availed themselves of the offer of one of

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the natives, who, for a slight reward, undertook to conduct them to a more convenient spot.

The way to this was a winding creek, leading through a gentle declivity of mangroves to a huge rocky precipice, from the side of which issued a small spring, that, cool and clear as crystal, dropped into a rocky basin, which it had worn for itself. Over this basin the branches had formed a complete bower, with the rude cliff towering above. Tracks of different wild animals that resorted to this fountain could be traced in the vicinity, the hog and buck being the most common. The name of a French slaver was carved in the bark of a neighbouring tree, in which was also erected a sort of stand, for the purpose of watching and shooting the animals that resorted to the spot.

One of the party, who was deputed to cook the dinner, was busily employed in his avocation, when suddenly he perceived that he was surrounded by a number of armed natives. Quitting his charge under the impulse of fear, he darted into the thicket, and made a most precipitate retreat to his comrades, shouting (his mind dwelling on the Delagoa affair,) "The Hollontontes! The Hollontontes are coming! To arms! To arms!" But the natives soon approached, and by their friendly behaviour dispelled all suspicion of their hostile intentions.

Upon the return of the watering party, we followed the schooner into the river, which, about eight miles up, branches into several small chan-

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nels, forming a complete archipelago of low, swampy islets, covered with mangroves. The land on either side rises into lofty hills, richly clothed with verdure, two of which, of a conical form, render the port easily recognized at a long distance.

On the 4th of February we left the Lindy, and about noon arrived off the river called Monghow by the natives, but generally known as Mongallo; and next made Mikindany Bay, where we anchored for the night.

In the depth of this bay are two openings, one a small river, and the other an extensive basin about seven miles in circumferance, with a deep, but narrow and winding channel for the entrance, which is scarcely a cable's length across, and formed by two rocky points projecting from the range of lofty hills that rise abruptly on each side. A fine castellated building of the old Portuguese, apparently in excellent condition, is situated on the side of a steep hill, and although the trees that surround it are lofty, they fall short of the height of the building, which, from its neat, whitewashed appearance, is most probably garrisoned.

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CHAPTER II.

Querimba Islands.—Surveying the Islands.—A Frontier Post.—Attack of Ibo.—Portuguese Indolence.—Pomba Bay.—Leap of the Bonita.—Arrival in Mozambique.—Destination of the Vessels.

ON the morning of the 5th of February, we weighed, and continued our course along a low, rocky, and unfathomable coast. On the 7th, we passed Cape Delgado, lat. 10° 41′ 2″ S. long. 40°34′ 6″ E. Immediately to the southward of this is the extensive line of the Querimba Islands. These are of various sizes, but all low, and formed of coral, with in general long flat reefs extending seaward, and there rising abruptly from an immense depth. The harbours are excellent; sheltered by the main land to the westward, and in every other direction by islands and reefs, they afford perfect security to vessels in the heaviest gales; yet, none but the Arab dows ever seek them, excepting an occasional French slaver, which can here carry on her illicit trade free from molestation. The profits they

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derive from their wretched cargo must at this place be immense, as by the bill of lading found in one of these vessels, which we took and destroyed on the east coast of Madagascar, it appeared that they bought their miserable victims for one dollar each. What a price for the noblest work of God!!

The main land opposite these islands is thickly wooded, but generally low and swampy, the town of Ibo, a few negro villages, and the ruins of the Portuguese factory-houses being the only indications of man's vicinity. Whilst surveying these islands, Lieutenant Boteler and a boat's crew were employed in the pinnace for nearly a fortnight, sleeping only two nights on board the ship during the whole time. He says, "We had heavy rain, accompanied with much thunder and lightning; but upon the least indication of its approach the boat was brought to an anchor, and completely housed in by the tilt and sails, so that not a drop of wet could penetrate. At night a large fire was kept up by the sentry, which in all probability conduced to the health of all; for, notwithstanding the exposure we were subjected to, especially the heat of the sun, not one of the crew suffered from illness."

We surveyed the harbour, which is bounded by the small islands of Ibo and Matamo, having the main land on the west and two coral reefs at the entrance, with a deep channel between them and the islands. There is also a channel of six

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fathoms between Matamo and the main, but that formed by Ibo is at low water scarcely navigable for canoes, the communication with the town being by a creek, with plenty of water inside, but only one fathom and a half on the bar. The town of Ibo, lat. 12° 20′ S., long. 40° 30′ E., is the frontier post of the Portuguese to the northward, and is much more strongly fortified and kept in better condition than the generality of their possessions on this coast. It contains one large fort, built in 1791, and two smaller ones. The garrison consists of two hundred soldiers, either creoles of the country or negroes; the officers being only of the former, but many so dark that it is frequently difficult to distinguish them from the negroes.

The civil and portly old Governor left his native city, Lisbon, in early life, and for six-and-thirty years had been residing here. His was the only instance that came under our observation of a European living so many years in this country without suffering from the climate. His good fortune encouraged him to speak lightly of the fever, and talking of the general salubrity of Ibo, he observed,—"The period that is termed the sickly season here, is that in which we have much rain, accompanied with thunder and lightning, commencing in the middle of January, and ending about the same time in March; but it is a mere bugbear, and scarcely worthy of remark; but should the fever grow impertinent,"

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such was his expression, "in its attacks, we bleed and use the steam-bath, when it is soon overcome." The book of fate was, however, then being opened to him by the hand of death, for we heard that he died in a few weeks after this conversation of that very complaint which he was then ridiculing.

The settlement of Ibo has been attacked three different times within forty years by the warlike natives of Madagascar, in all probability at the instigation of the Arabs of Bembatooka, as they made that port their head-quarters previously to embarking. Their last attempt was in 1816, and, had not the elements conspired against them by reducing the number of their canoes from 250 to 68, Ibo, with its forts, would probably at this time have added another link to the chain of Portuguese ruins with which the coast is marked. The natives landed on the adjacent island of Querimba, when, dispirited by their loss, they were easily routed by the forces that the Governor led over against them. Twenty-five of their canoes were destroyed; the remainder escaped to sea, but were never afterwards heard of: and it is melancholy to relate that, out of the 6,250 persons who composed this expedition, not one was supposed to have survived.

A creole lieutenant, who had been an actor in this affair, whilst relating the particulars, wound up his description by assuming a swaggering military air, kicking a bleached and mutilated skull that lay before him, and observing,—"In 1816,

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that was stuck on the shoulders of a Madagascar man." The Portuguese colonists of this day have constantly before them the crumbling remains of the grandeur and power of their ancestors. In the presence of strangers, they are always deploring their present decline; but as no spirit to improve their state is visible, the listener, instead of commiserating their lot, generally hears them with a feeling of contempt. If any proposal is made by which they might benefit their condition, one answer only is ever returned, "Non pode,"—and a shrug of the shoulders settles the point at once.

Indolence may be taken as the motto of all the Portuguese in Africa. To live is all their wish, and that with as little exertion as possible, either physical or mental; they spin out their days in listless apathy, and die in early age, unmourned and unregretted. If the power of their ancestors be dear to their recollections, how humiliating must they feel their present state, as the Arabs, who were the contempt of their forefathers, take every opportunity of repaying it to the present generation. This we had an opportunity of witnessing at the Governor's house.

The respect paid to his Excellency by the creole officers is abject in the extreme, always bowing themselves from his presence with their faces turned towards him; but whilst we were having an audience, a tall venerable-looking Arab, master of a dow from Zanzibar, arrived, with a letter from the Governor of that island. As he

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entered, two or three of his men were conversing with him. With a firm step, and scarcely deigning to look at the Governor, he delivered the letter, and then turned to us with the most marked attention and respect. The Governor appeared nettled at his behaviour, and when he was gone vented his anger by holding up the letter in a supercilious manner between his forefinger and thumb, contracting his features into an expression of contempt, and muttering something about "brutes and Arabs."

At present, in all this extensive line of islands only Ibo and Querimba are inhabited, but the population of both is inconsiderable, their commerce consisting solely in slaves.

Lieutenant Boteler having rejoined the Barracouta, we again got under weigh towards Pomba Bay, where we arrived on the 1st of March. This place is one of the finest harbours on the coast, the entrance being a channel between two rocky points, one mile and three quarters across; but the basin into which it opens is nine miles long by six broad, and has sufficient water for the largest ships, but no anchorage outside, excepting an extensive bank on the southern shore.

We quitted Pomba basin on the 4th, and in the evening passed the river Laria, whose waters discolour the sea for some miles from its mouth. It was with difficulty we weathered the southern point of Soreessa, on account of the strong flood-tide; but after some time we succeeded, and in the morning discovered that we were off the

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shoals of Mancabala and Indujo, situated in front of the Bay of Almeyda, and which form a safe and commodious anchorage.

The following day, having accurately surveyed the bay, we continued to the southward, when, near the Broken Hills, we were agreeably surprised by the appearance of the Leven, being apprehensive that she had already reached Mozambique, and was there awaiting our arrival.

Employed as we both were upon such adventurous and hazardous service, we always entertained the most anxious uncertainty respecting the fate of those from whom we had parted, and the trembling voice of inquiry dreaded the reply, lest it should report the death of some dear and valued friend. We had lost during this cruise only five men from fever, but the Leven had not been so fortunate; her gunner and carpenter had both died, besides several of the crew, and one man drowned.

We now continued our course together from Mozambique, during which voyage an incident occurred that might have been attended with serious consequences. The bonita has the power of throwing itself out of the water to an almost incredible distance, when in pursuit of its prey (the flying-fish); and the day previous to our arrival at Mozambique one of these fish rose close under our bow, passed over the vessel's side, and struck with such force against the poop that had any one received the blow in all probability it would have been fatal. Stunned by the Vio-

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lence of the contact, it fell motionless at the helmsman's feet; but, soon recovering, its struggles were so furious that it became necessary to inflict repeated blows of an axe before it could be approached with safety. The greatest elevation it attained above the surface of the water was eighteen feet, and the length of the leap, had no opposition occurred, would have exceeded one hundred and eighty.

We anchored in Mozambique harbour on the 11th, and during our stay were occupied in completing the charts of the extensive line of coast and various harbours we had surveyed—a task of so complicated a nature that none who have not had it to perform can conceive the labour with which it was attended. We were also constantly experiencing how ill calculated the Leven and Barracouta were for the service upon which they were employed. The captains' cabins were the only places where those occupied upon the charts could work, a circumstance which not only retarded their proceedings, by confining them to particular hours, but greatly interfered with those comforts which Captains Owen and Vidal had a right to expect, and which they were always ready to share with others.

A report of the melancholy termination of the Senna expedition reached us here; but, not being traceable to an authentic source, we tried to disbelieve it. Our charts being finished, and the victualling of the ships completed, we left Mozambique on the 4th of April, 1824; the Leven for De-

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logoa and the Isle of France, and our vessel for St. Augustin's-bay, Madagascar, where the Albatross, after examining the Chesterfield shoal, or rather island, and Juan de Nova, was to join us preparatory to our commencing in concert the survey of the west coast of Madagascar.

VOL. II. C

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CHAPTER III.

Leave the Barracouta.—Lupe de Cardenos—His Treachery.—Machakane and Mayetta.—Portuguese tyranny.—Sail for Mauritius.—Loss of H. M. S. Delight.—Prince Mombarrok.—Departure for Madagascar.

LEAVING the Barracouta to pursue her course to Quilimane, in order to learn the fate of our expedition to Senna, we got under weigh, it being Captain Owen's intention to visit Mauritius in order to rate our chronometers and obtain meridian distances; but the long prevalence of contrary winds determined him to make Delagoa Bay his destination for this purpose, and on the 18th of April we anchored at sunset in English river.

We were much surprised upon our arrival at not seeing any sentinels or lights; but all remained in mystery until the following morning, when a boat came off with the surgeon to the factory. Upon his arrival he stated that he was sent by Senhor Maximiano Joze Fernandez (Ensign), the then

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governor; all the other officers, together with most of the soldiers having been murdered. The Portuguese flag was hoisted half-mast high on the fort and highest brow of Temby, which country had been ceded to the British.

Captain Owen demanded the cause of this innovation of our rights, which the surgeon apologized for, by stating that it had been done by Lupe, who was known to be a madman. English Bill and many of our old acquaintance came on board, from whom, and a letter which Captain Owen received from Mr. Threlfall, the missionary, we obtained the following particulars of the events that had taken place since our departure. It appeared that Senhor Lupe de Cardenos, already mentioned in this work as having seized the Sincapore brig, and having been guilty of many other acts of treachery and cruelty, had received intimation that Captain Owen had represented to the Governor-General of Mozambique, the shameless depravity and tyranny of his conduct; in consequence of which, Senhor de Sylvia directed that he should immediately be superseded.

Shortly after the Leven had left, a small Portuguese brig arrived in English river, commanded by a person named Vicente.

Lupe consulted this man respecting his case, representing it of course in the most favourable and partial point of view, when, between them, they formed the wild scheme of subjugating the

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whole surrounding country to Lupe's dominion by main force, conceiving that the Leven's services would not permit her again to return and institute any inquiries into his conduct. His first proceeding was to bribe Mayetta and some of his chiefs to deny the fact of having ceded the country of Temby to the English; to effect which, he went to Temby with Vicente, a party of soldiers and several officers, when he found little difficulty in persuading or intimidating the faithless Mayetta to comply with his wishes. Having composed a statement of this affair for his public dispatch, he next proceeded to Mapoota, where, in a native village, he made a display of his eloquence which none of his hearers understood; after which he hoisted his flag, and took possession. The King of Mapoota was too weak to resist this arbitrary act, but expressed his indignation to Machakane of Mattoll.

At this time a caravan, consisting of about one thousand natives, arrived at the factory bringing between three and four hundred elephants' teeth for barter, together with a large quantity of cattle, and His Majesty's Ship Andromache, coming into the river, for a while stopped his schemes of conquest. Commodore Nourse, upon the representation made by Captain Owen of the cession of this country to the British, confirmed the possession by again hoisting the English flag with the usual ceremonies attending such a proceeding.

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On the departure of the Andromache, Lupe, elated by his success, and confident of meeting no opposition from the English, entered upon his plans of entire subjugation. He began with Temby, where he hoisted the Portuguese flag on the staff of the Commodore's, leaving two soldiers as its guard. When he considered his project effected at Mapoota, he proceeded to Mabota, where he met with some ineffectual resistance, during which a few natives were killed. The rulers of these provinces now took the alarm, and Machakane made a futile and unsupported attack, which Lupe had little difficulty in defeating, when peace was made, and he proceeded to Mattoll with his second in command, and about thirty of his best soldiers, for the purpose of taking formal possession by right of conquest. His soldiers, presuming on their military strength, commenced by maltreating the natives, and taking from them whatever they desired without payment. This produced complaints and murmurs; but these Lupe quickly put an apparent end to, by ordering all such as demurred at their proceedings to be shot, and their heads to be laid at his feet.

Oppression is a goading sting; and Machakane, no longer able to bear the increasing tyranny of his invaders, sent his people in different directions about the neighbourhood, to lie in ambush and take the most favourable opportunities for their destruction. His plans were arranged with the cunning and address that insured success; and in

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a short time Lupe, his lieutenant, and twenty-five of his soldiers were sacrificed to the just vengeance of these people. Having thus destroyed his enemies, Machakane next surrounded the fort, burnt every hut in Mafoomo, and threatened the remaining Portuguese with destruction. Texeira, who now succeeded to the command, had but one officer and thirteen black soldiers left in the factory, and was therefore compelled to buy his safety by granting their most exorbitant demands; but, finding the enemy still insatiable, he was obliged to call upon one of the other powers for assistance. Mayetta instantly came forward, being the constant enemy of Machakane; but as soon as the latter heard of Mayetta's intention, he attacked Temby, but was drawn into an ambush by his more skilful enemy, when the greater part of his soldiers were destroyed.

Machakane being driven away, and his strength thus broken, Mayetta and his chiefs became desirous of obtaining some reward for their service, or, in other words, were resolved that Teixera should purchase his safety from them by the same means that he had obtained it from Machakane. They accordingly made up a tale, that Teixera had sent Lupe away without ammunition, and bribed Machakane to murder him and his soldiers. This tale was, in fact, his sentence, as he was afterwards looked upon as condemned. Mayetta sent privately to Maximiano, to say that Texeira was many-tongued, and must no longer be governor.

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but that himself and chiefs wished Maximiano to have that situation; this he quietly declined, but was careful not to inform Texeira of the proposal, or of the enmity of the natives towards him.

Whatever further concern he had in the removal of his superior was not known; but, a few days after this negotiation, Texeira was murdered under the walls of the fort by a well-aimed assagaye, thrown by a native employed by Mayetta. Maximiano neither fired nor directed any pursuit after the assassin, but contented himself by quietly inducting himself into the government, when he complied with every wish of Mayetta and his chiefs, as a reward for the services they had done him.

It is hardly necessary to make any further remarks upon the tragical history of this Portuguese factory of Lorenzo Marques. During these few months, Machakane's brother had been flogged to death by Lupe, and numbers of his people had been murdered for objecting to the riotous excesses and extortions of his soldiers. As the worm will turn to avenge itself upon the foot of the elephant that crushes it, so these people, regardless of the superior power which civilization had given their oppressors, made them expiate by their blood the injuries they had done them. Mayetta had, unsolicited, ceded his country to the English; but, shortly afterwards, was again bribed into connexion with the Portuguese, who, unable to maintain themselves even against his power,

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were, at the time of our arrival, subject to it, in consequence of his having destroyed the Governor who was objectionable to him, and raised another who was more the servant of his will.

Returning now to our proceedings, Captain Owen, feeling justly indignant at the insult thus offered to the British flag, immediately sent an officer to demand that the Governor Maximiano should make amends by rehoisting that which his predecessor had thought proper to take down. In consequence he went over to Temby, with Lieutenant Johnes and a party of marines, when it was again established with the usual honours. Mayetta strongly denied to Captain Owen that he had ever willingly receded his country from the English to the Portuguese, his statement being that the force of Lupe had compelled him to do so.

Having obtained a supply of wood and water, and regulated our chronometers, on the 26th of April we got under weigh for Mauritius. During this voyage we experienced much variable weather, and as we got into colder latitudes several of our crew were taken ill, some merely with cold, but many with the fever that had already made such ravages amongst our people, It was, however, supposed that the germ of this disease was implanted previously to leaving Delagoa Bay.

On the 21st of May we saw the land at Mauritius, and passed between Quoin and Flat Island, when a pilot came on board to take us into the

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port. We found the Ariadne in the harbour, and learnt the melancholy tidings of the loss of His Majesty's ship Delight, Captain Hay.* She had been seen to leeward, off the island, on the 23rd of February, on which and the three following days a tremendous hurricane was blowing, since which she had not been heard of. Parts of her wreck were afterwards washed on the shore between Point Cannonier and Port Louis; but not a soul survived to relate the particulars of her fate. The island of Mauritius is too well known to require much description, and it is enough to say that it is gifted with every blessing and beauty that nature's most lavish hand could bestow.

Several communications took place between Captain Owen and Sir L. F. Cole, the governor, respecting the reception and disposal of Prince Mombarrok, which was however finally resolved upon, and on the 4th of June he landed with military honours, and was publicly presented to his Excellency by Captain Owen. We lost several of our men during our stay at this place, from the fever. One of our women, Mrs. Gregory, also died in a sudden and awful manner from apoplexy, leaving an infant boy only five months old, unprotected, the father having fallen a victim to the fever. There being no establishment for orphans

* This was the vessel which we had met at the Cape of Good Hope, when the "Flying Dutchman," paid us his mysterious visit.

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at this island, Captain Owen took the poor deserted child under his own protection.

On the 23rd Mombarrok, his secretary, and Captain Owen, went to dine at Reduit, the country residence of the governor, who sent his carriage for them. This place is delightfully situated between two branches of a small river, the rapids and cataracts of which are seen rolling down a descent of nearly two hundred feet. The banks and country are covered with many rare and beautiful trees. Mombarrok was, however, less pleased with the novel scenes to which he was introduced, than disappointed that nothing was determined upon respecting his country, and expressed a desire to extend his voyage to England.

The Andromache arrived here during our stay, by which Captain Owen upon her departure, sent further orders to the Barracouta, and Albatross. On the 29th Prince Mombarrok took his final leave of the governor, it being determined that the case of the cession of his country should be referred to his Majesty's government at home. Two of our senior midshipmen Mr. James Badgley, and Mr. Charles Gepp Robinson, who had been with us during the whole of our arduous expedition, and had suffered much from the climate, were left here for the purpose of recruiting their debilitated constitutions. A brig was hired to bring six months' provisions to us at Mombas, where she was to arrive on the first of September;

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when, having completed and sent home twenty-nine sheets of charts, we got under weigh on the 16th of July for the eastern coast of Madagascar; Mombarrok and his suite being left in the Wizard,* to join the Commodore at Bembatooka.

* This vessel was captured by Captain Moresby at Zanzibar, having on board slaves, and was long employed as a colonial tender to the Commodore, but was some years afterwards returned to the French of Bourbon as an illegal seizure!

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CHAPTER IV.

Harbour of Tamatave.—Monsieur Dayot.—Ladies of Madagascar.—Anchor in Port Louis.—Monsieur Blevée.—River Maransectzy.—Death of Mr. Durnford.—British Sound.—The Natives.—Case of Yellow Fever.—Return to Isle Madame.—Receptacle for the Dead.—Native Mode of Life.—The Slave Trade.—The Barracouta's Journal.—Adonis and Antonio.—Our ill-fated Friends.

ON the 18th of July, we saw land on the coast of Madagascar, and at noon on the following day were abreast of a town situated on the northern bank of a river, which we imagined was Vatoo Madrè, the shore covered with a reef of rocks, producing a heavy swell and much surf. The land was composed of two ranges of hills, the nearest varying in height from 100 to 200 feet; and the more distant from 1200 to 1500. Passing outside Chapman's reefs, on the 21st we made the harbour of Tamatave, which Captain Owen determined to survey, and we performed what might in general be considered a hazardous manœuvre. The channels into the anchorage are narrow, and formed by coral reefs, nearly dry.

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We did not reach the entrance to the harbour until after sunset; when, with the wind blowing directly out of the Bay, we beat through the southern channel in the dark, between the two lines of reefs, with nothing but the white foam to serve as a guide.

In this bay were two vessels at anchor, one a brig belonging to Bourbon, and the other a grabship of Mauritius, taking in a cargo of bullocks. This small district of Tamatave was in the possession of a French and Malegash mulatto, named Jean Réné, who by cunning and enterprise contrived to invest himself with the government. He was at this period absent, for the purpose of quelling an insurrection, having left a nephew to act for him. Tamatave has not more than eighty habitable dwellings, all of which are surrounded by strong palisades, enclosing several small stores for their articles of trade; each of these houses contains about twenty-five persons, making a total of 2000 inhabitants.

Monsieur Dayot, the French agent upon this coast, resided here, and came on board. This gentleman was nephew to the Dayot who surveyed the shores of Cochin-China. He was very attentive during our stay, and procured us two large fat bullocks at three and a half dollars each, and before sailing engaged a native (Behooli) as our interpreter for the voyage, at twelve dollars a month.

After leaving Tamatave, we next anchored off the town of Foule Point, when an officer

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was sent ashore to wait on Rafarla, Radama's governor. This town, like most others on the coast, is built without any order; the houses straggling about in every direction.

The donac (enclosure) of the governor was not larger than the others, but his dwelling was considerably elevated, while before his gate was mounted on two legs a four-pounder, pointing down the street or road leading to his residence; he had also a guard in dilapidated scarlet clothes, himself wearing a neat European uniform with gold epaulettes. His wife, at least the one present, spoke but few words of either English or French, and neither Rafarla nor his people knew anything of the Arabic language. The wife appeared a better scholar than himself, as he constantly referred to her upon every occasion where he found himself at a loss. On one side of his enclosure were the remains of some old French stone buildings, being the only memorial of the former establishment at Foule Point.

The ladies of this place, and in fact all others on the island of Madagascar, have full licence in the indulgence of their fancies or affections, and as in point of number the fair sex muster about three to one, they were ready to embark by hundreds whenever we anchored. Rafarla gave a sumptuous and well-cooked breakfast to the Captain and several officers, at which was observed a new species of Bréde.

The governor supplied us with two bullocks, but, having been directed by Mr. Hasty, the

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British resident, to make no charge to men-of-war, he would only take a certificate of their having been received. Captain Owen happened to have a good pen on this occasion, by which the receipt was written in neat and legible characters, much to the delight of Rafarla and his wife, who surveyed it with marked admiration. Being provided with a pilot, we again got under weigh, surveying along the coast, until on the 28th we anchored in Port Louis, at the new French settlement, on St. Mary's at Isle Madame.

Lieutenant Owen immediately waited on the commandant, Captain Blevée, to obtain permission to take our observations, water, &c. Many improvements had been made in this place, but they had not received any more settlers since our last visit. Their numbers now amounted to sixty. Monsieur Sylvan Rous, their late governor, was dead, and the surgeon had removed to Bourbon. Monsieur Halbrand, the young man before mentioned, who had retired from France in disgust on the expulsion of the Buonapartists, had, with his comrade, Carallion, resolved on colonizing here. He appeared to possess extraordinary powers. He was said to be master of seventeen languages, and to have a perfect knowledge of music. We found him now using his utmost exertions to obtain the qualifications of a native Malegash, to add to the graces of Europe, going without shoes, and exposing himself to every privation, in a climate which is the dread and bane of Europeans. When attacked by

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the intermittent fever, to which all are subject, he took large quantities of quinine during the intermission, which he reported as an infallible remedy.

Captain Owen went over the establishment with Monsieur Blevée, who had greatly improved the colony by sinking wells, and constructing wharfs all round Isle Madame. He had one hundred and eighty-four slaves, principally Kaffers, bought by order of the King of France from the Malegash, to whose comforts he so assiduously attended, that none had deserted. Since the first severe losses of the settlers they had not buried more than four, owing, they said, to having treated the disease according to the native practice. It appeared that Monsieur Blevée had put in a claim to Foule Point and Fort Dauphin; but Radama informed him that no Prince in Madagascar had a right to cede any part of the country to foreigners; that the French might dwell upon St. Mary's, where they had established themselves, might send their merchants, their ships, their residents, and trade freely; but that he would never suffer one of their soldiers to land upon the island. In consequence of this determined opposition, after some negotiation, the claim was given up.

Having obtained water and some bullocks, we continued our survey towards Port Choiseul, at the bottom of Antongil Bay. From Port Tangtang northward, the coast assumes a much bolder aspect; those hills which before had composed the most distant and highest range, here rest upon

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the sea, forming several stupendous rocky promontories. The general appearance of the country indicates fertility, every height being covered with stately and luxuriant forest-trees, while streams of fresh water are seen issuing from the rich valleys, wherever they open to the sea.

Whilst at anchor in this bay three boats were employed in surveying, and the captain went up the river Maransectzy with the carpenter and botanist (Mr. Hilsenberg), who gathered many curious plants. The banks of this river are low marshy swamps, but covered with a great variety of valuable trees, the largest of which is the gumcopal; mangoes and bananas are plentiful, as also the water-melon, which totally envelops several lofty trees with its magnificent white flowers, while the modesta, with its beautiful pendent blossoms, and warra (hibiscus), are seen in every direction.

On several cleared spots in the wood we saw some huts, and a great quantity of cattle. At one of the villages the natives were preparing the ground to sow rice, in the same manner as practised by the people of Java and Sumatra, by treading the soil into a soft puddle with bullocks, giving to the scene an appearance of pure pastoral simplicity.

The warra tree affords a strong proof of the ancient relation between Madagascar, the Malayan Archipelago, and the islands of the Pacific Ocean. In the former it has the same name, and is applied to similar purposes. The native huts are raised on posts, eight or ten feet above the ground; in this they also resemble the inhabitants of those

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islands, and their language is evidently derived from the same source.

English cottons, woollens, arms, and ammunition, meet with a ready and profitable market upon this coast, obtaining in exchange bullocks, gum-copal, and many other native productions. The leaves of the Madagascar allspice, the raven sahra, might become of much more value than tea, if properly attended to, and even now it is used at Mauritius as the only spice. At this season of the year, the sea from Manooroo to the northward is almost alive with the fish called the humpback, but they are driven off by the sperm-whales at the end of August.

On the 9th of August our boats returned on board; two of the men composing their crews had deserted; but, as after some exertions we did not succeed in their recovery, it was determined to leave them to their fate, in all probability a more severe punishment than any which we should have inflicted.

On the 13th, about half-past twelve at night, Mr. Edward Philip Durnford, our principal hydrographer, who had long been suffering from a dysentery, breathed his last, to the sincere regret of all on board, to whom he had endeared himself by the kindness and excellence of his disposition. His body was the following morning consigned to the deep, when Captain Owen, anxious to render his testimony to the merits of this deserving young officer, and at the same time to record the esteem in which he held him, gave his name to the bay off

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which the ocean received his remains, and which is thus marked in our charts; the two large islands near it being called Edward and Philip as a further memorial.

Leaving the remains, but not the recollection, of our young shipmate behind, we continued the survey until we arrived in Diego Suariez Bay, or British Sound, which is perhaps one of the finest harbours in the world. Immediately after we had anchored, boats were despatched to examine the port, lieutenant Nash taking the northern shore, and Mr. C. G. Robinson the southern bay.

The captain landed at the village called Pranguromoodo, the natives of which are a tribe of Seclaves called Outang Karrà. The huts had a miserable appearance, being very low, the roofs composed of closely laid palm-leaves bound to the wooden frame with thongs, and the doors not larger than those of an English pig-stye, their sleeping-places being made of bamboo, and elevated about three feet from the ground.

Captain Owen paid a visit to the chief, who had removed from the village to the westward, on account of illness. He was a negro, with woolly hair. In the hut was his daughter, a handsome young woman: a piece of printed cotton fastened round her waist composed her only garment. Seated on the sleeping-place, she was reciting some incoherent prayers in a very peculiar style, with long pauses between each sentence. Her father and many others, chiefly women, were in the hut. The prayer was ended whilst we were outside,

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when the others commenced a chant of the word "Naganana boorevey," frequently repeated in various keys, which was precisely similar to the Javanese boat-song.

When this chant was concluded the captain entered the hut, and shook hands with the chief; he was marked on the cheeks and breast with crosses made of wet pipe-clay, which gave him a singular appearance. We discovered that these prayers and incantations were more the effect of fear for the strangers than any other feeling.

We saw numerous dogs both domestic and wild. The chief sent Captain Owen a present of some fowls and milk, in return for which, he gave him a musket, some cartridges, and a piece of dungaree. The people in the neighbourhood of this bay had left their residences upon our arrival, but in a few days returned to stare at and get what they could from us; and the chief and all the inhabitants came in state to visit the captain, bringing with them a species of Guinea-fowl with a long tail, which we had never before met with. It was marked like the jungle-fowl of India, or Argus pheasant, but its downy plumage was still more beautiful, the bill and head being like the common guinea-fowl.

After having their appetites and fancies partly satisfied, the cavalcade again returned to land. Few natives inhabit the shores of this bay, and had it not been for the abundance of wild cattle we should have imagined there was little or no water: the people are miserably poor, and have nothing

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to exchange but bullocks, for which they are anxious to obtain fire-arms. Herbage is plentiful but coarse, and at this season parched and dry.

On the eastern side of this bay, which is much exposed to storms, the trees are shrivelled, and so matted and interwoven together that they are quite impervious to man The substratum of the surrounding hills is composed of sand-stone and columns of madrepore, many of which latter form hollow cylindrical points; most of the others are apparently primitive rock, of volcanic production, in heterogeneous masses, which seem to have been at some period in a state of fusion. This place abounds in shells, particularly the harpa, which our young officers collected in great numbers.

On the 28th our botanist was taken extremely ill with the yellow fever, being the first case of a decided character which had occurred on board; this was produced in a great measure by his own imprudence, in having exposed himself with little clothing to great vicissitudes of action and inertion, and getting wet without taking any precautionary measures to guard against the consequences. When attacked, his moral courage appeared totally to fail, and he indulged in an almost childish apprehension of a fatal termination to the complaint.

The chief refused to supply us with cattle for less than seven dollars each, and objected to take cloth in exchange. Upon our arrival, he would have given us any quantity for nothing; but, with true savage cunning, when he found we

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were friends he determined to profit by us as far as he could with safety. For such a place this charge was exorbitant, but we could not prevail upon him to supply us upon any other terms.

Having concluded the survey of this harbour, we got under weigh, when many of the natives were collected upon the surrounding hills to see us go out, an instance of curiosity very uncommon amongst savages. We next made Cape Ambré or Amber, lat. 11° 57′ 5″ South, long. 49° 13′ 8″ East, the most northern cape of Madagascar, a little to the southward of which is a low rocky point formed of hollow cylindrical columns of madrepore; this is point Ambré.*

We now returned to Isle Madame, passing near the situation assigned to Juan de Nova by Captain Moresby, but without seeing it. We landed Mr. Hilsenberg, in a very dangerous state, at the French hospital. Two natives, whom we had embarked as linguists, here got drunk and were left behind; but, being awakened by the inhabitants to inform them of our departure, they brought them off, and with some difficulty put them on board without any fee or reward—an example of kindness and consideration worthy of

* The distinction between cape and point is not sufficiently attended to in our hydrographical works. Cape, is a high bluff headland; point, a low projection running into the sea, and there forming that which its name denotes; thus, Beechy Head is a cape, and St. Katherine's at the Isle of Wight, a point. Hartland Point is a cape, and Dungeness is a point. Eastern geographers pay much more attention to these distinguishing features.

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imitation by more civilized boatmen. In expectation of meeting the Barracouta and Albatross, we continued surveying on this coast, looking into all the bays and harbours, and passing many islands; amongst them, that mentioned by D'Après, to the northward of Port Looké, whic has but little soil upon its surface, and a few shrubs; most of the others are well wooded; but many are mere rocks of madrepore, their bases undermined or washed away, and the tops overhanging in the most fantastic shapes.

The veneration in which the inhabitants of this northern part of Madagascar hold their dead was strongly exemplified upon the occasion of Captain Owen being at Moody Feelow. He was desirous of ascending a sand-hill situated at the back of the village, and asked the natives if it was accessible; they replied, "Yes, but it was then too hot, and nothing could be seen from it." Not satisfied with these reasons, he walked on, and commenced gathering plants;when, the natives suspecting that he still intended to visit this hill, sent a messenger to request that he would not do so, as it was the receptacle for their dead; upon which, unwilling to outrage their feelings, the Captain turned his steps in another direction.

On the 16th of September, the gunner's wife, Mrs. Vasey, was delivered of a girl, being the third native of His Majesty's Ship Leven, born since our departure from England. We obtained much valuable information, and corrected many errors of

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former navigators, but, in consequence of seldom visiting the shore, met with little of interest to the general reader. A fine bay on the north-east side of Madagascar, which was not known to the natives by any particular name, we called Port Leven, the islands between Andrava and Looké Bays, Leven Isles, and the eastern extremity of them, Cape Barracouta.

From the south point of Raddoo to Ambooty Vahebey, is an archipelago which the captain named Cole Islands, after the governor of Mauritius, in hopes of inducing him to send some person to examine them.

The Seclaves to the northward of Looké have a peculiarity in their mode of life, which is probably common to all the inhabitants of Madagascar; they possess several places of residence, some in the country and others on the coast, which latter they leave during the southern monsoon, when the winds are strong, and retire into the interior to cultivate the soil; but, when the northern monsoon sets in, they again return to the coast for fishing. In consequence of this arrangement, their villages near the sea are entirely deserted from May to October.

On the 27th we made the anchorage off Johanna, the Comoro island before described. The king sent on board a letter for the captain, which Commodore Nourse had left there, and which we were in hopes contained some information respecting our comrades, but it proved a mere letter of course.

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Captain Owen waited on Abdallah the King, respecting the slave-trade, when it appeared that he was desirous to meet the wishes of the English Government upon the subject. He also stated that the governor of one of his towns had stolen three of the natives, with a view of selling them to the Malegash. Abdallah upon this resolved to punish him, but the other resisted his authority, and compelled him to march with some troops to enforce it; upon which the Governor escaped in a canoe to Mayetta, where he then was protected by the chief of that island. He consulted Captain Owen upon the best course to put a stop to these proceedings, stating at the same time that, if by British influence he could be put in possession of the other three islands, he should have no difficulty in suppressing the slavetrade entirely. The captain promised to represent this in the proper quarter, and render him any other assistance in his power to effect so laudable a measure.

Having obtained a plentiful supply of water and fresh provisions, we sent our numerous visiters on shore, and continued our course towards Mozambique, where we arrived on the 3rd of October, but could gain no information respecting the Barracouta. During our stay here, a house in the town took fire, blazing with considerable fury. Some officers were immediately sent, with part of the crew, to assist in extinguishing the flames. This was a service very congenial to the nature of Jack, and, in a short time, neither fire

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nor house was to be seen, the sailors having effectually put out the one by destroying the other.

Leaving Mozambique on the 11th, we made sail to the northward, confident that we should find Captain Vidal at Mombas, if we were not successful before our arrival there. During this voyage, we caught five of those beautiful little birds, called bee-catchers, who came to apprise us of our near approach to land. After a long and tedious voyage of twenty-two days, we made the harbour of Mombas, when, much to our gratification, we saw the Barracouta's boat coming on board, with Captain Vidal, Lieutenant Mudge, and Mr. Philips, from whose reports and journals we collected the following interesting but melancholy statement of their proceedings.

After parting with the Leven, we continued our course towards the river Quilimane, off which we arrived on the 12th, taking care, from our former experience, to anchor a long way out and in deep water. Our object was to inquire respecting the Senna expedition, and Lieutenant Boteler, who was deputed to wait upon the Governor for that purpose, reports as follows:

'I left the Barracouta soon after she anchored, and passed the bar in safety. A multitude were watching my approach, while I was anxiously looking through my glass for some well-known face, but in vain; all were strangers! On landing, 1 was received by the master of the slaver before mentioned, and the Governor's secretary, who, much to my mortification, informed me that

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his Excellency was at some distance in the country, and was not expected to return for a fortnight, and that an answer to the letter which I had brought from Captain Vidal to him could not be obtained in less than three days. But I had little time to regret the inconvenience attending this delay. Tidings of a more melancholy nature were in store for me. The secretary conducted me to the Governor's house, where one of my boat's crew shortly entered, introducing a tall, emaciated black man, in whose feverish countenance and worn-down frame I recognised with difficulty the once robust Adonis, the servant of Mr. Forbes.

The delight of this poor fellow, upon seeing me, was expressed by a loud cry of exultation, and then, in an earnest manner, saying, 'Me no go die, Mr. Boteler, now me look you again; me go me own ship; Doctor speakum me, and me no sick no longer.' A cordial shake of the hand seemed as much to astonish the slave-dealers who stood by, as it drew from the sunken eye of the sick man a look of gratitude and pleasure.

"'Antonio, the other servant of the party, also entered, not in quite so debilitated a state as his unfortunate companion, but with every appearance of having suffered severely from illness. Their recital of the sorrows and sufferings which our ill-fated friends had endured, were enough to call forth all our feelings of regret and commisseration for their untimely fate; while the fancy could not but picture the various situations in

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which they had been placed, now buoyant with hope, and looking forward to a successful termination of their exertions, and then sinking beneath the deadly influence of the too-fatal climate, each watching in the other the slow but certain ravages of the disease.'"

The account of this expedition in the next chapter is principally compiled from a small note-book kept by Mr. Browne, being the only manuscript which we could recover. The continued narrative is drawn from the statements of the two black servants, whose fidelity and affection afford a pleasing specimen of the African character.

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CHAPTER. V.

The Senna Expedition.—Nosongo.—Progress up the River.—Boco do Rio.—Dangerous bathing.—An easy Life.—Country round Marooro.—Mr. Forbes's Illness.—Journey to Chaponga.—Donna Pascoa's Residence.—The Lake and Forest.—The Donna's wealth.—Departure from Chaponga.—Theatrical Performances.—Habits of the Boatmen.—Death of Mr. Forbes.—His Funeral.—Environs of Senna.—Aspect of the Country

ON the evening of the 23rd of July, the party, consisting of Lieutenant Browne, Mr. Forbes, Mr. Kilpatrick, assistant-surgeon, and the two black servants, Antonio and Adonis, left Quilimane amidst the cheers and good wishes of the crews of the Barracouta's boats, which had brought them ashore. Their canoe was of the largest size, capable of carrying eight or ten tons, provided by the Governor of Quilimane, and under the charge of a subaltern black officer, who was directed to accompany them. The first evening was enlivened by the wild boat-song of their negro crew, which floated on the waters with a plaintive melody much in accordance with

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their feelings. At day-break on the 24th they passed the small river Masave, on the northern side of the Quilimane, which still continued of the same breadth as opposite to the town, namely, about a mile. The banks were marshy and covered with mangroves to low-water mark.

Hippopotami occasionally showed themselves, and the trees on each side were covered with aquatic birds, several of which they shot. About noon they landed on the south side of the river, at the village of Nasongo,* where they had been directed by the Governor of Quilimane to call for refreshments; all, however, that they could obtain was a couple of fowls and a few excellent oranges. Nasongo is about eight miles from Quilimane; the huts are built without any order, on a slight elevation. It is inhabited solely by slaves, who cultivate a tract of land in the vicinity for their master (the Governor of Quilimane) to supply themselves and other slaves (collected for the Brazilian markets) with provisions. Contrasted with the gloomy appearance of the mangrove swamps, even the humble Nasongo became picturesque by its agreeable situation amidst extensive groves of cocoa-nut and orange-trees, and the scene was rendered animated upon their arrival, by the negroes indulging in their native dance to the wild notes of the merimba.

After quitting Nasongo, they came to several

* Mr. Forbes calls this place Morangane; Antonio calls it Chengoalla; and Adonis, Millambaney.

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islands named Mossaney, Tinlong, and Concevo or Conrevo. Shortly after passing these, they stopped for a short time at a small village in the district of Eloba, on the north bank, situated about two hundred yards from the river, only approachable by an hippopotamus track through the large reeds of the intervening marsh. Having anchored for the night, they resumed their journey on the morning of the 25th. A herd of wild buffaloes were feeding on the river's bank, but, alarmed at the approach of the boat, retreated in the utmost trepidation into an adjoining wood. Passing two small islands called Copson and Covello, they found the river reduced to about three hundred fathoms in breadth.

They stopped for a short time at the small village of Moona, and then continued their course by a place called Chambasac, and the island of Cocha covered by lofty trees, above which the channel is stated to be scarcely twenty yards across, and not more than eight feet deep, but the banks assume a much more pleasing appearance.

Their progress was now greatly retarded by the rapidity of the tide, and, as pulling against the ebb was fruitless, they were under the necessity of prosecuting their journey during the night.

From the village of Antara until their arrival at Boca do Rio, in the afternoon of the 28th, they were amongst a complete archipelago of islets, between which the channels were so shallow, that even the three small canoes which they had been

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compelled to exchange for the large one could proceed no higher.

At this place the river varied from twenty to thirty yards in breadth, and the distance from Quilimane, including the various sinuosities of the stream, was forty-seven miles, but in a straight line only thirty-two. The water was perfectly fresh but dirty, and much impregnated with decayed vegetable matter.

Boco do Rio is a small village, and its native name according to Lieutenant Browne, is Momboosh; but by Adonis and Antonio it is called Maccomboosh, which latter is more probably right as it agrees with that of its chief, who, in accordance with an almost general custom in the country, takes to himself the appellation of the village or district that he governs. Maccomboosh was a tall stout man, and spoke Portuguese fluently. The party repaired to his house with their effects, and there remained for two days, during which time Messrs. Forbes and Kilpatrick obtained a large and interesting addition to their collection of plants and birds, while Mr. Browne employed himself in sketching and making astronomical observations.

As the season of the year precluded the possibility of their ascending any farther by water, they were obliged, in order to reach the river above the shallows, to travel a few miles by land. Accordingly, on the 30th, they left Boco do Rio, Maccomboosh furnishing them with palanquins and natives to carry their effects.

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The country through which they passed was flat, but well cultivated, and abounding in villages. At times they came upon the course of the river, the breadth of which in some places was reduced to sixteen feet, with high banks on either side, serving in the wet season to restrain the floods. In the afternoon of the 2nd of August, they arrived at the house of Paulo Mariano, a Canareen, who received them in the most kind and hospitable manner.

The morning of the 3rd dawned upon them in all the beauty of a cloudless sky, and, although not a breath of wind was stirring, the air was cool and refreshing. The travellers had not enjoyed so good a night's accommodation since their departure from Quilimane, so that Lieutenant Browne was the only one who could muster sufficient resolution to quit his bed and take his customary morning's bath in the river, which was now the Zambizi. Having chosen for this purpose the spot just where it divides, and forms the noble river of Luabo, and being about to plunge into the water, he was suddenly arrested by the loud call of his kind old host, who came running up in great trepidation to inform him that he must not venture into the stream, as it abounded with alligators, which a short time back had devoured a son of Donna Pascoa's, a lady to whom the party had a letter of introduction.

This Paulo Mariano held the rank of colonel in the militia, having under his command about

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one hundred natives, armed with muskets, according to the fashion of the country; he was likewise a merchant, dealing largely in ivory and gold-dust. His days were spent in an unvaried routine of sleeping and indolence; the following details of one being fully descriptive of all. He rose early, and amused himself in the balcony of his house until breakfast, by smoking several carrotes;* at eight he breakfasted, and then occupied himself for a short time among his people, slept away the noon hour, and dined at two, the table groaning beneath a profusion of meats, dressed in a variety of ways, in which port wine generally formed a principal ingredient. After the meal was ended, and he had smoked another carrote, the old gentleman once more retired to rest, and did not rise again until the coolness of the evening drew him forth, enveloped in a cloak, to enjoy the refreshing air; at nine he took supper, and shortly after retired to bed.

On the morning of the 3rd, Mr. Forbes felt himself so unwell, that after Mr. Browne had read prayers to his small congregation, he was unable to accompany that gentleman and Mr. Kilpatrick in a long walk, which they took on the banks of the river westward; he remained therefore at the house of Mariano during their absence.

Mr. Browne, in describing this walk, says: "The land, where cultivated, was generally sown

* A sort of small cigars, made of shag tobacco rolled up in the banana leaf, which gives them a peculiar and pleasant flavour.

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with peas and other sorts of pulse, but when untilled was covered with a long, coarse species of grass. During the rainy season, from November to March, the country is overflowed for miles around, the deep water-channel then extending upwards of a mile and a half in breadth; but, notwithstanding the rapidity of the current, boats often manage to ascend against it, by availing themselves of its diminished strength, over the inundated lands. Several streams branch off from the Luabo, one of which bisects the country contained between that river and the Quilimane, and discharges itself into the sea at a place called Melambey*.

The country around Marooro is perfectly flat, and the neighbourhood of the colonel's house is cultivated for some miles in every direction, principally with grass, which, before it is quite ripe, is plucked, dried, and husked in a large wooden mortar, then ground between two rough stones, one placed on the earth, with a basket to receive the meal, and the other worked above by hand: this meal is made into a porridge, and is in general eaten with fish. As the travellers advanced from the coast, the appearance of the natives greatly improved. At Marooro many were elegantly proportioned; some of the attendants upon the colonel, in particular, being perfect

* The Sincapore merchant-brig entered this branch of the Zambizi, mistaking it for Quilimane, and found it a spacious and clear entrance, with a much greater depth of water than at that place.

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models of the human form. Their dress was composed solely of a small piece of cloth barely sufficient for the purposes of decency; some having their beards shaved, others only in part, but many not at all. Their hair (for it is worthy of remark that they have not wool*), which grows long, was neatly plaited, and made to hang in slender tails, giving to the countenance a wild and savage expression. The proportion of females was small, and it was remarked that they were in general either of an advanced age or children.

The country is covered with rushes and bamboos, interspersed with extensive swamps, from which, during the rainy season, arise putrescent vapours of a most noxious and deadly character, which even to the native inhabitants are oppressive and pernicious. A few trees, a species of palm, are scattered over this barren and unwholesome waste, but so far apart as scarcely to disturb the uniform desolateness."

On the evening of the 4th, Mr. Forbes, who appeared getting better, had a severe relapse, and was bled, much against the advice of their kind host, who disapproved of this treatment, but strongly recommended that practised by his own people, which consisted in keeping up a profuse perspiration, and drinking large quantities of ice-water. Mr. Kilpatrick would not, however, consent to this, stating as his reason, that a Eu-

* Resembling the people of Madagascar, whose heads are covered with neither wool nor hair, but something between the two.

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ropean constitution required different treatment to one inured to the climate. The following day he was extremely unwell; but, having passed a good night, felt himself so much relieved in the morning, as to be enabled to undertake the journey to Chaponga, the residence of Donna Pascoa. The canoe in which he was conveyed was fitted up in a comfortable manner for his convenience, with a soft couch for him to lie upon, and a canopy of rushes to keep off the sun. Their hospitable old friend had a breakfast prepared, and meat ready cooked to eat on the way, supplying them at the same time with a stock of wine and some live fowls and rice; thus winding up a series of kindnesses by a provident attention to the future comforts of his guests. He entreated them to take care of themselves, loaded them with good wishes for their success, and, long after they had quitted the shore, continued waving his handkerchief as a farewell, and commending them to the Almighty's protection.

The river was now much broader, but on account of the numerous sand-banks the torrent was so impetuous, that Mr. Browne and his party could get on no faster than a mile and a half an hour, the unvaried rushes and long grass that lined the banks making the journey dull and monotonous. As the evening closed they arrived at Chaponga, the residence of Donna Pascoa d'Almeyda, who received them at the portico of her house with many expressions of welcome. A bed was immediately prepared for Mr. Forbes,

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who appeared to have experienced but little fatigue from travelling. The next morning Mr. Browne rose early and amused himself by rambling about the vicinity of the Donna's residence. The house was built on a slope near the river, containing only one story, but well constructed; the land around was cleared and cultivated, with the exception of a small spot, where four or five trees of a gigantic size were allowed to remain, the largest of which measured sixty feet in circumference.* At the back of them was a village of considerable extent, and beyond that a hill covered with wood, reported by the inhabitants to afford shelter to inumerable lions, tigers, elephants, &c. whose devastating prowess they illustrated by a variety of horrible tales. To the eastward was a grove of mangoe-trees, under the shade of which lay several large canoes; one, hollowed out from a single tree, was fifty feet long, four deep, and five broad.

Mr. Browne had heard much of a lake situated some distance to the southward of Chaponga, and on the morning of the 8th set out in his machilah,† accompanied by Mr. Kilpatrick, to explore it, in opposition to the wishes of the Donna, who dreaded their exposure to the attacks of wild beasts in the forest.

* Supposed to be a species of bombax, or silk-cotton tree, the wood of which is used for canoes in preference to any other, as not being subject to the attack of worms.

† A bed, or rather hammock, slung to a pole, and carried by slaves.

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Their way at first lay over a gentle declivity, and afterwards along an extensive plain, covered with wood, through which they passed by a narrow pathway. Here the great variety in the foliage of the trees, and the beautiful appearance of the creeping plants, climbing and hanging from branch to branch in regular festoons, excited their admiration. Two hours' quick travelling brought them to the lake, a large expanse of water upwards of three miles in circumference, and surrounded on all sides by a thick and almost impenetrable forest extending several miles. The hippopotami were basking in great numbers on the muddy banks, but instantly retreated to the water, whence they afterwards only arose to breathe. No traps or pits were observed, but Mr. Browne was informed that the natives kill them in numbers, either with muskets or assagayes, as they wander heedlessly through the wood. Before returning, the two travellers spent some time in walking about the vicinity of the lake, during which they passed two or three villages inhabited by woodcutters, turned up a large herd of deer, and shot some birds, when they retraced their steps to Chaponga.

Donna Pascoa was the Governess of this district, for which she annually paid eighty-six Spanish dollars to the King, besides various expenses of government. She had no soldiers, excepting a militia formed by the native negroes, of which she was the colonel, but could at any time obtain other forces in eight days from Sofala.

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From the south-west boundary of her territory are brought the trees out of which the enormous canoes are hewn; and, to transport them on rollers to the river, one month's labour at the rate of five miles a day is required. These are a considerable source of profit to the Donna, but her wealth would be much increased if she were permitted to work two gold mines which she affirmed to Lieutenant Browne had lately been discovered in her territory.* All pay her taxes in kind, consisting of bees'-wax, fowls, meat, vegetables, oil, rice, &c., but to what amount was not ascertained. Her domestic establishment was on a style of much splendour. The display at meals was sumptuous, the table being covered with massy plate, while the viands were of the choicest quality. She was a merchant, and considered the richest in the colony, her principal agent being a Banyan,† or of the Hindoo left-handed caste, who travelled through the country with Indian and European goods, collecting in return gold, ivory, and slaves.

The effects of the fever on Mr. Forbes varied much. At times he considered himself rapidly recovering, and immediately after would have so severe a relapse, that but little hope could be entertained of his surviving for an hour. He, however, found himself so much better on the 11th,

* A specimen of this gold, which she gave to Mr. Browne, weighing about one-third of an ounce, was afterwards presented to Lord Melville by Captain Owen.

† Along the whole eastern coast of Africa, the principal trading agents are in like manner from India.

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that he expressed a desire to continue the journey to Senna, and accordingly two canoes were prepared, the largest of which afforded excellent accommodation for the doctor and his suffering patient.

The party left Chaponga, accompanied by the good wishes of their kind hostess, to whom Mr. Kilpatrick, at parting, gave several papers of medicine, valuable in such a secluded part of the world. The Donna, in return, presented a small token of remembrance to each, and a most ample supply of all kinds of provisions for their journey. The river was at first about a mile broad, with rocky banks rising perpendicularly about twenty feet from the water. As they advanced, the picturesque but distant mountains of Yemale, near Senna, were seen, and admired as a pleasing novelty when compared with the general flatness of the country. As the travellers contemplated their bold and extensive outline, they fondly fancied that a more propitious climate there awaited them, when their sick companion would again be restored to health.

The morning of the 12th was unusually damp and cold, while the thermometer, which never before had stood below 70°, fell to 62°. Mr. Forbes was sensibly affected by this change, and his friends began heartily to regret that they had not left him at Chaponga.

In the afternoon Lieutenant Browne and Mr. Kilpatrick dined by invitation with a mulatto, who resided near the river, where they found a

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company of strolling players exhibiting various theatrical performances and feats of tumbling. The chase of a man by a lion constituted one part of the entertainment; the latter character being enacted by a native, dressed most formidably in a hideous mask and skin.

The plot was as follows: the man, after a long run, reaches a tree, which he ascends and endeavours to conceal himself among the branches, while the lion, after many awkward attempts to seize him by springing up, crouches down at the foot to await his descent. The man loudly calls for help, a hunter cautiously approaches, the lion is killed, and the scene ends by loud exultations at the monster's death and the consequent release of his intended victim.

Mr. Browne, in describing the habits of his boatmen, says: "As soon as the tents were pitched at night, they took the poles with which they occasionally impelled the boats, and sticking them in the ground, across the direction of the wind, wove mats between them, thus forming a screen to protect themselves from the chilling night-breeze. Beneath this shelter, which they made to slope over them, a fire was kindled, around which they huddled together in various postures, warming themselves thoroughly for the night, and taking red-hot embers in their hands, without appearing to feel any other sensation than that of a pleasing warmth. Whilst cooking their supper of grass porridge, in small earthen pipkins, they sat crouching over the fire in the

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highest good-humour, loud in their mirth and presenting a most gratifying spectacle of content and cheerfulness; in fact the little encampment, from the time of its forming until midnight, was one continued scene of festivity.

"The manner in which these people slept was extraordinary; each had a large sack in which, as soon as he felt himself inclined to repose, he coiled himself up, and the ludicrous scene was thus often exhibited of two sacks in deep and earnest conversation, no motion whatever indicating their living contents. This plan is an excellent one, and strongly recommended to escape the annoying bites of the mosquitoes.

The laziness of the subaltern, who, after having had eleven hours sleep during the night, still continued to slumber in the forenoon, was on a par with that of a wretched being of half Portuguese and half Malay extraction, whom they met at a small village previously to their arrival at Marooro. He had scarcely a rag to cover him; yet, to strike the travellers with an idea of his importance, he was highly solicitous to impress upon their minds that he did not work, but slept all day, the negroes labouring for him in his occupation of curing fish.

It would be uninteresting to enter into an account of each day's tedious ascent, especially as the general appearance of the river did not vary, nor did any occurrence take place worthy of remark until the morning of the 16th, when Lieutenant Browne was awakened by the melan-

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choly intelligence that Mr. Forbes had breathed his last during the night.

The death of this deservedly esteemed young man was a sad blow to the survivors, for, besides the services which from his attainments and perseverance he was qualified to render to the expedition, he was greatly endeared to them by a mild and agreeable disposition; and the fatal termination of his illness could not but produce a gloomy impression on the minds of his friends. As they were within a day's journey of Senna, a despatch was sent overland to bespeak a coffin and funeral preparations for the deceased.

The night that followed the death of Mr. Forbes brought but little sleep to the survivors; for, independently of the disagreeable reflections which at times they could not banish, they were tormented by myriads of mosquitoes, and chilled by the damp air occasioned by the heavy rains which had fallen during the day. About seven o'clock the next evening, they arrived at Senna, when on landing they were conducted to the house of the commandant, where, as he was not at home, they had to wait for upwards of half an hour, subject to the gaze of a host of mulattoes and canareens, who had assembled to gratify their curiosity.

But when the patience of the travellers was nearly exhausted, they were summoned to the presence of the commandant at the house of the only priest in the town. The contrast between the two was striking; the priest, apparently

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a European, had a disagreeable and crafty expression of countenance, while the commandant exhibited in his darker tinge of native colour a look of good-nature and benevolence. Lieutenant Browne stated the object of the expedition: after he had listened to it, he assigned them a residence, and agreed to call the following day, in order to read such letters and public documents as the travellers had been furnished with respecting the prosecution of their journey through the Portuguese possessions.

The house allotted to the party had been occupied by an officer of high rank lately deceased; it was of the largest size, which, together with its being left unfurnished, rendered it very comfortless, besides having a most offensive smell, which defied to the last their continued fumigations of gunpowder.

The next morning they went to the church, to attend the funeral ceremony over the grave of their deceased companion, whose corpse, from the putrescent state in which it arrived, they had been obliged to inter the previous night. This sad duty being performed, they commenced a walk towards the environs of the town, in order to divert their thoughts from his fate, and the probability that it might soon be their own, but they had scarcely left the door of their house when they were agreeably surprised by the appearance of Donna Pascoa approaching in her palanquin. Grateful for the kind attention they had received at Chaponga, they immediately

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hastened to greet her, and then for the first time discovered that the house assigned to them belonged to her, and that the late occupant of it was her husband, from whom she had for many years been separated. The Donna seemed pleased at the rencontre, and heartily sympathised with them in their regret for the loss of Mr. Forbes.

As she had much business connected with her husband's death to transact, the two gentlemen continued their walk, bending their steps towards a diminutive mud redoubt surmounted by two small field-pieces, the only defence of that kind at Senna. They afterwards passed through an assemblage of huts, considerable in number, but by no means more so than at Quilimane.

Ten houses in which the Portuguese dwelt, were the only ones that had any pretensions to European structure. They passed over the plain on which the town is erected, amidst a forest of tamarind, mangoe, and cocoa-nut trees, towards two small hills, rising at a short distance in the back-ground. Ascending one of these, about 150 feet above the plain, the prospect was extensive, and comprised a view of the houses and huts of Senna, interspersed with filthy, stagnant pools, as demonstrative of the unhealthiness of the place as of the idleness and sloth of its inhabitants.

The river, as far as the eye could see, wound majestically through the plain To the north-east

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the country presented a mountainous aspect, while to the southward it was flat, with the exception of two or three small hills, resembling that upon which they stood. These, as well as the lowlands, were covered with a parched vegetation and trees of a stunted growth.

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CHAPTER VI.

Town of Senna.—Extent of territory.—Conduct of the Priests.—Agriculture.—Commerce of the Colony.—Its Districts.—Judicial Office.

WE shall now leave the travellers for a short time, in order to give some information respecting the country through which they had passed, principally extracted from a manuscript memoir, written by Signor Terao, Governor of the district of the Rios de Senna, who, shortly after its completion in 1810, was assassinated by one of his own officers.

The town of Senna, as it now stands, has already been describid. It is situated in lat. 17° 30′ S., and long. 35° 15′ E., according to the observations of Lieutenant Browne. It is the capital of the district, or captaincy of the Rios de Senna, the only territory the Portuguese really possess on the east coast of Africa, and is calculated to contain about 3600 square leagues. On the east it is bounded by the sea, on the south by the moun-

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tains of Sofala, and its limits pass through the kingdoms of Quiteve and Barne. The northern part contains the district of Quilimane, with all the Kaffers of the north Bororos, to the vicinity of the mountains of Morumbala, where the Zambizi divides itself into two branches, and thence to the pass in the hills of Lupata, the river serving as a boundary to the colony, all the country on the northern side being in the possession of the independent kings of the Moraves.

Terao, after having thus described the extent of the territory, continues to remark on the bad policy that is adopted in its management, which evidently tends to decrease the amount of its taxed population, consisting of whites and mulattoes, who, in 1810, actually averaged no more than one person to seven square leagues of land, although the slave population is immense; but as the native indolence of their owners could find nothing for so great a number to do, they ran away whenever opportunities occurred, and took refuge among the independent hostile tribes.

This tends to prove that it is not want of means which prevents the Portuguese from redeeming this extensive territory from its generally uncultivated state. The Dominican friars, who here officiate as parish-curates, are violent and oppressive in their conduct, especially by the obstacles they oppose to matrimony, even among the poor, for the sole purpose of extorting money by means indecent and violent. Hence ensue debauchery and immorality; for

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many, rather than pay the exorbitant price of marriage, live in a state unbound by any tie but that of inclination. The promulgation of knowledge is most strenuously opposed by the priests, as utterly subversive of their power, its strongest support being the ignorance of the people.

As an example, in 1805, the inhabitants of Tete prevailed on a poor friar to undertake the task of instructing their children to read and write; the rest of the holy fraternity rose in alarm, and instantly obtained the removal of the offender to Senna, where he was obliged to be idle; and the priest who was there at the time of this expedition frankly owned to Lieutenant Browne that he and other religieux only existed by the ignorance of their flock.

This colony has every facility for becoming an opulent and commercial country. Its rich metallic productions and fertile soil have made it by nature valuable, but the neglect and indolence of its inhabitants have rendered her gifts almost valueless. Navigable in every direction by extensive rivers communicating with the sea, an easy channel is opened for exporting the productions of the interior, but the same cause still prevails; and the Zambizi, with its seven mouths and numerous branches, navigable, it is stated, for 300 leagues, flows on, bearing nothing but a few canoes upon its stream.

The inhabitants of Senna are habitually idle and devoid of enterprise, but at Tete they are of

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a far more interesting character; as it has already been stated, they would have had their children instructed. They alone cultivate sugar, which is a spontaneous production both at Senna and Quilimane. In 1806, sixteen families there made two tons of white sugar and ten of muscuvado, the greater part of which was consumed on the spot, and the overplus supplied Senna. But although it is thus made at Tete, such is the caprice of the inhabitants, that they will only use that which is imported from other countries.

The wheat cultivated by them, together with that which they procure from the Moraves, is more than they can consume. Coffee and rice are there far better attended to, and consequently yield a much greater return, than in any other part of the colony; while vegetables are grown in considerable quantities, consisting of cabbage, lettuce, spinach, millet, maize, peas and beans of various sorts, potatoes, yams, ground-nuts, &c. all tending to prove that the inhabitants of Tete are far more industrious than those of Senna or Quilimane. The probable reason of this is, that, being a remote possession, the energy of the inhabitants is constantly on the alert to defend it from the attacks of hostile tribes. That activity, promoted in the first instance by self-defence, habituates the mind and body to exertion, which is the parent of agriculture and commerce. Indigo grows every where as a weed, as well as the cotton-shrub, of a very fine quality, but, strange to say, the blacks alone cultivate it. to clothe themselves. It is

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stated that in some parts of the colony, a deep scarlet-coloured cotton is produced. Whether that tinge is natural, or occasioned by disease is not known, but in either case it is an interesting fact.

Independently of the above productions, the articles that principally form the commerce of the colony are hippopotamus teeth, elephant tusks, rhinoceros horns, tiger skins, honey, wax, and gold dust, principally from Quiteve, Manica, Majizuros, Abutica, Zambo, Mesconga, and Mano; this last commodity might be extracted from mines on the crown land, which formerly produced much. Iron is obtained in abundance from the Senna district and the Moraves, from whom are procured the hoes with which the slaves till the earth. The imports, of which the greatest part are sent into the interior for the purchase of gold, ivory, and slaves, are as follow: cotton stuffs, of various qualities, coloured and plain, woollen and silks, milk-stones, false coral, large white and metal beads, pewter, gunpowder, arms, earthenware, brandy, wine, aqua ardente, liqueurs, sugar, soap, salt meat, butter, oil, pitch, lavender, salt-fish, spices, olives, tea, coffee, and chocolate; many of these articles answering the purposes of money.

Tete is situated sixty leagues beyond Senna, but the time necessary to perform the journey varies considerably, as the rapidity of the current is frequently so much augmented by the rains in the interior that canoes are often delayed two or

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three days without being able to proceed, and six weeks they account a good passage. The town is described as superior both in size and situation to Senna and Quilimane, being not built like them in a low marshy situation, but on a mountainous track, with the Zambizi flowing beneath; hence its celebrity as a healthy climate and for picturesque scenery. The country around is fruitful, yet often reduced to almost a desert by the restless and quarrelsome disposition of the surrounding tribes. The village of Zumbo is stated to be fifteen days' journey beyond Tete, and that of Zumboa five more; Manica eight from Sofala, thence inland eight more to a large town called Barne, situated at the distance of fifteen days' journey from Tete.

Half-way between Senna and Manica are several mountains of marble, the source of many rivers, prolific in hippopotami and alligators. The different districts in the colony are governed by a Portuguese, who pays annually a small tax to the King, and receives a revenue in the same way from the free negroes resident on his land. The garrison of Senna consists of a captain, lieutenant, ensign, and sixty soldiers termed regulars, composed of all colours and countries, excepting those of Europe. They are paid in kind when paid at all, but years frequently elapse without their receiving any pay. These men "profess and call themselves Christians," but the virtues of that holy faith do not thrive amongst the Portuguese of Africa.

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Senna was reported to be not so unhealthy as its situation would indicate, and as a proof it was stated that during the last year only two persons had died. A judge, appointed but not paid by government, holds office at Senna; he derives his salary from private practice; but whether he fulfilled the duties of his situation by dispensing justice, or fixing the balance by a rivet of gold, appeared extremely doubtful. The Zambizi, after passing Chicora, takes a sweep round towards Manica, where gold is found pure in the alluvial soil, and iron by excavation, the mines running horizontally into the mountains.

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CHAPTER VII.

A Priest's extortion.—The Commandant—Dinner at his house. —Death of Mr. Browne—His interment.—Mr. Kilpatrick's illness—His death.—Tablet to the memory of persons lost in the Julia brig.—The black Servants.—Negro medicine.—Dangerous situation—Delivery from it.

IT is now time to return to the exploring party at Senna, and follow their melancholy career to its termination. On the morning of the 19th, Mr. Browne, who was confined by a slight indisposition, received a visit from the priest, who brought with him his bill for the funeral of Mr. Forbes, amounting to the enormous sum of one hundred and twenty-seven Spanish dollars.

It is painful to record the conduct of this man, who, as a member of the church of God, should have been an example to the ignorant savages by whom he was surrounded; instead of which, his sole object was to extort money from, and throw every obstacle in the way of, these enter-

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prising young men. In a distant land, worshipping the same God, believing in the same author of salvation, and in His divine laws by which it is to be obtained, it might have been supposed that some feelings, if not of fraternity, at least of humanity, would have existed towards them; but no! forgetting every tie, and guided alone by the mercenary dictates of his heart, he plundered and persecuted them until the end was produced at which he aimed. During his visit to Lieutenant Browne, the commandant joined them, and, evidently at the priest's suggestion, stated that he did not consider himself authorized by the Governor of Mozambique's order to make the expedition a government undertaking.

Lieutenant Browne saw no other resource left than to protest strongly against such conduct, and to inform him that he must be responsible for thus throwing obstacles in the way of their success. This had the effect of alarming the commandant, and he requested permission to take a copy of Lieutenant Browne's orders, with a view, as he said, of consulting them at his leisure, with respect to opening the government stores for his accommodation. It was explained to him that the party were empowered to draw bills on the English Government as well as on that of Mozambique, which they were ready to do upon being supplied according to their wishes. During the whole of this interview, the priest was exceedingly troublesome, trying to persuade Lieutenant

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Browne to purchase some paltry gold chains, gain being the only and constant subject of his discourse, excepting upon one occasion, when he was overheard telling the uninformed commandant that the English were very powerful at sea, but that on land they never dared to oppose the Portuguese!

On the 24th the Donna and our travellers, after dining with the commandant and priest, spent the evening in the cool verandah of an adjoining house. The host, to amuse the party, ordered the attendance of his slaves, who exhibited lascivious dances, which were highly applauded by the company and even by the Donna herself. An old woman, upwards of sixty, but still in rude health, took a conspicuous part in this performance, and was particularly disgusting, as were also a number of female slaves not more than eleven years of age.

On the 31st, Lieutenant Browne and Mr. Kilpatrick accompanied the Donna to church, where they found a congregation consisting of ten of the respectable inhabitants and about thirty of an inferior class, together with a proportionate number of the negro soldiers. Four days previously to this, Lieutenant Browne, who often in a slight degree felt the effects of the climate, experienced a severe attack of fever. From this he however soon rallied, yet it is to be feared that the germ of the disease still remained in the constitution, ready to burst forth afresh upon the least exciting cause.

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Adonis was taken ill the following day, and on the 1st of September Mr. Kilpatrick and Antonio fell sick. About this time permission was granted to the expedition to proceed to Tete; preparations were accordingly made, but by the time all was ready Lieutenant Browne was on his death-bed. The gradual but increasing debility both of mind and body may almost be traced in his journal; the remarks becoming more concise and fewer, until September 2nd, when "too unwell to write," was the only effort that his sufferings would allow him to make. From that period the testimony of their faithful servants is the only memorial that records the termination of the expedition.

On the 4th Mr. Browne began to express doubts of his recovery. The following morning he spoke incoherently, and with much violence attempted to tear the blister from his head. Mr. Kilpatrick was too ill to quit his bed, but made constant enquiries concerning the state of his now only remaining companion, occasionally advising what, in his judgment, he considered proper treatment, but in vain. About eleven o'clock on the 5th, Lieutenant Browne was released from his sufferings, leaving Mr. Kilpatrick surrounded by sorrows and difficulties, which, in his enervated state, he was ill able to bear. Still, as almost a last effort, after Antonio and Adonis had procured a coffin for the body of his deceased friend, he sent them to the priest, to request that he would make arrangements for its interment. But, instead of

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complying with his wish, this unworthy minister of God, with unfeeling rage remarked, that he had buried Mr. Forbes in the church, for which he had never been paid, and therefore, they might inter the corpse of Mr. Browne when and where they could.

The commandant was next applied to; he merely observed that the business of funerals belonged to the priest, but if he refused he would send one of his people to point out a spot where the body might be deposited, adding that, some years back, a French and English vessel were cast away on the coast, and that the crew, after infinite toil, had found their way overland to Senna, where all but one had perished. "They are buried," continued he, "in the place that shall be shown you, and there you may lay your late master."

This sad duty was therefore performed on the following morning by Antonio and Adonis, assisted by some negroes whom they hired for the occasion. A grave was dug, and a prayer in the best English that poor Adonis could command was said over the last remains of his unfortunate master, before they were for ever consigned to the earth.

A scene more pathetic than this can scarcely be imagined,—a faithful African servant bearing the body of his master to the grave that he had prepared for its reception, and there, before he throws the earth upon the form which he loved—

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standing over it, and, in language that could not find utterance, offering up a prayer to the God of both! Was that prayer heard? Did the want of eloquence in the poor savage make it less audible at the throne of grace?

The gloom that hung over the mind of Mr. Kilpatrick, from the time that his last companion was attacked by the fever, settled, at his death, into a most hopeless despondency, from which nothing could arouse him. The two servants packed up the trunks, and purposed returning immediately to Chaponga; but no, all energy had left him, he pleaded excessive illness as an excuse for not quitting Senna, and observed in a melancholy tone: "You need not torment me now; a very few days will decide my fate."

At length, however, he was prevailed upon to undertake the journey; a litter was prepared, he was carried to the canoe, and in a few days arrived at Chaponga.

The Donna, on hearing of Mr. Browne's death, expressed much surprise and grief, regretting at the same time that Mr. Kilpatrick had preferred the European practice to that of the natives, which she considered custom and experience had proved to be the only successful one. This she was very importunate with Mr. Kilpatrick to adopt in his own case, but he declined, appearing totally unnerved and broken-hearted by disease and melancholy reflections, eating scarcely any thing, but drinking spirituous liquors whenever he could ob-

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tain them; a vice, apparently the offspring of his complaint, for when in health he was particularly abstemious. He never left his bed, but, shunning all intercourse, appeared entirely absorbed in his own gloomy thoughts; yet, although the energy of his mind had forsaken him, his bodily strength was little diminished notwithstanding the emaciated state to which he was reduced.

About three weeks after his return to Chaponga, he left off drinking spirits, and asked for something to eat, a change from which Donna Pascoa began to expect a happy result; but this was of short duration, he complained that food had injured him, returned to the drinking of spirits, and about the 28th day of October was no more.

As they had no planks fit to construct a coffin, or carpenter to make it, one of bamboo was woven by the negroes; a grave was dug near the Donna's house, and in the afternoon the funeral took place, followed by Adonis and Antonio, as well as several of the Donna's slaves.

Thus terminated this ill-fated expedition, in which three gentlemen of more than common talent and enterprise found early and distant graves. Twice in the course of Mr. Browne's eventful life had he been shipwrecked; first, in His Majesty's ship Alceste, and afterwards in the Julia brig, on the island of Tristan d'Acunha, when only himself, another midshipman, and a few seamen, were saved, who before leaving the

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spot, buried the bodies of their unfortunate companions on the beach, and erected a slight tablet to their memory. Mr. Browne was a superior draughtsman. The prints in Captain Basil Hall's account of Loo Choo are principally taken from his drawings.

In their attempts to explore the country, (before almost unknown to the English,) these officers had to encounter a series of difficulties and misfortunes sufficient to damp the most persevering dispositions. Their escape on the bar, their reception at Quilimane, the early death of Mr. Forbes, and the obstacles thrown in their way at Senna, must all have been sensibly felt; and although they were not sufficient to overcome their

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enterprising spirit, yet they must have caused them many painful reflections upon the uncertainty of their fate.

After the death of Mr. Kilpatrick, the two servants experienced many privations which, in their debilitated state, were doubly afflicting. After the body of their last master was interred, an inventory of the effects of the three was taken by Donna Pascoa, in the presence of Antonio and Adonis, who kept back for themselves a small trunk, which Mr. Kilpatrick, the day previous to his death, had especially placed in their charge. It contained, among several trinkets and articles of small value, the piece of gold before mentioned, and about fifty Spanish dollars, which latter the Donna insisted on being delivered up to her, as a remuneration for the expense she had incurred in supporting the party at her house and supplying them with canoes.

The two blacks, however, considering the money as left for them to support themselves when the stock of beads and other articles they had for that purpose were expended, refused to relinquish them, and in consequence were ordered to quit the Donna's house immediately; this they did, but were compelled to remain upwards of a fortnight in the vicinity, dependent on the bounty of her slaves for food and lodging. During this period of privation and hardship, Antonio kept his health; but Adonis was suffering from dysentery, which was afterwards followed by the jungle-fever.

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An opportunity to escape so disagreeable a situation was anxiously looked for, and at length obtained by means of a canoe belonging to Paulo Mariano. In this they embarked, and soon arrived at the house of that kind-hearted old man, who with great feeling deplored the fate of their late masters, and endeavoured to evince the respect in which he held their memory by the kindness and attention which he showed to their unprotected servants. After they had been entertained at his house, they commenced their journey to Quilimane, four negroes being appointed to show them the road and carry their baggage. Towards evening they reached the village of Mongalloos, where, on account of the increased illness of Adonis, they were detained fourteen days.

As the case of this poor fellow began to assume a very serious character, Antonio thought it advisable to call in the assistance of a negro whose skill in curing the fever was held in high repute. According to Antonio's account, his treatment was certainly new, if it had no other recommendation. Upon his first visit, he retired for a short time, and described some mystic figures on the earth, but soon returned, with the assurance that he had discovered the precise nature of the sick man's complaint, and should be able to effect a cure. He then stripped him, and commenced rubbing his stomach with oil of a particular nature. After a continued application of this for some time, Adonis vomited a quantity of human bones, which

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exceedingly alarmed him. On inquiry, he was informed, that the fetiches (evil spirits) of the country conveyed them to the stomach when sleeping, being in this respect particularly mischievous to strangers. Adonis expressed a wish to keep these bones, for the purpose of showing them to his English friends; but this the diviner refused, and, after retiring a short distance and muttering some words, he dug a small hole, in which he placed them; then, tracing some figures around the spot, carefully covered them over, remarking, that "as they decayed so the patient's health would improve." He was rubbed with oil every day, after which the steambath was applied, and some liquid mixture given; from which treatment, at the termination of fourteen days, the health of Adonis was sensibly improved. One dollar was paid as the doctor's fee and another for the hire of his canoe, in which they immediately embarked, and continued their journey down the river.

About the 2d of December, they arrived at Quilimane, and the next morning, according to the Donna's instruction, waited on the judge, to whom they presented a copy of the inventory taken of their late master's effects. At this interview, while the two blacks were recounting their adventures, several masters of slave-vessels were present, who, when the recital was finished, were desirous that the judge should sell them. This, probably, was only intended as a joke; but to the poor blacks, who knew they were perfectly at their

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mercy, it was none, especially to Adonis, whose feelings, quickened by disease, were not in a fit state to be thus tampered with: but our arrival saved his life, and in all probability that of Antonio.

The conduct of these two men to their masters, from first to last, demands our admiration: their kindness and attention to them when living, their decent care and respect to them when dead, and their steady zeal and fidelity afterwards, stand forth as gratifying proofs that the savages of Africa are not totally devoid of the finest feelings of our nature. Compare their conduct with that of the Senna priest who refused the rights of christian burial to Lieutenant Browne, and left that sad duty to be performed by a poor but affectionate negro.

Having had every attention paid to these men, and having received an answer from the Governor to the letter with which we were charged, we immediately left Quilimane, and proceeded down the river as long as the ebb-tide lasted, when we anchored; but before day-light the next morning continued our course, and at ten o'clock came to the river's mouth.

On the middle bar and on that to the northward the water was breaking with much violence, but in the channel for boats there was comparatively little. During the ebb Lieutenant Boteler knew it was not advisable to attempt the passage; yet, as it had only just commenced, and having several times before accomplished it under apparently far

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more unfavourable circumstances, he resolved upon pushing over the bar, to get on board as early as possible. With safety we passed over the low breakers that had at first obstructed our view, when we at once saw the danger of our situation.

Bad weather had prevailed at sea during our stay at the town, and the swell it had occasioned now rolled in on the bar, forming a line of breakers truly appalling. To return against the wind and tide was impossible, and to remain where we were was equally so; promptness of action and steady determination were all we had to trust to. A small space was observed in the line of foam where, at slight intervals, the fury of the rollers abated; we paused until one had passed, and then, with all the strength of our oars, attempted to shoot through. In one instant we were in it, but the next were opposed by a roller exceeding in size any we had yet seen, coming furiously on, and curling over the boat to the height of ten feet. It appeared to threaten instant destruction to every soul; life or death were on the moment—a merciful Providence alone could save us! The white foam broke, and then the whole fury of the wave burst over our heads, filling the boat and immersing us for some seconds under water. Fortunately she did not overturn, and sufficient buoyancy was left to keep her from sinking; and as we drove out with the tide through the breakers, Lieutenant Boteler gave orders for the oars to be kept forcibly in their places, to give her greater stability in retaining an upright position.

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The cool and intrepid conduct of the men on this occasion was admirable; had they allowed their fears to overcome their sense of duty, all would inevitably have perished. We were loaded with various articles, which probably, in the first instance, prevented the boat from turning over; these, as soon as we got outside the breakers, were by a simultaneous effort thrown overboard, which had the desired effect of raising the gunwale sufficiently to enable us to bale out the water, and in a short time, with joy and gratitude, we felt that our danger was at an end.

We anchored in smooth water, for the purpose of picking up such articles as were floating, and by this means several of value were regained. It appears a strange coincidence, that the boat which took the Senna party to commence their expedition, and that which brought away the survivors, should both have had so narrow an escape from destruction. The first might be considered as an omen of its fatal termination—the last as a reproof for neglecting it. Favoured by a fine breeze, we soon reached the brig, and shortly afterwards got under weigh for Madagascar.

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CHAPTER VIII.

Sandy Island.—Native Oratory.—Costume of a Chief.—Demands of the Visiters.—Native Fishermen.—St. Augustin's Bay.—Tullia Bay.—King Bahbah.—A tragical event.—Two Officers murdered.—Escape of the Crew.—Mourondava.—Coral islets and reefs.—Bay of Boyauna.

HEAVY squalls, with rain, strong breezes, and calms, following one another in rapid succession, accompanied by much swell, and a current directly against us, were a few of the little disagreeables attending this voyage; and not until the night of the 11th of May did we anchor off Sandy Island, situated at the southern extremity of St. Augustin's Bay, Madagascar. With daylight the next morning we observed several dark spots through the thick fog that hung upon the water.

These quickly approached, and were soon recognized as canoes vying with each other in their exertions to be the first to overtake us. They were of a slight make, about twenty-two feet long, two

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broad, and the same in depth, with the head and stern formed somewhat like those of the ancient galleys. Their sails were square, and made of matting, extended at the head by means of two masts fixed in a piece of wood along the bottom, in which were several holes to allow of its being shifted as the wind required. They used also paddles, which they managed with great dexterity.

When tolerably near us, the headmost canoe waited until the rest came up before it would venture farther. One then approached, and questioned us through the medium of their interpreter, an old blind man, who, holding his head down, as if conning a written speech, delivered this harangue with a stentorian voice, wonderful volubility, and endless repetition:—"Wat ship dat; me speakee you cappen for king Bahbah, greatee king, all de same king Zhorje (George); Franshee ship, Englise ship—you friendee me, me friendee you; you trentee me (trade with), me trentee you; you presentee me (make a present), me presentee you; me no little boy, grandee man, souljer (soldier) for king Bahbah."

Having thus said, and pretty well exhausted his breath in his ten minutes' vociferation, another gentleman who was in the same canoe broke in upon the blind man's oration, and thus introduced himself!—"Me, Tom Brahvah, you sabbee Tom Brahvah; Tom Brahvah speakee you cappen; Tom Brahvah no little boy, no fisherman, gobernor (a chief) for king Bahbah!" In this strain he

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went on for some time, but at length concluded by saying, "Speakee! Tom Brahvah come, he come!"

He was welcomed accordingly, and soon, accompanied by the blind man, made his appearance on deck. His costume, which was that of the country, consisted in a large white garment of native manufacture, ornamented with three black streaks near the edges, and one across the middle: this was secured round his waist, a small part hanging down before and forming a sort of kilt, while the rest was thrown negligently across the shoulders. It had on him a pleasing effect, but upon some was really elegant, from the careful and becoming manner in which the folds were arranged. Round his neck was suspended a string of beads and drops of cut glass of various sizes and colours. On his wrists he had bangles of silver, and his long black hair was plaited into small tails, three or four inches in length, with a knot at the end. These were trimmed so as not to hang below an imaginary line above the eyebrow and across the ear; while from one in the centre of his forehead was suspended a circular piece of ivory neatly turned, about an inch and a half in diameter.

On his ascending the deck he took his blind comrade by the hand, and pushed his way to Captain Vidal, to whom the pair repeated all they had before said, and in the same loud voice, which was increased upon discovering that they were not understood. But their clamour was trifling compared with the uproar that ensued when the

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rest of their countrymen came on board. Broad hints they had too much assurance to pay attention to, and even our plainly informing them that their noise was disagreeable produced no effect; in fact, turning them out of the vessel was the only mode of obtaining silence, a resource to which we were occasionally driven.

Our visiters had scarcely been five minutes on board before they became very troublesome for presents. King Bahbah, in whose name the greatest demands were always made, was to have one barrel of gunpowder, and one of brandy, two muskets, two hundred flints, and the same number of ball cartridges. This modest demand was not made in a tone of request, but with an apparent determination to have it, which they soon however discovered was not at all likely to produce the effect.

They had brought with them a small species of sheep, goats, guinea and other fowls; maccacas, or as they are sometimes termed, Madagascar cats, water-melons, lemons, bananas, plantains, sugar-canes, honey, pompions, milk, and various sorts of shells, all which they willingly parted with for dollars, beads, blue dungaree (which they called clout), looking-glasses, and in fact nearly anything European. For French bottles these people would give nearly all they possessed, while an English one was despised. It may also here be remarked, that empty bottles are of great value upon the whole eastern coast of Africa, which our sailors soon became aware of much to the detriment of the captain's and officers' stock.

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As the sun rose the fog dispersed, and we were joined by the Albatross, Lieutenant W. Mudge, who had been appointed to the command at Mozambique, Lieutenant Owen being removed to the Leven. She had been three weeks in the bay surveying. As she approached, they observed some people on the island whom they took for shipwrecked seamen, and sent a boat to bring them off; but upon her arrival, they proved to be a party of native fishermen from Madagascar, who in the pursuit of their avocation, we were afterwards informed, often perform this voyage in their fragile boats. How they find their way is extraordinary, for the island is so little elevated above the water, that it cannot be distinguished at a greater distance than seven or eight miles.

We remained off Sandy Island until the seabreeze set in, when we weighed, and in company with the Albatross stood into the bay, and soon after anchored off the Tent rock, so termed from its peculiar form. St. Augustin's appears to be the only port on the west coast of Madagascar well known to our early navigators, while, on the contrary, the opposite side of the island was resorted to by many vessels, especially French.

The old charts are tolerably correct in their delineation of the greatest part of that coast, but not so of the western side, for, with the exception of St. Augustin's, not the least resemblance can be traced; those who formed the charts appear scarcely to have known that there existed the finest

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harbours and bays, and even the more modern ones were equally bad, until Captain Inverarity surveyed a portion of the coast.

Robert Drury, in the interesting narrative he published of his captivity in Madagascar, from 1700 to 1716, describes St. Augustin's Bay, and states that at that time it was much resorted to by the English, to whom the reigning monarch was greatly attached. Their vessels were principally engaged in the slave trade, and sometimes partly manned by free natives of Delagoa. On their arrival, they established factory houses on shore, where, from the friendship of the king, they dwelt in perfect safety.

In 1791 Lord Keith, in his way to the East Indies, refreshed his fleet there; but since that time few men-of-war have ever visited the place; and, as vessels bound to the East Indies that used formerly to call there do so no longer, the intercourse of the people of St. Augustin's is now principally confined to the whalers, and an occasional slaver that calls in either for refreshments or an addition to her cargo.

In our way up the bay several natives, from its being our first appearance, came out and attempted to get on board; but this they were not permitted to do until after we had anchored. Amongst them was the chief, Tom Planter, who most bitterly complained of the indignity to which he had been subjected in not being allowed to come on board earlier; and at last he became so loud and troublesome upon the subject, that he was

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ordered out of the ship and dismissed in disgrace—a summary method of proceeding, so little anticipated, that, notwithstanding his boasted assurance, he departed completely crest-fallen. It had a good effect on his after-conduct, as he took care not again to commit himself. He dwelt a short way up the river, and was one of the principal chiefs under King Bahbah, who resided at an extensive village in Tullia Bay.

Accustomed to the natives of the main, in whom we had never witnessed any disposition to dishonesty, we neglected taking precautions against these people so widely differing from them in character; the detection however of one in the act of stealing a sounding-lead convinced us of the necessity for doing so. Yet, such was their dexterity, that, though we were constantly on the watch, they succeeded in purloining many articles.

Tullia Bay is formed by a long narrow reef, dry at low water, having two channels, one communicating with St. Augustin's, and the other opening to the sea, nine miles to the northward. It affords in every part safe and commodious anchorage for the largest ships. In the vicinity of the bay the country is low, but at a short distance inland it rises into a lofty range of hills, above which stands one of a conspicuous character, resembling Westminster Hall, seen over the roof of a house.

After quitting St. Augustin's, we anchored for one night in Tullia Bay, to meet the schooner,

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which had just completed its survey. Late in the afternoon we came too near King Bahbah's village, when two canoes, containing Tom Planter and several more chiefs, came alongside, to announce Bahbah's intention to visit us, to settle the preliminary of a salute on his ascending the side, and to request that one of our boats might be sent for him.

All this was acceded to, and shortly after Bahbah, with his Queen, escorted by about a dozen canoes, containing his chiefs and guard, made their appearance, when two small brass guns were fired as he passed the gangway. He was a tall, finelooking man, about thirty-five, and only to be distinguished from his subjects by the lofty crimson cap upon his head. His wife was loaded with beads and trinkets, and although she had passed the meridian of her charms, yet sufficient remained to denote that she had once been a fine-looking woman.

Bahbah was silent respecting presents. In all probability, a preconcerted arrangement between himself and chiefs had been made to this effect, for they, by their insolent demands in his name, amply made up for his forbearance.

By way of compliment, Captain Vidal admitted Bahbah, with a few chiefs, to his cabin; but he had cause to repent this, as they were noisy and troublesome, some drinking until they were almost intoxicated, and all purloining every article that came within their reach.

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After they had been on board a short time, many of their women and children came off, among them the wife of a man called Prince Duke. She was about thirty years of age, and nearly five feet ten inches in height, possessing a most majestic and symmetrical form. In her early years she had evidently been handsome, but beauty at Madagascar, as in other countries in the same latitude, has but a short reign. She was the only Malegash woman we had ever met who spoke English, and her poignant wit was rendered highly amusing by her great powers of mimicry.

The party left us in their canoes late at night, and next day, at noon, in company with the schooner, we commenced our survey of the coast to the northward.

On the 22nd we got sight of the first island, situated about three miles from the main, where a heart-rending tragedy was enacted, which, during the remainder of our voyage called forth the most painful recollections.

Two midshipmen were ordered to this island, for the purpose of obtaining some angles requisite for the survey. Mr. Bowie, the eldest, was a gentleman who had passed his examination for a lieutenant, and had only lately joined the ship; the other, Mr. Parsons, came out with us from England, and was about eighteen years of age.

While taking their observations, Mr. Bowie, who had charge of the boat, imprudently dispatched the crew round a projecting foreland in

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search of shells. They returned once on the fire of a musket, and found the two officers in the boat conversing with a native, many of whom are daily in the habit of resorting to these islands for shell-fish, although they do not inhabit them, from a fear of being entrapped and carried off as slaves. The crew were absent a second time about half an hour, and then commenced their return.

The man who was in advance of the rest, on gaining the height of an intervening sandy point, suddenly gave an alarm that the officers were missing from the boat. It was immediately anticipated that some fatal accident had happened, and all hastily rushed towards the spot. As they approached, something was observed rolling in the surf that beat heavily on the shore;—it was the lifeless body of Mr. Parsons. They picked it up, and swam to the boat, where the first object that met their view was Mr. Bowie, stretched over the table, with no other indication of life than a slight pulsation in the wrist, which in a few minutes ceased.

An exclamation of horror burst from all. A consultation was held whether to go in pursuit of the blood-thirsty savages, or return to the ship and report the melancholy fate of their officers, when the latter course was determined on; so, laying their remains at the bottom of the boat, in mournful silence and with heavy hearts, the grapnel was weighed, and, favoured by the strong sea-breeze that had just set in, they soon reached

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the brig, which was at anchor near the second island.

It was fortunate that they quitted without delay, as they had scarcely left the beach, when a body of armed natives were seen hurrying down to the spot they had left, in all probability with the intention of plundering and destroying the boat, in order to prevent the crew from escaping, after having murdered their officers.

The feelings of all on board, upon seeing the bleeding lifeless bodies of our poor messmates hoisted up the ship's side, may easily be imagined; a general cry of distress and indignation was heard, while an anxious wish was expressed to go on shore and take revenge upon the perpetrators. But Captain Vidal softened in some measure this feeling of revenge, by representing how certain it was that in destroying the guilty we must shed the blood of innocence.

On examining the body of Mr. Bowie, it was found pierced with five wounds; a severe one in the arm was apparently received while he was endeavouring to defend himself. Three were mortal, and the whole seemed to have been dealt by a spear or strong knife. Mr. Parsons had four deep gashes in the back, and the deadly weapons must have been impelled with much force, as a rib was severed in two by a spear, which then passed through the chest: they were separately mortal, and were probably received while the unfortunate young man was attempting to effect his escape.

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The appearance of the bodies, and the ideas connected with them, were so distressing to us all, that as soon as the surgeon's examination was concluded they were conveyed on shore, and interred with military honours in a grave on the island, adjoining that in which the corpse of one of our seamen was buried who had died the day previous of a consumption.

The spot where this melancholy incident took place was called "Grave Island," while that from which the perpetrators came received a name in accordance with their nature, "Murderers' Bay;" and they are thus recorded in our charts.

It is unnecessary to give more than a mere outline of the coast from St. Augustin's Bay, being the most uninteresting and tedious part of our expedition.

The natives shunned us every where, excepting when passing through the open roadstead of Mourondava, where five boats came alongside, and stunned us by vociferating for presents and beseeching us to anchor. Their principal demands were in behalf of King Bahbah, who, they affirmed, was equally the sovereign of that country as he was of Tullia. But we could not gratify them, as we were not in want either of provisions or water, and the place held out no temptations for either the curious or the romantic. We saw no reason to doubt one of the natives, who emphatically, but in a sorrowful tone, informed us that "Mourondava no ab much now, no plenty ship sit down dere."

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The coast from St. Augustin's to Boyauna Bay is almost an unvaried, low, marshy plain, irrigated by barred rivers, bounded by a line of sharp-pointed coral masses, uncovered when the tide is out, and in two or three places a complete archipelago of rocky islets, assuming a variety of whimsical shapes, among which that of the cauliflower appeared the most predominant

The shore is thickly covered with trees of a stunted growth, above which, in the immediate vicinity of the sea, the elegant casuarina is occasionally observed. The coral islets and reefs that skirt the coast are very numerous, and to those unacquainted with them extremely dangerous; but to others they afford at all seasons safe and commodious anchorage; the extensive group termed Barren Islands, in particular, forming excellent harbours, yet they are only worth resorting to for wood, being without fresh water.

The islands in the whole extent of this coast are low, formed of coral, and seldom exceeding one mile in circumference. It is an observation worthy of remark, and equally applicable to the whole coast, that the reefs on which they are situated always extend to the southward, a fact that it is difficult to account for, otherwise than by supposing the violence of the south south-west wind causes a heavy sea, which sweeps from the surface of that part of the reef immediately exposed to its fury some deposit which in time forms an island. That which renders these reefs particularly dangerous to those unacquainted with their

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vicinity is, that the water is discoloured on every part of the bank, so that their situation is not to be distinguished.

The only spot that particularly attracted our attention along this coast was the Bay of Boyauna, which is mentioned by name in the charts, but most erroneously represented. The luxuriancy of the hills that surround it and the unruffled state of its waters were to us a pleasing novelty.

The survey of this place concluded our proceedings for the present, as our stock of fresh water was so reduced that, in order to make it last until our arrival at Bembatooka, we were upon an allowance of three pints a day. This privation was greatly aggravated by having no other provision than salt beef, and being constantly exposed to a burning sun; we therefore, in company with the Albatross, made the best of our way to Bembatooka, where we arrived on the 15th of July.

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CHAPTER IX.

Coast of Madagascar.—Bembatooka.—Traffic with the Americans.—Slaughter of the bullocks.—Native Tribes.—Heroic Chief.— People of Madagasca.—Stern justice.

The northern half of the west coast of Madagascar is indented by a series of bays, rivers, and harbours, so admirably adapted for commerce in every respect, that, were the island in a civilized state, and the commercial spirit of the people directed in a proper channel, it would doubtless be resorted to by vessels of all nations; but the inhabitants are only now slowly emerging from a state of barbarism. These harbours, with the exception of Bembatooka, are entirely neglected, except by an Arab dow that occasionally comes in to procure sandal wood, or jerked beef; nay, even their existence was scarcely known, until, as before mentioned, Mr. D. Inverarity, in 1802, undertook his excellent but limited survey.

The bay of Bembatooka is in reality the estuary of several rivers falling into it from distant parts

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of the interior. It is seventeen miles in depth, and three and a half across at the entrance, but inside nearly eight, excepting about half way in, where the shores on each side approach and leave a narrow channel, through which the pent-up water rushes with so much violence as to have scooped out an abyss of sixty-three fathoms in depth. The shores are in general low, and covered with mangroves, but in some places they rise into a lofty range of hills.

Bembatooka itself is an inconsiderable village, but Majunga, situated on the northern side of the bay near the entrance, is a large straggling town, nearly a mile in extent, and containing a large population of Malegash and Arabs, whose forefathers were settled there from time immemorial, and who, from the relics of their tombs and other indications, appear to have been much more numerous than at present.

The style of the buildings, like their inhabitants, is one-half Arab and the other Malegash. The Government until a few days previously to our arrival, (when Radama with a numerous army marched in and took possession of the town,) was vested in three men, who were appointed by the native princes of the surrounding country. Of these one was a Malegash, as representative of that part of the community; another was chief of the Arabs; and the third had the guardianship of strangers, all being equal in power.

The slave-trade was the principal source whence

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Bembatooka derived its wealth, but this Radama suppressed on his arrival, according to his agreement with the English. A trade with the Arabs was also carried on in bees'-wax, rice, and gums; but this is of secondary importance, when compared with the extensive traffic in bullocks which they are now engaged in with the Americans, who jerk the beef, preserve the tallow, and cure the hides on the spot. Three vessels of that nation were lying in the harbour at our arrival, actively engaged in completing their cargoes before the wet season should commence.

Notwithstanding the great distance the Americans come, and the delay they are subject to in procuring the cargo, they still find the trade lucrative. The method which they adopt in this traffic is admirably suited to the character of the people. A nation of savages can scarcely be termed a community; every man acts for himself. Self is his god, and, jealous of another's prosperity, he regards with a suspicious eye that junction of interests, which, although it tends to the enrichment of himself, may also benefit his neighbour. United efforts and public enterprise, which render nations great and flourishing, are unknown to the savage. Force is the only law he acknowledges, and trivial warfare, slavery, and want, are the results.The great commercial interests of the country are unknown, and collective exertion dissolves into the petty traffic of individuals.

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Sensible of this, the Americans have established small shops, where they retail a variety of assorted goods, which they give in exchange for the minor articles of trade that the natives bring in for sale. They also purchase or erect a large wooden building, with a yard or pound attached, wherein they slaughter their bullocks and jerk the beef. The beasts, which are generally very untractable, are driven to the gate of the pound, and as they pass through are hamstrung by a native, who stands inside, with a sharp curved piece of steel attached to the end of a pole for that purpose; they are afterwards slaughtered when wanted. The meat is then cut from the bones in large junks, which after being jagged with a knife, are well rubbed with salt. This operation over, they are exposed to the sun for some days, but during the night are carried in from the dew, which is always heavy. The heads, hearts, offal, and bones, are thrown into the middle of the town, and there left to putrify in the sun, filling the air with most disgusting odours, highly productive of disease. The smell of this refuse attracts a number of large brown hawks and a species of Royston crow. The former may be constantly seen soaring in the air, with ready talons and bright piercing eyes, watching until a morsel suited to their taste is thrown out, when they dart down, and instantly bear it to their undisturbed solitude to be devoured.

The arrival of Radama's troops and the garrison

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he left there tended much to check this filthy practice, as the refuse of the slaughter-house was as acceptable to them as to our own seamen, who, after having been so long on salt provisions, were by no means averse to the heads and hearts of bullocks.

The canoes of Bembatooka resemble those of St. Augustin's; but their use is in a great measure superseded by the dows and Arab boats, numbers of which may be seen crossing the bay in every direction.

The Arabs exactly resembled those of the main, and the Malegash those of their countrymen that we had met with, excepting in speech; for it is a singular fact, that at both extremes of Madagascar the natives have the same language, whereas on the intermediate coast they speak a different one, as likewise in the central parts; although between this latter and the first many words are in common.

The south side of Bembatooka Bay is inhabited by a tribe termed Seclaves, who, in Robert Drury's time, extended as far north as Mourondava, and possessed the same warlike character then as at present. They are likewise noticed by the celebrated adventurer, Benyowsky; and in Mr. Prior's voyage of the Nisus they are stated to be the people who so often harassed the inhabitants of Johanna and the Querimba Islands.

The Malegash* are a fine independent race;

* Malegash is a term applied to the people of Madagascar generally.

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and in no instance can this be more strongly exemplified than in the behaviour of the prince who ruled over Bembatooka and the surrounding territory. Disdaining to submit himself to Radama, although his country was subdued, he persisted in the determination of singly opposing the approach of the Ovah troops. The king, anxious to save him, on account of his courage, sent a deputation to try to prevail upon him to submit; but in vain; he was fixed in his resolution; and the reason he gave was such as well became a brave and independent chief. "I am old," said he, "and can have but a short time to live; and free as I was born, so will I die! I will not in my old age cowardly yield up that which my forefathers bequeathed me, nor basely crouch for the remainder of my days at the feet of one who tears my possessions from me. No—let them advance; I will die as becomes a chief!" He was shot by the Ovah soldiers as he deliberately fired at them when they approached.

Beasts of prey are unknown in Madagascar, and we never heard that the snakes were either formidable in size or venomous in their bite; but the rivers abound with alligators, and scorpions are extremely prolific, more especially at Bembatooka, which Lieutenant Boteler had an opportunity of ascertaining, by accidentally displacing a large stone on the declivity of a projecting point a little above high-water mark. A black scorpion, five inches in length, was coiled up underneath, but in so lethargic a state, that although when

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touched with a stick it resented the attack by stinging with its tail, yet it would not change its position until repeatedly irritated in the same way. He afterwards removed several other stones, most of which were found with one or more of these venomous reptiles beneath*.

The island of Madagascar, from its interesting and singular history, has claims upon the attention of every European visiter. But from a Briton it demands more; for—independently of the pleasing novelty of a nation overcoming the deeplyrooted prejudices and customs of ignorance and superstition, and suddenly grasping at the highest pitch of civilization and improvement—he finds himself surrounded by a people emulous to imitate his habits, solicitous of his acquaintance, and gratefully attached to his country. The more he communicates with them the more he must admire their character; courageous yet docile, with a thirst for glory and information that leads them to stray from their homes, although their hearts still fondly linger there; and in possession of talents and perseverance that enable them to overcome every obstacle likely either to obstruct or advance their progress in knowledge. Their firm

* It is not, perhaps, generally known, that the most destructive enemy to these reptiles is the common mouse. They never meet without a contest, which almost universally terminates in favour of our little domestic annoyance, who, either by force of arms or stratagem, contrives to destroy his enemy. This he does by irritating the scorpion with his constant and agile attacks, until the reptile becomes so fatigued as to be an easy prey, or, to become, as some suppose, his own executioner.

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and enthusiastic patriotism cannot be better illustrated than by the following striking example, which much resembles that stern but inhuman sense of duty which made the filicide Brutus the best of citizens but the worst of parents.

Commodore Nourse proposed to Radama to take a certain number of young Ovah youths, and teach them seamanship, as well as rea ding and wting, by distributing them amongst the different vessels of his squadron. Upon an application from Captain Vidal, six were ordered to join us on board the Barracouta, one of whom, the night previous to embarkation, deserted and returned to Tarnanaruvo, the capital of Ovah and the place of his nativity.

After much privation and fatigue, he arrived at his father's door exhausted by hunger, and suffering from the jungle fever. Unlike the rest of his companions, he could already read and write English, from which it may be presumed that he was a son of whom an Ovah parent might be proud; yet, such was this father's stern sense of duty to his king and country, that as soon as his child appeared, forgetting every feeling of consanguinity, he conveyed him, ill and debilitated as he was, a prisoner to Radama's ministers. A court was summoned, his desertion clearly proved, and he was ordered to atone by his death for this breach of duty to his king. Mr. Hasty made every exertion to save his life; but Radama, unable to avert the operation of the laws by which he was himeslf bound, answered by informing him,

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that only one day previously two soldiers had suffered for the same offence.

But nature deprived justice of her victim. The poor youth, already enfeebled by disease, was broken-hearted at the unexpected rigour of his father, and wounded feelings acting upon his shattered frame, destroyed life before the executioner could perform his office.

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CHAPTER X.

Radama.—Treaty with him.—Succession to the Crown.—The Kaba.— Superstitious customs.—Hair-dressing.—Female clamour.—Short crops.—The Ovah people.

THE Journal of Lieutenant Boteler contains some interesting particulars relative to Radama and his possessions, for which he states himself to be indebted to Charles Jeffair, Esq. private secretary to Sir Robert Farquhar, when Governor of Mauritius.

"Radama is a man far before his countrymen in his exemption from the prejudices in which he was brought up; he is anxious to learn, apt in seizing on the strong points of a subject, careful in examining them, and resolutely determined upon carrying into execution every regulation that can tend to the advancement of his country.

Our political relations with Radama arose from the earnest desire of Sir Robert Farquhar

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to put a stop to the slave-trade at Madagascar. With this view he won his way into the affection and confidence of Radama, who entrusted to him the education of his two brothers, Ratafique and Rahove, at that period the only heirs to his power and dominions. They remained for a considerable time in Sir Robert's family, under the tuition of Mr. Hasty, and by him, after their education was completed, were conveyed back to Madagascar, and delivered over to their brother, who came from his capital to the coast of Tamatave to receive them.

This interview of Radama with Mr. Hasty, led to that respect and friendship which he ever since evinced towards him, and contributed also to the conclusion of the treaty. By it Radama was deprived of a revenue of more than sixty thousand dollars, arising from the capitation-tax on all slaves passing through his dominions, as also, the profit on the sale of those captives that fell into his hands in the numerous wars that desolated the country.

This revenue, the source of his power, he willingly abandoned on condition of receiving from England an annual supply of arms, ammunition, clothes, and money, which would enable him to subjugate to his sovereignty the whole island of Madagascar; although, as to value, the amount of the supply was by no means equivalent to the sacrifice he made; it not being more than ten thousand dollars annually, to cease when

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Radama's revenue would enable him to abolish the system of slavery by overcoming the tribes that still continued it.

The good faith of the prince and his strict adherence to each article of this treaty have long been tried, and cannot be too highly commended. He even put to death some members of his own family for using their influence to evade it. His talents appear to have shone conspicuously from his earliest years, for otherwise he could never have won sufficiently upon the affections of the Ovah people, who are naturally so bigoted to their ancient customs, as to be enabled to mount the throne on the death of his father; for although the succession is hereditary, yet, by an ancient law, it is only permitted to be so in the female line, that is, the king's sister's eldest son.

This practice doubtless arose from an extreme latitude and perhaps depravity of manners, by which even the chastity of the queen was not supposed to be a sufficient guarantee for the royal blood, which led to the following reasoning, the basis of this law. The king is certain of being the son of his mother, but no one can be sure who is his father; he is also confident that the daughters of his mother are his sisters, and that, although by a different father, they still have the royal blood in their veins, which must descend to their offspring, who, consequently, (that is the males,) succeed to the throne.

In order to prevent as far as possible any infringement on this law of succession, the Onipam-

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saves, or priests, who have the management of these affairs, contrive to convey away the children of the king as soon as they are born, when they are never heard of more. In this way Radama had lost several, until, at the persuasion of Mr. Hasty, he determined to abolish the custom; and as he had just espoused Rassalirus, the virgin daughter of the chief of the northern Seclaves, it was his intention that the first son he had by her should be his successor. But the birth took place during the absence of Radama, and the royal infant was, like its predecessors, taken from the palace, and under the plea of illness conveyed to a neighbouring village, where it was said to have died.

Although these people are strongly attached to many of their ancient customs, yet the abolition of this might be effected by a prince possessing so much popularity and address as Radama. Time would reconcile his subjects to the act, for, as the love of justice is an acknowledged trait in their characters, they might soon be made sensible, by contrasting the feelings of the king as a father with their own, how unjust and cruel is that law by which he is made the only parent in his dominions who must sacrifice them.

In failure of sisters' sons, the throne goes to their brothers. Plurality of wives is allowed, and the king by law should have twelve; when he has not, it is the etiquette to suppose that they exist. Seven or eight are of his own choice, and the rest consist of his father's wives, who are

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only nominally his, for the purposes of state and in obedience to the maxims of their religion. The king has also as many concubines as he chooses, but they are kept secluded, and their progeny is unknown and unacknowledged.*

Notwithstanding Radama's power and the ascendancy he has gained over the affections of his people, still he can perform no act of importance without calling a kaba, or consultation of his chiefs, who, as they inherit from their ancestors a proud and independent spirit, would prove an insurmountable barrier to any prince who should attempt to extend his prerogative, or act as an absolute monarch. Yet, such in reality is Radama, without appearing to be so.

Admiring his success in war, the younger part of his subjects are enthusiastically devoted to his service; these he courts, and, previously to the meeting of a kaba, he takes care that they are fully informed as to his wishes on the subject about to be discussed. They meet: the old chiefs, whose ideas of enterprize and conquest are checked by the apathy of age or lost in its infirmities, are for dilatory measures and prudential foresight as to consequences that may possibly ensue. The others, on the contrary, look up to their king, whom they are accustomed to follow to the wars; and the same enthusiastic energy and affection

* The laws and customs of the Malegash are supposed to be derived from the Nairs, on the coast of Malabar; and the people themselves are for many reasons thought to be descended from the same source.

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that animates them in the field, sways them in the Kaba. The question is proposed by Radama; the young chiefs unanimously vote according to his wishes; the middle-aged do not long waver, leaving the elders alone opposed to him, with whom the subtle Radama always apparently sides, as it is the minority; the younger chiefs laugh, the fathers are flattered, and Radama gains his point.

It is thus that he has been enabled to stop, and eventually to abolish, many superstitious customs that had been handed down to the people by their ancestors from time immemorial. It was held a sacred duty by the soldiers forming an Ovah army, when going to war, to pledge themselves by solemn oaths to each other to carry back to their native country the bones of such as should fall.

In a late campaign made by Radama into a sickly country, a great majority of his army fell victims to the fever; and the task of half cleansing, for they had not time to do so entirely, and carrying the bones of their deceased comrades, fell upon the remaining few. Of these, some died under the weight of the relics of their departed friends, which it was considered infamous and irreligious to abandon; while others sickened from the noxious odour they produced, and expired under the effects of the pestilence they created. It was not an uncommon sight to behold a soldier creeping painfully along under the weight of a load of bones, from off which, at times, decayed morsels

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of flesh would become detached, and fall in the path, covered with flies and maggots, while the poor wretch's back would at the same time exhibit many a line produced by the putrid stream that exuded from the load. The absolute necessity for doing away with this custom, by which he had lost during this expedition the bulk of twenty thousand men, enabled Radama to obtain its repeal in open Kaba, at which many sat who had witnessed the havoc it occasioned.

The fashion of allowing the hair to grow to a great length, braiding and knotting it, and then plastering on an immense quantity of cocoa-nut oil and grease,* Radama found to be highly productive of uncleanliness as well as inconvenience, especially to his soldiers; he therefore determined if possible to abrogate it, but as the necessity for this measure was not so urgent as that for the one last mentioned, he considered it useless to attempt carrying his point by calling a Kaba, which he was well assured would oppose it.

He accordingly had recourse to the following expedient. At a grand review that took place, he appeared in the field, to the astonishment of all, with his hair cut close in the military fashion of England. The young men, desirous of imitating their king in every action, stole away as soon as they could from the field, and returned before Radama had left, with their hair as closely cropped

* This custom of a nation of savages is perfectly in accordance with the extensive and filthy use of pomatum and powder in our own country some years back.

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as his own. The old men were not so easily persuaded to part with their long-cherished locks and grease; while the women set no bounds to their clamour, for it had been their pride to dress their husbands' hair, and to vie with one another in the taste and neatness they displayed. By means of this little act of endearment, many a morose temper had been softened, quarrels made up, and causes gained, when words had failed.

It cannot be supposed that a custom leading to such conciliatory effects in domestic life would be quietly given up by those who were benefited by it; the consequence was, that the women repaired in a crowd to Radama, and in a most tumultuous manner insisted upon its revival. In vain the prince represented to them his object in effecting the change; in vain he attempted to combat their objections by jokes; their blood was up, their tongues were going, and Radama was obliged to resort to other means, especially as he perceived that the noisy rhetoric of the women, though lost on him, was not so on many of the populace.

A great fermentation was evidently excited; a rebellion was on the eve of taking place, and to restrain it some strong measure was absolutely necessary. Radama called his guards, and pointing out to them a few of the most riotous amongst the women, directed them to take these to a neighbouring wood, and there 'to cut off their hair in such a way that it should never grow again.' The soldiers obeyed, and arrived at the wood,

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prepared to execute their orders, but in what manner it was necessary to consider.

'How can it be done?' was the question from one to the other. 'Cut it how we will, or ever so close, it must and will grow again in spite of us.' But after turning Radama's words over in their minds for some time, they at length discovered their true meaning—they cut off their heads!

The disturbance, by this rigorous measure, sanctioned by the exigency of the case, was quelled, when short crops became the order of the day; and as attacks when once made upon old forms are generally carried to the extreme, so that which was formerly so much admired and respected is now by the greater number ridiculed and despised as a barbarous custom.

The inhabitants of Majunga were witnesses to Radama's good faith and stern justice the day after he took the place. Approaching with his army, he had sent a messenger on before, to announce that private property should be respected, and that no one for fear of molestation need quit the place. His word was taken, and those who had prepared to fly, remained quietly in their homes.

A woman complained that an Ovah soldier had forcibly taken from her some beads: she was desired to point out the culprit, which, when she did, the man confessed, and was shot a few minutes after by Radama's order.

That the Ovah people possess a daring cou-

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rage, is evinced by their deeds, and that it is deeply inherent in them an instance that some time since occurred sufficiently proves. A regiment armed with spears, their native weapons, were met by a superior force of the enemy, but instead of retiring to the woods there, as in old times of savage warfare, to deal the treacherous blow, they boldly, face to face, attacked their foes; and it was stated by those capable of judging, that never did a European regiment, at the charge of the bayonet, display more cool, determined, and steady courage. Their effort was crowned with success; they returned to their countrymen to be held up as prodigies of valour, and the example they set has ever since been followed.

The courage of the Ovah people is equalled by their mildness and strict adherence to the orders of their superiors, provided they are just, and not accompanied by morose or tyrannical conduct. Even Radama himself, the pride of his people, would never be permitted to commit an act of injustice. His severity in a just cause, were it to border upon cruelty, they would reverence and applaud; but never, even where mercy would be laudable, would they allow their prince to stop the course of justice or oppress the weak."

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CHAPTER XI.

Interview with Radama—His appearance.—Ovah ingenuity.—The Garrison.—Ovah soldiers.—Ramanatook.—Currency of Ovah.—Ovah youths.—Missionaries.—Radama's remarks.

RETURNING to Lieutenant Boteler's Journal, he says, "An opportunity occurred of seeing Radama, of which I gladly availed myself. Commodore Nourse, who had arranged to meet him at Bembatooka, arrived there for that purpose a few days after us; and the prince, who was encamped with his army at a short distance inland, immediately came down to receive him. It was their first interview. The commodore, with a large suite of officers, his band, and a guard, proceeded to Ramanatook's house, where Radama awaited his arrival.

"I entered a few minutes after the introduction had taken place, and, during the few insipid remarks that on such occasions generally precede others of a more interesting nature, had time to

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contemplate at my leisure a prince of whom I had heard so much. Radama, although upwards of thirty, appeared many years younger; his stature did not exceed five feet five inches, and his figure was slight, elegant, and graceful; his demeanour was diffident in the extreme, not at all according with the idea that we are apt to form of one accustomed to a military life and its fatigues, much less to a successful warrior, the idol of a warlike people and the terror of surrounding foes.

His appearance was altogether that of one better adapted for the courtier than the hero; for the statesman than the soldier; and more than all, for a domestic life. He spoke and wrote both English and French with facility. While conversing, he kept his head and eyes declined, yet not a word escaped that had not been well weighed and studied. The tone of voice that he assumed was low, hesitating, and cautious, as if to gain time for reflection. His features, which were well formed, remained tranquil and collected until some part of the conversation of greater interest engaged his attention, then a tremulous, half-suppressed movement of the lip, and a hasty glance from his dark, expressive eyes, betrayed for an instant a subdued emotion, which almost immediately subsided into the same calm, but keenly observant position.

The conversation after a time became more general and animated; for, although political discussion was in a great measure postponed until Ra-

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dama should visit the frigate on the following day, still much passed to develop the character of this prince and his people. Some slight observations were made respecting the trade and manufactures of the country; and, as an instance of Ovah ingenuity, Mr. Hasty produced two clarionets, one of native manufacture and the other of English, but so close was the resemblance, that a casual observer could not have discovered the difference, the silver keys with their springs being, in particular, admirably executed.

The commodore's band and that of Radama, composed of black men, alternately played various tunes, the latter having, if any thing, the superiority. This band was obtained at the Isle of France, by Mr. Hasty, at Radama's request, who supplied him with the requisite means. They were landed, on their arrival, at Madagascar, unknown to him, and ushered in among some troops about to be reviewed. When he appeared, the band struck up a martial air, and Radama, equally astonished and delighted, stood entranced with admiration. He hurried them over such pieces as he did not like, but carefully noted down the names of those that pleased him.

"When these bands had performed for about an hour, the conference broke up—but instead," says the Lieutenant, "of returning with the rest to the boats,I amused myself by examining the garrison, which consisted of a vast assemblage of huts erected in the usual style, and surrounded by a lofty bamboo fence, above half a mile in

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circuit. It had two entrances, one facing the town and the other the country. At the former, they had three guns, of large calibre, but not mounted, until the Commodore at their request, did so with one, as a pattern in constructing carriages for the rest.

At each entrance was a guard, with their arms piled, while two sentries kept patrolling on each side of the gate, most scrupulously saluting every officer that passed, who were only distinguished from the private soldiers by carrying a sword, à la main, instead of a musket, wearing a garment of richer pattern and materials, and in being covered generally with a straw hat, unless by some fortuitous chance they had been enabled to procure a chapeau bras for which, even after being much worn, they would give a great price.

Our seamen, knowing this, procured two that were very shabby, for which defect they endeavoured to make up by decorating them in such an extraordinary manner with plates of tin, burnished brass, tassels, &c. as completely to overshoot their mark. These would have been attractive with ignorant savages, but the Ovah people perceived the cheat, and rejected them.

Radama's troops are all disciplined, and instructed in the manual exercise and military tactics by an Englishman residing at the capital, who in the drill-terms adopts his own language.

On our first arrival at Bembatooka,I was not aware of this, and consequently was much sur-

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prised upon passing, in the dusk of the evening, a dark secluded corner, to hear myself challenged in a parrot-like voice, "Who come dere?" It was so unexpected,I hardly knew what to say, but at length answered, "Officer," and stopped to see who the querist was. This I found somewhat difficult, for so fairly matched was the dark shade of the spot with that of the Ovah sentinel, that had not a passing light glanced upon him as he sat crouched down on his crossed legs, and partly enshrouded in his garment, it would have been impossible to discern him.

The greater number of Ovah soldiers wear nothing more than their native garments wrapped round their middle, and descending below their knees; but the army clothing annually supplied by the treaty enables Radama to furnish a considerable body of men attached to his presence with English regimentals. Some of these accompanied him to Bembatooka, and, in point of appearance, equalled any European regiment I had ever seen. An officer of artillery, of considerable experience, from the garrison at Port Louis, Mauritius, went to Madagascar to see the army of Radama; and having afterwards, on his way home, travelled through Egypt, where he saw the troops of that government at Cairo, disciplined by French, Italian, and American officers, wrote to his friends at Mauritius, and declared that they were much inferior in all essentials to those he had seen belonging to Radama."

Ramanatook, the Ovah Governor of Bemba-

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tooka, was rather shorter and of a darker tinge than his brother, the king, and by no means of so sedate a carriage. He generally dressed in a blue coat, epaulettes, and cocked hat, and his favourite amusement was shooting, during which he was always accompanied by a strong guard, rode on horseback, and was delighted whenever he could get an English officer to join him. His manners were particularly lively and prepossessing, and although not endowed with such extraordinary talents as his brother, yet he was accounted a man of ability and a good soldier.

On taking leave of Captain Vidal, to whom he appeared very partial, he presented him with a handsome cotton garment wove by one of his sisters; for the princesses of Ovah, like many of those spoken of in ancient times, take great pride in weaving garments for those connected with them by marriage or ties of consanguinity.

We could gain but little information respecting Tarnanaruvo, the capital of Ovah. Even its exact site was doubtful; but, from the best authority which we could obtain, it was stated to be situated nearly west of Tamatave, on the ridge of mountains that run along the centre of Madagascar, like a spine, and its distance from the sea-coast in a direct line, was considered to be about forty leagues. It was also described as being of considerable extent, and the houses of the higher class constructed with a degree of elegance far superior to those in other parts of Madagascar; the furniture is much better, and, since their con-

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nexion with the English, has considerably improved. Chairs and chests of drawers are the greatest favourites, and probably in a short time there will scarcely be a house without them. Even the soldiers of Radama's army evinced their partiality for the former, by purchasing them in great quantities of the Americans at Bembatooka, and, in decorating their garrison, these articles formed the principal ornament.

Notwithstanding the devastating wars that have lasted for so many years, the population of the kingdom of Ovah still continues immense, and ready, when required, to furnish multitudes who, without receiving pay for their services, affectionately follow their prince in the pursuit of conquest. Radama's army had brought with them a certain quantity of silver chains, which they used as the current money; and it was amusing to observe them, when bartering with one another or the natives, detaching small fragments, and before paying them away, or receiving articles in exchange, putting them into a small pair of copper scales (which every soldier carried with him), in order to ascertain its value. These chains are manufactured at Tarnanaruvo, and do much credit to the ingenuity of the people, those of gold being really beautiful. Some of their silk garments are also exquisitely worked, with threads of the finest dyes; for these they demand a great price.

The population of Ovah consists of mulattoes and blacks, the former of whom appear to be

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considered the superior; but this distinction Radama was anxious to abolish, because, if encouraged, it must ultimately produce a civil war. It was on this account that Mr. Hasty, when presenting the Ovah youths to Captain Vidal, earnestly requested that no distinction on account of colour should be made or permitted among them. These youths were habited in the becoming costume of their country, and were from fifteen to eighteen years of age, but, like most of the people of Ovah, more graceful than athletic. They were highly intelligent in their appearance, possessing a pleasing expression of countenance, with handsomely turned features; their conduct ever met with the warmest approbation of our officers, being mild, docile, and attentive to command, while their good sense and integrity was such, that they could be entrusted in any situation. As seamen, they were emulous and active, and, for the fifteen months they were with us, made great progress as sailmakers and carpenters; but from the constant occupation of all on board in the furtherance of the survey, they did not advance so rapidly in reading and writing. This was compensated to them by their after-disposal in the Owen Glendower frigate, at the Cape, where they had abundance of leisure to assist them.

Although so mild and obedient to their officers, yet with the seamen they maintained a line of conduct that gained them respect, and suppressed satirical observations on their colour or nation, to which they would by no means submit, and in an

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after-instance, where there was a probability of our having recourse to force with the Portuguese at Delagoa, they evinced the utmost satisfaction at the opportunity of displaying their national courage. Some years back, the London Missionary Society sent out to Ovah, under the sanction and influence of Sir R. Farquhar, four of their teachers, for the purpose of instilling religious instruction into the minds of the people, and three artisan missionaries, for the introduction of the most useful arts. Two of the former and one of the latter have since died of fever, and their families have severely suffered. The survivors, to whom great praise is due for their persevering industry, still reside in Ovah, and continue to fulfil the end for which they were sent out. The minister missionaries at this time had upwards of two thousand pupils, and from their seminaries have already furnished many valuable officers for the service of Radama.

The day after the interwiew between the Commodore and Radama, the latter, accompanied by his brother, Mr. Hasty, and several of the chiefs, repaired on board the Andromache to dine. He was received with a salute and a guard. Having never visited so large a ship before, he appeared lost in admiration as he walked round her decks. Nothing escaped his observation, and his remarks, if they were not pertinent and profound, at least were accounted so; for when a man, more especially a prince, has once established his fame, his observations, however trifling they may be, are

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caught at with avidity, and treasured up in the minds of his hearers as so many component parts of a great man. Should the remark be palpably silly, it is easily accounted for as being made merely to try those around, and as such is quoted to show how a great man neglects not the slightest minutiæ of finesse to dive into the character of others. Every word must have its meaning deeper than either the hearer, or probably the speaker, can conceive. As the soul of Buonaparte hung lingering on the brink of mortality, 'Tête d'armée' escaped from his lips in the unconsciousness of delirium—words that, like a prophecy, will puzzle the mystery-lovers of a whole generation.

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CHAPTER XII.

Commerce.—Interview with Radama.—Boyauna Bay.—Majambo Bay.—Tombs.—Unlucky mistake.—The Maccaca. —Passandava Bay.—Mass of mountains.—Minow islands.—A porpoise and bonito.—Meet the Leven.—Lieutenant Reitz's Journey.—Town of Pongue.—Island of Tanga.—Town of Tangolla.—A perilous night.—Lieutenant Reitz's illness.—The fever.

THE Commodore, in conversing with Radama, strongly impressed upon his mind how admirably his island was suited, by its numerous harbours, for the purposes of commerce. "You want but vessels," continued he; "seamen to navigate them, and trade will follow of course* Although I cannot supply you with the first, with the second I possibly may, if you will give me the means. Let me have a few of your young men; they shall be distributed among the squadron

* The commerce of the east coast of Madagascar in grain, bullocks, and cloth, is considerable; but, as it is exported in foreign bottoms, the gain of the Malegash is comparatively little.

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under my orders, and if they fail to learn at least something, it must be their own fault. A navy you would soon have, and nothing would yield me greater pleasure than to pay my respects to the Prince of Madagascar on the quarter-deck of a frigate of his own."

Radama half rose from his seat. His ecstasy at the idea was too great for utterance; it glistened in his expressive eye; it flushed on his cheek. He held his head down, as if wrapped in a pleasing reverie, and whined and rubbed his hands, apparently unconscious of what he was doing. The Commodore and Mr. Hasty held a long conversation with him respecting his future operations, management of duties, regulations for the encouragement of trade and manufactures, treatment of subdued tribes, and other important affairs, wherein their experience and knowledge were superior to that which he could possibly have obtained. Nor was this conversation uncalled for, as Radama's sole object in appointing to meet the Commodore at Bembatooka was, that he might avail himself of the benefit of his counsel and advice.

Exhilarated by the reception and treatment he had met with, he determined to put in practise a little finesse, in return for an instance that his people had given him of their solicitude and anxiety for his safety. About sunset, a letter with a deputation came off, to state that Radama stopped too long; they were becoming alarmed, and thought that it was time for him to return

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on shore. "Send them back instantly!" said the Prince. "Tell them that Radama is not pleased, and will return to-night or not, as it suits his pleasure."

A short time after this, he quitted the frigate, jocosely observing to the Commodore, "Now I will play these gentlemen of mine a trick. I will take a roundabout way, and land at some distance from where I embarked. They expect me there, and my guard will be waiting to receive me; but no, conducted by yours, I will pass them unobserved, will arrive at the garrison, and there will say, 'A pretty set you are to pretend to be anxious on my account, and yet allow me to land unnoticed, and to return to my garrison, escorted by a guard of those very people in whose hands you would have me think you are afraid to trust me.'"

The morning after this, Radama, with his retinue, guard, and band, returned to the camp, whither the Commodore and suite in three days followed, to be present at a grand Kaba. We did not await their return, but on the 31st of July sailed to complete the survey of the small extent of coast to Boyauna Bay, that had hitherto not been surveyed. There are two rivers in this bay, each affording capacious harbours. Off the northern one, termed Makumba, lies an island of the same name, almost connected by sandy flats with the main. It is of inconsiderable size, but lofty, and presents in every direction a huge precipice, excepting in one small spot, where a deep rent in

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the rock admits of a dangerous pass to the summit. One of our midshipmen ascended this after great difficulty, for the purpose of obtaining angles. He found the top a perfect level, and on it the ruins of two small buildings, probably of Arab construction. The island was evidently once volcanic, being undermined by numerous dark caverns, thickly inhabited by bats, not much inferior in size to the vampyre bat, measuring about two feet and a half across the wings; their flitting about in the depths of the caverns made a great noise, which the nature of the place tended highly to increase, and the startled intruders, not expecting to find any living creature in such a situation, could not at first account for the uproar.

After completing the survey, we stopped one day at Majunga, and then passed on to Majambo Bay, which is almost a fac-simile of Bembatooka, being of about the same dimensions and form, possessing the same extraordinary chasm of deep water in the centre, and terminating, like that, in a variety of rivers at its head. In a small nook at the upper division of the bay, we found an Arab dow at anchor, the crew of which were employed jerking beef, but in a manner quite different from that practised by the Americans. The meat is cured without salt; it is detached carefully from the bones, cut into large narrow slips, and then suspended in the air, until it becomes hard and perfectly dry. As soon as the animal is killed, a hole is dug in a dry sandy spot, over

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which the hide is carefully spread, and the edges secured around by wooden pegs, while the hollow, loaded with sand, conforms itself to the shape of the cavity. In this the slips of beef, prepared as above, are placed while hot from having been but just parboiled in their own fat, which is afterwards poured over them in a liquid state. Sufficient time is then allowed for it to cool, after which the pegs are withdrawn, and the edges of the hide brought together, and laced by thongs. This, when packed, is in the shape of a large sack, and contains the meat of four bullocks.

Majambo Bay appears to have been anciently inhabited by Arabs, as their tombs are still in existence on the summit of the small island of Manza, blackened by age, and fast mouldering to decay. On an insulated yet verdant rock, at the entrance of the bay, we saw for the first time the tomb of a Malegash. The grave, after the interment of the body, had been filled up by huge misshapen stones, over which was spread a low shed of rocky slabs. The earth was strewed with the bones of oxen, either slain there for an offering or as a burial-feast. There were also some sticks placed around, with small streamers of blue and white cloth pendent from them, and a China coffee-cup, carefully propped up over the grave.

We again continued along shore until we made Nareenda Bay, the islands at the north entrance of which afford excellent harbours, and are approachable in most directions. Sancasse, the largest of them, is inhabited, and nearly covered

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with verdure, as also is that of Souhee, a stupendous inaccessible rock, upwards of two hundred feet high.

Opposite to these islands the river Luza, after forming an extensive lagoon eight miles inland, discharges its waters into the sea through a channel which, on account of its extreme narrowness, the amazing depth of water, and the picturesque scenery on either side, is rendered highly interesting. When the Albatross was passing in, some natives, who had ascended one of the heights that almost overhung the channel, appeared like pigmies, and had they felt inclined to be hostile, they might have been so with safety to themselves, and yet with considerable injury to those below.

It was at Nareenda that we first obtained a view of the stupendous peak of Matowla, many miles distant, towering over the lofty yet comparatively low intervening hills. The natives were less shy than those to the southward of Bembatooka, so that on the first and second day of our arrival we had a friendly intercourse with them which would probably have increased, had not an unfortunate mistake occurred. This arose from their discharging musketry at midnight for the celebration of some fête, which we imagined was an attack upon our boats, all of which, excepting two, were absent at the time. These were immediately armed and dispatched to their assistance; and, on arriving off the village whence the firing proceeded, they found canoes on the

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water, the natives all in motion, and lights moving on the shore, facts that, from the lateness of the hour, appeared to corroborate at once the justice of our suspicions. It was soon, however, perceived, that the alarm was groundless; but unfortunately not before our boats had opened a fire upon the canoes, who retreated panic-struck to the village. When our people landed, an old man ran out and discharged a musket at them, but evidently from the report unshotted.

Along the eastern shore of this bay we saw amongst the trees a great variety of that beautiful little animal, the maccaca (lemur catta); small and delicately proportioned, they are perfectly black, with the exception of the belly, some light rings encircling the tail, and a broader one the neck. We perceived many as we passed, gamboling among the branches of the trees that hung projecting from the edge of the precipice. It was delightful to watch the graceful manner in which, as if formed by nature to please, they sprung through the air from bough to bough, performing the most fearful leaps with the utmost facility.*

After leaving Nareenda, we came to a group of lofty volcanic islands, which, in honour of Ra-

* Many of these little animals were brought on board by the seamen, and, from their affectionate manners and harmless disposition, became great pets. But as we got into colder climes they soon died, when the sailors might be seen mourning over the lifeless bodies of their little favorites with all the regret attendant upon a deceased comrade.

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dama, were designated in our charts after his name. We next anchored off the high conical rock of Keyvoondza, situated with two or three more islets near the west point of Passandava, the broadest and deepest bay on the west coast of Madagascar, and possessing numerous fine harbours. The inhabitants differ from the rest of the Malegash in nothing but their language. The village of Passandava, situated at the head of the bay, consists of a few half ruinous huts, principally occupied by a small Ovah garrison of Radama's; these from the unhealthiness of the situation, and the exposure to which they were subjected, had suffered greatly from the fever.

The Commandant was still labouring under its effects, and could scarcely sit up to receive the purser, Mr. Galler, who visited him respecting a supply of fresh provisions. He was a major, but the straw hat and sword à la main were the only emblems of his rank. He wanted much to procure a cocked hat, but we had none to spare, or at least none worthy of his acceptance.

The margin of this bay abounds in a large species of brown eagle, apparently subsisting on fish, as they generally choose the overhanging branch of a lofty tree projecting from the side of some sheltered nook, where the uninterrupted smoothness of the water enables them more readily to perceive their scaly prey. The eagle's dexterity of wing is surprising; the moment he sees a fish come near the surface, he pounces down with the rapidity of lightning to seize it; yet so

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well does his keen sight measure the distance, that, on reaching the water, even should he miss his aim, in an instant, by a strong exertion of his sinewy pinions, he arrests his headlong flight, and, scarcely wetting his talons in the water, soars majestically back to his watchful post.

Near the village of Passandava the mountains that surround the stupendous and inaccessible peak of Matowla take their rise. This chaotic mass, from the vast chasms and craggy steeps by which it is composed, presents a grand and awful appearance. The portion that immediately fell under our inspection, was evidently volcanic, and if the rest are the same, how violent must have been that convulsion in the earth which reared so stupendous a ruin on its surface! The subterraneous cause still in all probability exists, as earthquakes are sometimes felt; and the Portuguese on the opposite coast of the main, affirm that the shocks experienced there are generated at Madagascar. Some of the islands abound in large masses of hardened earths of different colours, incorporated and stratified with quartz and basalt, or lava resembling it. In the side of Ninepin rock, adjoining the island of that name we discovered a small excavation containing a Malegash coffin. This was a box, about four feet long, eight inches deep, and six broad, holding the disjointed skeleton of a grown person. As it bore no marks of fire, we were led to imagine that the body had been inhumed, and then allowed to remain until the flesh had decayed and dropped

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from the bones, a change that the climate would quickly produce.

Lieutenant Boteler, who surveyed a great part of this bay says, "I cannot help noticing the fertile appearance and picturesque scenery of Nos* Beh, a large island lying off the eastern point of the bay. It presents to the eye a pleasing variety of fertile valleys, abrupt hills, and lofty mountains, nor is variety less remarkable along its coast, which exhibits a succession of deep bays and inlets, most of which afford excellent ports. Robert Drury mentions that this beautiful island was once colonized by the English about 1700, for the purpose of carrying on the slave-trade.I traced it round, and minutely examined its coast, yet in no part did I perceive the vestige of a ruin, or any other indication that a settlement of civilized people had ever been established there."

On the 4th of October we sailed for the West Minow group, which consists in an assemblage of islands and perpendicular rocks, or patches of coral, amounting in all to twenty-seven. The largest of the islands is termed "Great Minow," and is of a peculiar form, resembling a pair of compasses open towards the sea, at an angle of fifty-five degrees, with one leg four miles and a half long, and the other nearly eight.

When at anchor among the group, we appeared as if in the crater of an extinct volcano, the surrounding islands, being so many pinnacled relics of its ancient circumference.

* Nos, in the Malegash language, means island.

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With the exception of two or three that are low, and of coral, the rest are lofty, and of basalt, columns of which, either straight or curved, form most of the precipices and bold prominent points. Those at the north-west extremity of the Great Minow are particularly grand and imposing, being slender, perfectly straight, and about sixty feet in length, varying in the number of their sides from four to six, the latter being the most general. In their arrangement, the parts of one are perfectly adapted to fit into those of another, forming so compact an assemblage, that they appear like an undivided mass.

Whilst examining the East Minow Islands, we observed a glittering distant object just show itself above the water and as instantly disappear. On approaching we discovered it to be a large fish of the bonito species, about four feet long, firmly held in the jaws of a common porpoise.* We pulled hastily towards them in our boat, and just reached the spot, as they again came to the surface, when, frightened at our sudden approach, the porpoise quitted its prey and instantly disappeared; but, before we could avail ourselves of the opportunity to secure his prize, he again came up, seized the contended object, and, with a curvetting plunge, carried it off much to our disappointment. Although the porpoise is possessed of a formidable

* This fish, erroneously denominated (porpoise) by mariners, is in reality the Delphinus or Dolphin; and that which is commonly termed the dolphin, is the Coryphæna Hippuris, of Linneus.

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display of teeth, yet its jaw is so small and weak, that it appears strange it should attack so strong and ravenous a fish as the bonito.

We left the East Minow on the 7th of October, and proceeded to the islands off Cape St. Sebastian, which we surveyed; but, having already exceeded the time of our intended stay at Madagascar, we sailed on the 17th for Mombas, according to a previous engagement, to meet the Leven.

It was on the 23rd of October that we again came in sight of the hills about Mombas, and, as we rapidly approached the port, we congratulated ourselves on the pleasure we should experience after so long a separation from our consort, and our almost total privation of civilised society, in again meeting with our friends and comrades. When the anchor was down, a boat put off from the shore to come on board; all eyes were bent upon her in eager expectation of seeing some well-known face. As she approached, a strange officer was observed, instead of Lieutenant Reitz; our forebodings were sad, and the melancholy confirmation of them was only what our fears had told us to expect.

The following statement, drawn from the unfortunate officer's own Journal, and partly from the Arabs' report, will show how his mortal career was terminated.

He had heard much of the falls upon the river Pangany, and, having received instructions from Captain Owen to make himself acquainted with the history and topography of the country, he

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resolved upon visiting them. As, in his journey thither, he must necessarily see much of the country and the manners of the natives, he was glad of the opportunity to add something interesting to the expedition.

The rainy season commenced at Mombas with partial showers, on the 25th of March, ten days after the south-west monsoon had set in, and continued until the 26th of April, when, to all appearance, it had stopped. Lieutenant Reitz wishing to complete his journey before the Leven arrived, which it appears he had expected rather too soon, resolved to leave Mombas on the 4th of May, if the weather continued fine. The Sheik, Solyman Ben Ali, and the principal people, endeavoured to prevail on him to wait until a more favourable season, but without success, as in all probability he attributed the Arabs' remonstrances to their general dilatory character, and therefore, thought them not worthy of attention. Accordingly, on the day he had fixed, he departed from Mombas, followed by a suite of seventy persons, one of whom was Hamise Ben Hamed, brother to Mombarrok. They travelled on asses, which at Mombas are remarkably fine animals. The fair weather that induced Lieutenant Reitz to quit Mombas was superseded the day after his departure by torrents of rain, to which, on the night of the 6th they were partly exposed, having no other shelter than the cavities of the rocks. They spent the night of the 9th on the island of Wasseen, situated a short distance from the main. This

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island is twelve miles in circumference, and was some time since inhabited by about one thousand people, consisting of Sowhylese and their slaves; but, in the late disturbance with Muskat, they were driven off by Seid Larkbree, governor of Zanzibar, by whom, or by whose orders, they were robbed of their vessels, property, slaves, and even wives and children; yet, notwithstanding this, the island was again inhabited, the treachery of the Wanyekah tribes, of which their forefathers had experienced melancholy examples on the main, being more dreaded than the enmity of Muskat.

The party, after leaving Wasseen, passed through the Arab town of Jumbo, swam their asses over a river, and then, crossing a sandy space thickly imprinted with the tracks of wild beasts, entered the Wanyekah town of Pongue. This was rather a large and populous place, being strongly defended by means of a double hedge of thornbush and gates. The women were better dressed, the men better armed, and the regulations far superior to any they had witnessed in the other towns. When Lieutenant Reitz and his party first arrived, they were refused admittance, but as soon as their object was explained, they were received apparently with pleasure. They were presented with drink from young cocoa-nuts, and mats were spread for them to sit on. In the evening a dance was performed, wherein two separate sets exhibited at the same time, one consisting of old and middle-aged men, some of whom had assisted in the defence of Pemba; these danced to songs

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descriptive of the deeds of Mombarrok; the other, composed of the young men and women, forming a large ring, the girls on one side and the men on the other. They continued their amusement until near daylight, and, from the noise they made, deprived the weary travellers of many hours' rest.

On the afternoon of the 15th, the party arrived at a small village, called Macoombe, where, not finding their boats as they expected, the greater number, whose asses were completely tired, and who themselves were suffering from fever, remained, while Lieutenant Reitz and a few of the more hardy made their way, in a small native boat, to the island of Tanga, to which it proved their boats had gone by mistake. In their way they had a providential escape, for torrents of rain overtook them; and, when it abated, they discovered that, instead of steering for the island, they had stood directly out to sea, being then so far distant as with difficulty to discern the land.

The island of Tanga is two miles in circumference, and situated about a quarter of a mile from the main. The population does not exceed three hundred; but some time back it was considerably more, for, previously to the harassing attacks of the Imaum's forces, Tanga was a greater mart for ivory than Mombas or any other place in the vicinity. It is now reduced to the utmost poverty, the inhabitants living solely on fish and a sparing supply of Kaffer corn, or millet, from the interior. Some of the few trees that grow upon this island

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are entwined by the convolvulus, from which exudes a species of India rubber, which is only collected by the children to amuse themselves in imitating the report of a pistol. They make an incision in the bark, and, as the juice runs out, collect it on a leaf, wherein it remains until it begins to acquire a glutinous quality; it is then moulded by the fingers into the shape of a tube, with one end closed; in the other they introduce a reed, through which the caoutchouc is blown into a globe of the size of a bullock's bladder; on striking this it bursts, and yields the desired report.

Lieutenant Reitz was rejoined at Tanga, by those of his suite who were left at Macoombe, and on the 19th the party proceeded to the town of Tangolla, situated within five miles of the Mombas territory. Here, as in the other towns, although the pasturage was good the cattle were scarce, and they were obliged during the night to keep the few they had in huts elevated on long poles, about ten feet from the ground, to preserve them from tigers. Lieutenant Reitz started early the next morning for Pangany Bay in an open boat, much against the advice of the Arabs, who wished him to delay until the evening, when the wind would be fair and the sea less rough. But he was anxious to get on, and, notwithstanding the torrents of rain that were falling, he finally succeeded, after a most fatiguing pull of nine hours, but the boats that accompanied him were obliged to put back. The pilots he was

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furnished with proved of no service, and in vain the crew toiled to enter the river against the ebbtide, strengthened as it was by the inland floods. One Arab dropped from his oar with fatigue, and could not be prevailed upon to pull another stroke.

The night was dark, and nothing could be heard but the vehement beating of the rain, as like one sheet of water it enveloped them, when the attention of all was suddenly aroused by the loud roaring of heavy breakers close to them, and on which it was evident the boat was fast drifting. Fortunately they had a good anchor, which, notwithstanding the rapidity of the tide, held them securely during the night; but they were in constant dread of the huge trees, that, floating down the river, threatened from time to time to sweep them to destruction. During this night of anxiety, several muskets were heard at no great distance, and a light observed in the same direction, which they at the time supposed was a boat coming to their assistance, but when the day dawned it was discovered to proceed from a small vessel wrecked during the night, within one hundred and fifty yards of them. She and her cargo were totally lost, but the crew fortunately escaped.

In the morning the tide considerably abated, when, favoured by the wind, Lieutenant Reitz found no difficulty in entering the river. The bay of Pangany is of small extent, and in many parts choked up by sand-banks and reefs. The land on either side is elevated, but more especially to the southward, where, opposite to the entrance

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of the river, which is not more than six hundred feet across, a lofty and perpendicular bluff hill hangs in towering majesty over the small and humble village of Whaney. On the other side, the point is formed by a low and narrow sandy ridge, on which, amid a grove of cocoa-nut trees, is built the town of Pangany.

The inhabitants of these places were during the preceding night too much engrossed by their own distress to pay attention to the signals of the stranded dow. The accumulated water of the river had forced for itself another channel through the centre of the huts, carrying in its progress many of them away, while those that remained were quickly taken down by the inhabitants and conveyed piecemeal to a higher situation.

This misfortune was however trifling, when compared with that which occurred in the village of Whaney. There the rain had so moistened the lofty cliff above as to detach from its greatest height a huge mass, which overwhelmed and buried in its fall five huts, with fourteen of their unfortunate inmates.

Lieutenant Reitz's notes terminate at this place, where, the day after his arrival, May the 14th, he was attacked by the fever, which from its earliest stage assumed a most virulent character.

But it is unnecessary again to dwell upon the progress of this insidious disease. To the writer it is a melancholy task, while to the reader it must be a painful one. A burning brow, sudden prostration of strength, countless pulse, unquench-

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able thirst, and continued restlessness, are the constant attendants on its course. Delirium ensues, when the body, exhausted by the wild ravings of the mind, sinks an emaciated skeleton to the grave.

Such was the frightful picture exhibited by so many of our comrades in their passage to the tomb. Their bones are mouldering in a distant land; the savage tramples over their lowly resting place; he respects not the sod where the white man lies, and passes it unheeded. But there are hearts which, though thousands of miles are between them, turn in memory to the lonely spot, and dwell again on recollections of the dead.

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CHAPTER XIII.

The Funeral.—Slave Trade at Mombas.—Liberated Slaves.—Arab Injustice.—A young Offender.—Treachery.—A Struggle.—Office of Sheik.—Wedding Procession.—The Wanyekahs.

ON the second day after Lieutenant Reitz was attacked, it was considered necessary to return with him immediately, as the only means of saving his life; but he became rapidly worse, and at eight o'clock on the morning of the 29th, just as they came in sight of Mombas, he died in a most awful state of delirium. For the interment of the remains of this much lamented officer the interior of the ancient Portuguese cathedral was chosen. A grave seven feet in depth was dug near a ruinous piece of masonry, that alone indicated where once the altar had stood. The corpse, decently arrayed in fine cambric, was conveyed to the cathedral, followed by a procession of the first people in the town. The funeral service was read, and the body consigned to the earth with military honours. An humble speci-

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men of Arab masonry, plastered over and whitewashed, marks the spot. Lieutenant Reitz was in his twenty-second year when he died; he was a good musician, and in possession of an uncommon share of wit and good-humour, together with a pleasing frankness of manner that made him respected and beloved by his companions, as also by the Arabs, who ever after spoke of him in the highest terms of admiration, and with many expressions of regret for his untimely fate.

In the September following this melancholy event, Commodore Nourse arrived at Mombas, and appointed two midshipmen, named Emery and Wilson, to act as lieutenants, the one in the place of Lieutenant Reitz at Mombas, and the other to his vacancy in the Leven. In the mean time two of the seamen left with Lieutenant Reitz had died, and all excepting Mr. George Phillips had suffered from the fever.

One of the principal articles on the part of the English, when taking possession of Mombas, was the abolition of the slave-trade. A short time after the death of Lieutenant Reitz, a dow concerned in that contraband traffic was seized and confiscated by Mr. Phillips, but not without occasioning a great sensation among the Arabs, who strove hard to recover her by many promises not again to transgress, but Mr. Phillips very properly would not consent, and the Arabs were obliged to submit.

When the English first received possession of

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the island, the venerable descendant of the princes of Maleenda presented them with a shamba, or plantation, situated on the main, opposite to the town; from which, after a little trouble, the party left there contrived to supply themselves with every kind of vegetable that the place afforded. The liberated slaves from the dow were landed on this shamba, and comfortable huts erected for their accommodation; the greater part were in a diseased state, but after a short time all but two or three recovered, through the humane attention and medical skill of Mr. Adamson, an assistant-surgeon left by the commodore for the Leven. When we arrived, this little negro establishment presented a picture of perfect content; each individual had a portion of ground to cultivate, the proceeds of which, together with other supplies, supported them in a manner far superior to that which they had been accustomed to.

At daylight on the 2nd of November, the Leven was discerned in the offing. She had approached close in, when the wind suddenly failed, and as it was likely that she would at least be delayed some time, Captain Vidal, with Lieutenant Mudge, went in a boat to pay their respects to Captain Owen. The ship, in the mean time, was swept by the current with so much violence to the northward, that when the boat reached her she was too far down to have any chance of getting into the harbour by any other means than

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standing out to sea beyond the influence of the current, and there beating up. This they did, and it was six days before they regained what the failure of the wind for three hours had lost them.

The length of our stay at Mombas gave us a further but not a more flattering insight into the character of the inhabitants. The Koran is their law, and by it they pretend to govern their conduct; still right is ever made subservient to power, especially towards the Banyans, of whom there are many in the place; helpless and unprotected, they are obliged to submit to be swindled out of their property with impunity by the higher classes of Arabs. They go through the form of purchasing, by receiving the goods at a certain price, but neglect the most important part of the contract—paying for them; and the necessary oath to recover the debt, by their laws, must be made in the presence of blood.* The Banyan cannot obtain justice, for he would rather lose his life than submit to a test so opposed to the stern laws of their superstition. If, knowing the impositions to which they are exposed, they refused to give credit, imprisonment was in general their lot.† But when we took possession, this, with

* This is not required by the Koran, but it is here made a law in order to deprive the Banyans of justice.

† These Banyans never bring their women from India. So, in revenge for the maltreatment of the Arabs, they take advantage of the love of finery in their wives, the results of which are strongly marked in the rising generation. It may not be out, of place here to remark, that the Arab women are possessed of much more liberty than is generally supposed, which their disposition to intrigue makes them fully enjoy; no woman can be convicted of adultery unless upon the evidence of four eye-witnesses. This law is said to have been enacted by Mahomet, on occasion of his favourite Ayesha having strolled from his camp, and after being absent a whole night, returning in the morning with a young man; her excuse being, that she had lost her path. Mahomet was urged to punish her as an adultress, but, having great confidence in her virtue, he refused, and made the above law.

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many other abuses, was corrected; and justice for a short period reigned at Mombas.

The Arabs are so fond of going armed that boys may be seen parading the streets with sabres by their sides and daggers in their girdles; one of these, not more than fifteen years of age, and related to the Sheik, was complained of to Lieutenant Reitz for striking an aged Banyan with his sword and severely wounding him on the head. Had this offence been committed before the English were in possession, he would merely have been punished by a short imprisonment; but he was now under other laws, and though great intercessions were made in his favour, he was whipped, imprisoned, obliged to pay ten dollars to the Banyan, and ordered not to carry a sword until, by his after-conduct, it should appear that he might be trusted with one.

Shortly after our arrival, the owner of the slaves seized by Mr. Phillips determined, if possible, to regain possession of what he considered his property, and accordingly arranged with

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some Sowhylese to seize them in their huts and carry them off with such expedition and address, that it might appear to the English as the act of some marauding Wanyekahs. The time, however, was ill chosen; the cries of the negroes were heard, and the boats of the two vessels were immediately dispatched to their assistance and to seize the aggressors; but, before their arrival, the Sowhylese had retreated excepting one, who was secured by the negroes while attempting to escape, and delivered into the hands of an Arab chief, who reached the spot a little before our boats. This chief had probably some idea of what was about to take place, for as soon as the outcries of the negroes were heard, he pledged his word to Mr. Emery, with whom he was conversing, to seize the perpetrators and bring them to him.

He was just leaving the shore with his prisoner, in order to deliver him to Mr. Emery, when one of our Lieutenants approached and demanded him in Captain Owen's name, not knowing the Arab's engagement. A refusal was the result, the demand was again made, and the same answer given. The officer then prepared to execute by force the orders he had received, and the Arabs, equally prompt, drew their swords and daggers with an apparent determination to resist. This, considering the responsibility they incurred, by acting contrary to the authority under which they were so peculiarly placed, and being by far the weaker party, was a strong proof of

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that native courage which has rendered them respected by the neighbouring countries.

After a long but bloodless struggle, the prisoner was taken from them, and conveyed on board the Leven. Next day, the chief was summoned to appear before Captain Owen and the council to answer for his conduct; he readily acknowledged having acted wrongly, but stated that, as he had pledged his word to seize the delinquents if possible, and deliver them to Lieutenant Emery, his anger at the moment when he found himself opposed led him to adopt a line of conduct which he now felt was incorrect, and for which he expressed his regret.

It is almost needless to observe, that no further notice was taken of this affair. The man who was detected in the attempt to seize the slaves was also tried, when he was ordered to be publicly whipped and banished to Seychelles, which sentence was executed under Captain Owen's immediate inspection, the latter part acting more as a punishment to his master, he being a valuable slave.

The affection of the people of Mombas towards their children is very great. They are instructed with great care in reading and writing; and, that they may at the same time acquire a good knowledge of their religion, sentences from the Koran are adopted as their tasks.

Some few Arabs, when in company with those of another persuasion, will freely indulge in the use of wine, but generally, they are very strict in

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this point, as well as in their daily washings and prayers. The wealthy are attended every week by a barber, who shaves their heads, pares their nails, and dresses their mustaches. He is paid at the rate of a dollar a year; and poor people obtain his good offices gratis, through the intercession of his more opulent employers. Although the Arabs are cleanly in their persons, they seldom are so in their clothing, for their cotton robes and turbans are sometimes worn for months without being washed, and their woollen ones a year. They are often covered with vermin, which they do not appear to consider any disgrace; for we have known them, when conversing with an English officer, pick one off, and with the utmost indifference request to know "the insect's name in English."

The office of sheik is properly hereditary; yet it has often been rendered otherwise by caballing ambition. A variety of allowances are allotted for his support; yet it is considered anything but a lucrative situation, as the demands on his purse are numerous. On his elevation to the rank, he is obliged to distribute twelve thousand dollars, in equal shares, among the twelve different classes or tribes that reside on the Mombas territory. Every child, when born, receives its covering from him, as also the bride, at her wedding, a linen gown; and the friends of a deceased Sowhylese eight yards of cloth, as a winding-sheet for the corpse. Wanyekahs who visit Mombas on public business are victualled by the sheik, and the feasts of Ramadan and El Hy are given at his expense. When

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the late sheik died, he owed the Banyans twelve thousand dollars; and the present had imprisoned one who refused to deal with him on credit.

The condition of the slaves belonging to the Arabs of Mombas is highly creditable to their humanity; they cannot always be distinguished from their masters, as they are allowed to imitate them in dress and in other particulars.

Lieutenant Reitz mentions, in his journal, having witnessed the ceremonies observed on the first and third days of a wedding amongst the higher class. The first procession has not much attraction, but on the third day they make a display which they consider unrivalled in splendour by any other town upon this coast. "The advance party consisted of twelve women, with shaved heads painted yellow, and their necks and faces regularly striped with red and white; they moved to and fro at a running pace, flourishing plaited grass fans, in order to clear a way for the procession through the immense crowd that was assembled. Next to these was another party of females, with six boys in front dancing to their singing. The procession was headed by a band consisting of six large kettle-drums, to the beating of which the Arabs, who followed with their drawn swords, kept regular time, by singing and performing a slow dance resembling a minuet, waving their swords, and occasionally making them vibrate in unison. After these a tall man appeared covered with a large white sheet, his head decorated with ostrich-feathers, and mounted

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on the shoulders of another man equally tall, with his feet dangling in front; his office was constantly to spread out his arms at full length, and again close them, rolling at the same time from side to side, so as often to overbalance his bearer, who, however, had three supporters on each hand, to keep him from falling. There were also six girls riding on his right and left, mounted in the same manner on the shoulders of tall men, with their heads shaved and painted, and their faces dotted all over with black spots. These women carried fans, which they dexterously used in refreshing their bearers, as they trotted along with their burdens. Next followed the married and free women, with all but their feet concealed from sight, by means of a large piece of cloth held over them by their slaves; their ankles were encircled by several brass bangles, the chain-like appearance of which, to a stranger's eye, seemed emblematic of the little liberty they enjoyed. Lastly followed a crowd of women of all classes, whose loud shrill screeching was most discordant, and only surpassed by that which they make over the body of a deceased friend or relative."

These Arabs, as well as the Sowhylese, are extremely superstitious. If a woman is taken with a fit, she is considered to have the evil spirit upon her, and charms of all sorts are made use of to expel it. Extracts from the Koran are considered highly efficacious in these cases, as also whispering in the ear, and procuring twenty or

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thirty people to dance in a circle round the patient. If an infant has a sudden turn of the eye, or cries much at night, it is supposed to be caused by the owl, which bird is considered particularly inimical to children.

The Banyans, during the favorable monsoon, send a small quantity of ivory and other produce to Bombay, for which they obtain East India and English manufactures. On shipping the first article of their cargo, they observe many superstitious ceremonies for good fortune and favourable weather.

Excepting the Chinese and Hottentots, there are perhaps no people who so strikingly indicate by their features the nation to which they belong as the Wanyekahs. Their eyelids are closed, with a sleepy expression; but the eye itself betrays a savage, treacherous, revengeful disposition, combined with much caution and suspicion. In their transactions with the Arabs, as soon as they have exchanged their articles of traffic, they attack the toddy, until they become most brutally intoxicated, in which state it is not uncommon to meet them staggering through the streets and country, much to the disgust of the Arabs, who, as they are in general so abstemious themselves, have no disposition to look with a lenient eye upon the vices or follies of others.

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CHAPTER XIV.

The Seychelles Islands—Their Number.—Island of Mahé.—Trade of the Seychelles.—Treatment of Slaves.—Hospitality. —M. de Quincy.—Canoes.—The Coco do Mar.

On the 9th of December the Barracouta left us to proceed direct to Juba, while we continued our course towards Seychelles. After experiencing much opposition from the currents, against which we could with difficulty make head, on account of the light winds, we contrived to reach Mahé Island by the 25th, where Captain Owen received a communication from the Admiralty, directing him to survey the west coast of Africa on his way home.*

The Seychelles or Mahé Islands were first partially explored by M. Lazarus Picault, in 1743, by order of Mahé de la Bourdonnais, then Governor of the Isle of France; but in all probability they were known to the Portuguese previously to that time. The Amirantes certainly were;

* Vide Instructions, Numbers 3 and 4.

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but as the islands at present bearing that name are low, sandy, sterile, and altogether insignificant, it is not probable that the old Portuguese would have bestowed on them so high-sounding an epithet, more especially as the lofty and beautiful archipelago of the Seychelles, only eighty miles distant, must have been seen by them on their way to India. It is, however, evident, that if the Seychelles were originally known to the Portuguese, they could not have critically examined them, otherwise they must have discovered, and would have mentioned, the tree called the Coco do Mar.

The name of Seychelles, which is now in general use, was derived from M. Moreau de Seychelles, a principal officer in the French East India service, at the time they were first explored by the French. These islands rest on an extensive bank of sand and coral, which entirely surrounds them, and their number, including the small islets, amounts to nearly thirty; of these, however, only fifteen are of any importance from their size or produce.* About the year 1768, the French

* The following is a list of these islands, with the number of acres contained in each:—

Islands. Acres.
Mahé 30,000
Praslin 8000
Silhouette 5700
La Degue 2000
Curieuse 1000
St. Anne 500
Cerf 400
Frigate 300
Marianne 250
Conception 120
Felicity 800
North Island 500
Denis 200
Vache 200
Aride 150

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formed a colony on the island of Mahé, which since that time has been gradually increasing and extending to the other islands, all the largest of which are inhabited. The return of the population of the whole was in January, 1825, as follows:—

White persons 582
Free coloured ditto 323
Slaves 6058
Total 6963

The island of Mahé, the principal of the Seychelles, and residence of the government-agent, is sixteen miles long, and from three to five broad. Through the centre passes a range of high and rugged mountains of granite, the most lofty being about 400 feet above the sea. This island has much valuable wood upon its surface, especially on the more elevated spots, which have not been cleared to the same extent for cultivation. The town of Mahé is situated on the north-east side in a small glen, irregularly built, and containing only a few good houses inhabited by persons of respectability, as they generally prefer living in the environs.

The laws are presided over by a judge of the peace and gréffier; the court is styled a tribunal de paix, and was organized by the chief judge at Mauritius, by order of the governor-general, Decaen, in 1806. Two suppleants are appointed to assist the judges, and act as his substitute, when he cannot attend. A later order of General De-

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caen sanctions the assemblage of a special court for the trial of slaves, at which the agent is president, and five of the principal inhabitants are members: the sentence of this court is carried into execution in less than twenty-four hours.

The Seychelles capitulated to the English in 1794; after which their flag was always respected by our men-of-war, in consequence of the inhabitants adopting a neutral line of conduct, and the very politic and conciliatory address of the French commandant, M. de Quincy. This capitulation was renewed in 1806 by Captain Ferrier, of H. M. S. Albion; and, on the capture of the Mauritius, the Seychelles were formally taken possession of, by appointing an agent, and incorporating them as a dependence on that colony. The inhabitants are occupied in cultivating cotton, spices, coffee, tobacco, maize, rice, and cocoa-nut oil, which are conveyed to Mauritius and the India market by numerous small vessels belonging to the islands; thus affording employment for many of their youth as navigators. Independently of the above productions, they export to Mauritius wood, wax, tortoiseshell, &c.

Notwithstanding the rigour of their laws, by which an attempt to escape from slavery is regarded as a capital offence, desertions are constantly taking place, and to such an extent that we could never ascertain to whom those picked up by the Barracouta belonged. It is extraordinary that the proprietors of the slaves, now that they are so difficult to obtain, should pursue the

VOL. II. M

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same line of policy respecting their moral conduct as when they were both numerous and cheap— it not being at all uncommon for twenty men to be placed on an island for its cultivation, with not more than two or three women as their companions.

As an instance of the feeling of the inhabitants towards these unfortunate beings, Lieutenant Boteler in his intereresting Journal says, "I shall not, for a long time, forget the impatient tosses of the head and angry looks displayed by a lady, when the subject of slave-marriages was canvassed. 'A negro, a paltry negro ever understand or conform to the social tie of wedlock! No, never, never!' yet she was English." It is this privation of female society that disgusts the slaves and induces them to desert, although they are aware that death is the penalty if discovered.

Lieutenant Cole, of the staff corps, from whom we obtained much information respecting these islands, thus describes their inhabitants. "The white proprietors are principally from the Isles of Bourbon and Mauritius, and, on account of the frequent intercourse that exists between them, still retain their manners and dispositions, which are essentially French, but devoid of that restlessness and impatience which distinguishes the European stock. Hospitality and strong parental and filial affection are amongst their leading virtues, whilst a want of all public spirit, indolence, and ignorance, constitute the weaker points of their character. They profess the Roman catholic

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religion; but their conformity to this or any other faith is very lax. In society, there is little or no distinction of class, beyond that of colour, but those who are the most wealthy or intelligent are regarded with most attention and respect. In so small a community it may readily be imagined that many are connected by ties of relationship, and nearly all the inhabitants of these islands have the same blood running in their veins. Cards, billiards, and dancing, are their chief amusements; of the two former, the men are passionately fond, while the women are devoted to the latter."

The hospitality and attention that we received from the inhabitants of Mahé were highly gratifying; scarcely a day passed during our short stay without some entertainment being provided for pur amusement, from which superfluous form and etiquette appeared as entirely banished as mirth and festivity were encouraged. This was more especially the case at the house of Doctor Poupenal, where every thing was interesting from the neatness and taste displayed in the arrangement of his house and garden; the latter was planned in a pleasing and picturesque manner, by which the walks and arbours were made to command a view of the varied torrents and precipices of the surrounding country. At the head of his table the doctor displayed the liveliness of the French character, combined with the hospitable and frank deportment of the English gentleman.

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M. de Quincy, the late French commandant of the Seychelles, to whom the inhabitants were so much indebted for the lenity with which, during the war, they were treated by the English, was still living in Mahé, at the advanced age of eighty years. At a party at his house, Captain Owen, who had before known him, paid him a handsome compliment upon the benefits which he had conferred on his country, when the old man was so overcome by the unexpected and gratifying allusion to a subject on which he with good reason prided himself, that he burst into tears, and was for some time quite overcome by his feelings. He was a Knight of the order of St. Louis, and had in his younger days been a page to Louis the Fifteenth. His manners and carriage were those of a perfect Frenchman of the old school, wearing the little demi-militaire hat, and moving with the precise minuet step so peculiar to that generation, combining ease with pride, and making the individual appear like a walking testimonial to the merits of his valet-de-chambre, and the honour of la grande nation.

The ladies of Mahé are graceful and pleasing in their manners and possess many personal attractions; but wedlock is not a happy state at Seychelles, for morality is not amongst their leading virtues; so little, indeed, is thought of a breach of the marriage-vow that divorcées are admitted into the same society as the most prudent and exemplary wife. Large families are very general, and, as many attain to a great age, it is not

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uncommon to see four generations sitting down at the same table and forming a numerous party. This argues well for the climate, and by the testimony of those who had long resided there, it was reported as being particularly good, the thermometer varying from 84° to 64°, its mean being 70° to 72°.

The inhabitants pay great attention to the equipment of their trading vessels, as well as to that of the large schooner-rigged boats, which they employ in communicating between the islands. They have also numerous canoes, built and fitted with much skill and neatness. In these they pay their visits from island to island, and at the close of a party it sounds rather novel to a stranger to hear "Madame Chose's canoe!" instead of carriage, announced as in waiting; torches are at hand, they are lighted to the water, where some stout negroes, almost in a state of nudity, await to transport the ladies and gentlemen.

The reason why canoes are used instead of carriages is, the steepness of the roads, occasioned by the deep ravines that descend from the mountains to the water's edge, and from the vicinity of the houses to the sea. All the Seychelles islands, excepting two, are of granite, huge blocks of which, generally piled up as it were in a confused mass, form their peaks, seldom cultivated but always covered with verdure, and serving as a retreat to a variety of birds. In the interstices of the rocks and old trees are numerous millipedes, one of which was picked up by an officer, and

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measured eight inches in length by nearly one and a half in circumference. Turtle are in great abundance among the islands, and the lower orders at La Degue, who are poor, subsist principally upon them, for which reason they are much ridiculed by the other islanders, who sometimes annoy them as they pass by holding their noses and exclaiming "Quel odeur de tortue de mer."

The Seychelles possess many excellent harbours, which, as they are never visited by tornadoes, may at all times be considered perfectly safe. The most extraordinary and valuable production of these islands is the "Coco do Mar," or Maldivia nut, a tree which, from its singular character, deserves particular mention in a description of the Seychelles. The first account that we have of it in history is from the Portuguese, who, during their early voyages to the East Indies, discovered several of these nuts cast up by the sea on the coast of Malabar, and the Maldives. As they could never find any at all resembling them elsewhere, they were led to believe that they were a marine production, and accordingly termed them "Coco do Mar," or "sea cocoa-nut." The Indians hold them in high estimation, attributing to them many curious and salutary properties; and previously to the discovery of these islands in 1789, one nut was known to sell for between £300 and £400. It is an extraordinary fact, that the tree which bears the nut is known only at the Seychelles, and even there, is confined to only two islands, all efforts to transplant them to the others

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having hitherto proved fruitless, although the whole of them possess apparently the same soil and climate. Praslin and Curieuse are the two upon which they flourish, growing in the interstices of the rocks. The tree is a species of palm, resembling the cocoa-nut tree, from sixty to eighty feet high, always perfectly straight, but very small in circumference. The leaves have a fuller appearance than those of the common cocoa-nut; immediately at their junction with the trunk of the tree hang the nuts and seed, the former about one foot long, and eight inches thick. The husk, from which rope is manufactured, resembles in colour and fibrous consistency that of the cocoa-nut. The shell is large, and divided into two compartments, containing alight coloured jelly, which, although brought to table, is without any flavour, and as a fruit valueless. The shell forms an excellent pitcher, and when cut serves as plates and dishes for the negroes. The seed-vessel is about two feet long and three inches in diameter, studded with small yellow flowers issuing from the angular projections, which resemble those on a pine-apple. Another fact connected with this singular production is, that the smell arising from it is so offensive that its vicinity is hardly bearable; this increases the longer it is kept. The stem of the leaves proves highly serviceable in constructing the negro huts, and the cottages of the lower order of farmers, while from the leaves themselves hats are manufactured of a superior quality, which are universally worn in

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the islands by all classes of the inhabitants. Besides these purposes, there are many more to which this extraordinary fruit is applied. So important is this tree to these islands, that its loss would be more severely felt than that of any other production of which they can boast, yet its cultivation appears to be totally neglected by the inhabitants.

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CHAPTER XV.

A Massacre—Arduous Survey.—Difficult Navigation.—Ruined Buildings.—The Gallas.—Large Trees. —Wooden Anchors.—A large Serpent.—Snappers and Sharks.—Mission from Mombas.—Arrival at Lamoo.—Night Festivals.—Sail for Zanzibar.—Survey of the Seychelles.—Ball and Supper.

WE will now follow the proceedings of the Barracouta, previously to our meeting at this place. After parting with the Leven on the 9th of December, we were ordered to survey the labyrinth of rocks and islands between Juba and Kwyhoo Bay. We anchored on the evening of the 11th off the former place, where his Majesty's ship Leopard, during her voyage to the Red Sea in December 1798, lost a lieutenant, and the greater part of a boat's crew by the natives, who, availing themselves of an opportunity afforded by the boat being swamped, massacred all but two, whom they detained as prisoners until a ransom was paid for their release. A boat belonging to his

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Majesty's ship Dædalus was likewise attacked the same day, and two or three of her crew killed.

It was Captain Owen's wish that we should have some intercourse with these people, if it could be done with safety; and for this purpose we had on board a native of Mombas, with letters to the chief, but the weather proved so unfavourable, that we could neither enter the small river which communicated with the place, nor effect a landing on the beach without imminent risk of being upset, in which case the crew might have shared a similar fate to that of the Leopard's boat. But it is probable that the people of Juba, now that the English name is better known along this coast, have learnt either to dread or respect it sufficiently not to repeat their former conduct.

In the course of our survey of these islands, we were not joined by the Leven or Albatross, as had been previously arranged; the former succeeded in reaching the spot when it was too late, but the latter never arrived, as the current was so strong to the southward that every attempt they made to beat against it proved fruitless. Deprived of their assistance, our survey became an arduous undertaking, more especially as the weather was boisterous, and we were entirely exposed to its effects, and notwithstanding all our precautions, lost two of our anchors.

The islands and rocks that are never covered with water amount to nearly five hundred, of which measure from two miles and a half to four and three quarters in length. But the majority are

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of an inconsiderable size, rising abruptly from, and overhanging, a narrow line of reefs. About two miles outside these islands is a coral bank, which renders the approach to the coast dangerous for large vessels, as the Dædalus frigate experienced near Juba, where she struck and narrowly escaped shipwreck.

Considering the difficulties attending the navigation of this archipelago during the southeast monsoon, it is a fortunate circumstance that if a vessel loses her anchors she may always, from the direction of the wind, lie clear off the shore; were this not the case, in the whole extent of these islands and rocks, a distance of one hundred and fifty-four miles, there is but one port whither she could retreat at all times of tide. This is at the entrance of a river in lat. 1° 13′ 4″ South, and long. 41° 50′ 4″ East, which we named Durnford River, after our young hydrographer, who died on the coast of Madagascar; the channel that communicates with it passes between two coral islets, not more than a cable's length apart.

Lieutenant Boteler ascended and surveyed this river for seven miles; he says, "The country around seemed capable of the highest cultivation, varying from a light red to a dark fine soil; and if there is a healthy spot in this part of Africa, I should at once say it was this. There are but two villages on the south shore, off one of which I anchored under a projecting rocky point, on which, after a short time, four of the natives appeared. They were perfectly black, of large

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stature and athletic make, with nothing to cover them but a small piece of dirty cloth wrapped round their loins. They were armed with bows and arrows, and betrayed much suspicion; for, notwithstanding our amicable gestures, they motioned us impatiently to be gone. We were informed that the whole coast was peopled by Gallas; these must therefore, have been of that tribe."

Many of the islands are inhabited by Sowhylese, who were originally runaway slaves,but now adopt the costume of the Arabs, as well as their faith, and appear to be a docile and tractable people. Besides the river above-mentioned, there are two others equally large and deep, but with a shallow entrance; one is termed Shamba, and the other Toola. On each side of these we found remains of the old Portuguese, consisting of chapels, castellated buildings, and factorial residences; many were also seen on other parts of the coast, but neither in number nor age were they to be compared with the mouldering tombs, tottering obelisks, and other ruins, of the ancient inhabitants. These lined the coast for many miles, and served as melancholy testimonies of the desolating ambition of the Portuguese, and the futility of their schemes of conquest or possession, when opposed by the retributive hand of Time. Determined upon making the proud Mussulmans bow to the cross of their own idolatry, and supposing that religion could as easily be established by the edge of the sword as by reason and conviction, they stop-

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ped the early efforts of these Arab settlers, destroying what little civilization they found, and leaving "a double wreck behind."

The barbarous Gallas, whose rude huts exhibit a striking contrast to the proud mansions of the dead, are now the sole proprietors of this territory, which, had it been allowed to remain unmolested by the hand of bigotry, would in all probability, at this time, have been a place of great importance. It has now more the appearance of an ancient Chinese colony, the summits of the obelisks being ornamented by a variety of saucers and plates of various colours and sizes. One of these, surmounting a tomb, was chosen as an object for our survey, to which one of our officers proceeded to take angles Knowing the character of the Gallas, he took precautions against their treachery, by mounting sentries on the top of the surrounding ruins; but notwithstanding this precaution, the spot being covered with jungle, he found himself suddenly interrupted in his occupation by two of that tribe armed with round hide shields and long slender spears, with the iron part at least eighteen inches long, and in a high state of polish. He called to his people, and in an instant the savages found themselves surrounded by six or seven men with muskets in their hands, at which they appeared much alarmed, and without a word hastily retreated into the thickest of the neighbouring wood.

The reefs off these islands abound in a species

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of conger-eel, in all probability the same as that which Captain Cooke describes as having found at Palmerston Island. This fish has a particularly disgusting appearance, and, when disturbed, rears itself up with extended jaws, armed with long pointed fangs, and fixes its fierce bright eye with a most appalling gaze. Their size is the only thing that prevents their being truly formidable, the longest we saw not being more than three feet, although they are sometimes seen from five to eight feet long, particularly at the island of Ascension in the Atlantic Ocean.

In consequence of having lost our two anchors, we were under the necessity of repairing to Lomoo, in order to find some substitute before we continued the survey. Had we gone off the station to procure an iron one, the examination of these islands would have been necessarily delayed for another year, and as we had orders to proceed to the western coast, their completion would have been uncertain.

Immediately upon our arrival, an officer was sent to examine some large trees which we had remarked during our former visit to the place. They were of the mangrove species, some more than seventy feet in height by about one and a half in diameter, and admirably adapted for our purpose, being uncommonly hard, and of a specific gravity far heavier than water. We experienced much fatigue in procuring these trees, as we could only approach them in the boats to within a quarter of a mile, a distance of little

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importance, had it not been for the black muddy swamp and the impervious bushes that rendered it almost impassable. This swamp at high water was partially overflowed, and was at times so soft, that we often sunk above our knees. Considering that this layer of mud is only three feet in depth, having beneath it a solid mass of rock, it is really astonishing to observe the arrangement that nature has made to support such lofty and heavy trees on apparently so frail a foundation. Their trunks are generally elevated on forty or fifty roots, diverging in radii, striking into the mud at the distance of about eight feet, and there branching off into numerous fibres that form quite a network of supporters.

The expedient of a wooden anchor is one that few would adopt, but to which our necessities compelled us to have recourse. We knew that the Chinese junks, some of which exceed a thousand tons burthen, use nothing else, and Captain Vidal, taking his idea from them, drew out a plan, and had an anchor constructed from it under his own inspection, that in all cases answered as well, and in many better, than one of iron.*

Lieutenant Johnes and Doctor Guland landed on the island of Rattow with their guns, and in a very short time returned with several birds of different kind, and a large serpent of the

* This anchor was used until our arrival at the Cape, when it was sent to the dock-yard, whence it was afterwards forwarded to Woolwich, where it is now lying, as a proof of what ingenuity may do to supply the wants of necessity.

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boa constrictor species, which they suddenly encountered whilst walking through the jungle. When first seen, it was scarcely five yards distant, and, either frightened or irritated at being disturbed, it assumed a most menacing attitude, its bright eyes glaring with fury, and coiling itself up, as if preparing to spring on Doctor Guland, who happened to be in advance; but that gentleman, before the monster had time to accomplish its purpose, lodged the contents of his gun in its head; the wound was fatal, and after lashing with its tail the surrounding bushes and grass for a few minutes, the huge reptile expired. It measured twelve feet in length, and in the thickest part of its body was nine inches round. About half-way down, the stomach was distended far beyond its usual size, which appeared evidently to proceed from something that it had devoured. On examination, a young springbock about the size of a cat was extracted in a perfect state, with the exception of a small portion of the head, upon which the monster's digestive organs had begun to act. The last time the Doctor had visited this island, he was encountered by a crocodile, about eight feet in length; the animal was frightened, and retreated one way, while Doctor Guland, whose gun was only charged with small shot, most readily availed himself of the other.

After having completed the survey of these islands, which we named Dundas Islands, we repaired to Lamoo for a stock of water, when we heard that our consort had visited the port

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since we were last there. On the 30th of January we returned to Mombas, and again joined the Leven.

We left Mahé on the 30th of December, and cruised for some days amongst the other Seychelles islands. Passing Captain Moresby's dangerous shoal, which is composed of two patches of breakers, we passed Booby and Aride Islands; the former is a small conical rock, and the latter a long island. From Aride we went to Dennis, the northern islet of this group, situated on the edge of the great bank upon which they stand. Whilst at anchor off this island, and the boats away surveying, the crew on board were occupied in fishing.

It may here be worthy of remark, that fish, especially sharks, are very abundant on the outer edge of all the coral-banks. We caught a great many red snappers, but had much difficulty in saving the bait and game from the hungry jaws of the sharks; as soon as a snapper was hooked, dozens of these voracious monsters commenced disputing the prize with each other and the captor. Sometimes the fisherman was sufficiently quick to get his prize on board; but more frequently snapper, line, and hook, were carried off by his opponents. At length, enraged at their ill-success, the seamen commenced fishing for the sharks, and thus actually recovered many of the lines and hooks, and even the fish, from their stomachs.

On the 3rd of January, 1825, we left these

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islands, and proceeded towards the main; and, after making many valuable additions to our former work during the voyage, again anchored off Mukdeesha. A boat was sent ashore with Prince Raschid ben Hamed and his party, who had come with us on a mission from Mombas. About a thousand natives were collected on the beach, in picturesque groups, to receive him. The chief was in the country, and the people, ever jealous and suspicious, would not allow either the prince or our officers to walk through the town. We made but a short stay here, having merely to finish a few observations; accordingly, the prince returned on board, and we continued our course to the southward, keeping near the shore.

Having already fully described this coast, but few additional remarks are necessary; it may, however, be observed, that nearly all the towns are situated on rocky promontories, either entirely or nearly insulated, where their bee-hive construction gives them a singular appearance. The motives of the inhabitants in thus placing them are the salubrity of the air, their being enabled to procure water, of which the arid sand-hills in the neighbourhood are destitute, and probably the facility of defence against the native Galla.

Upon our arrival off Brava, Mohammed ben Abu Bakr, the chief, came on board, with several attendants, to pray for a flag, and to be taken under the British protection, as a dependent or ally of Mombas; to which Captain Owen ac-

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ceded, on condition that he would use his endeavours towards the abolition of the slave trade.*

On the 17th we arrived at Lamoo, from which place the Barracouta had sailed only three days previously with her wooden anchor. Sef ben Hamed dined on board, when the captain obtained the liberation of an unfortunate slave, who had been imprisoned and almost starved for serving his master, the ex-sultan of Patta, with too much fidelity. In case Captain Vidal should return to this port, orders were left for him by Captain Owen, when we continued our course, and on the 20th anchored in the harbour of Mombas; a few days after which we were joined by the Barracouta and Albatross.

Whenever we were at Mombas, the Arabs sent daily three or four dishes of rice, &c., prepared in different ways, for Captain Owen's table, and frequently to Captain Vidal; in addition to which, they individually gave repeated entertain-

* The following are the names and estimated population of the towns between Mukdeesha and Brava:—
Towns. Population.
Mukdeesha 4000
Gezerat and Denana 1000
Havaly and Goondarsha 3000
Marka 2000
Mongooya and Torra 1500
Brava 2000
This calculation is, in all probability, under the actual population, but serves to give an idea of their relative proportions.

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ments, to which the officers of both vessels were invited, and the dishes, as they were sent from the table, were immediately carried on board to those who could not attend, an act of consideration and kindness which, as it showed the general feeling towards the English, was duly appreciated.

On moonlight nights there is far more noise at Mombas than during the day, for then the Sowhylese hold their dances, commencing as the sun goes down, and often continuing until daylight. They appeared to have no particular figure, but jumped together in a confused mass to the tattoo of a large and small drum, and the deep though not loud note of a kind of metallic gong. The Arab women are frequently spectators, and sometimes join in this dance; we once observed several of them performing by themselves, but even then they were so enshrouded that it was impossible to distinguish their faces, and scarcely their forms. We often remarked that the cats, instead of fur, were covered with a coat of short and stiff hair, but always considered them to be a different species from those in England, and never had an idea that the mere change from the ship to the shore would effect so extraordinary an alteration. A cat which we had brought from Algoa Bay, and which had retained the same appearance as at first, was landed at Mombas during one of our visits: upon our return, a period of only eight weeks, it had undergone a complete metamorphosis, having parted with its sandy-coloured fur,

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and gained in return a coat of beautiful short white hair.

Captain Owen held several councils whilst we remained here, and formed many salutary laws for the government of the natives. He also promised to write to the Imaum, and request him to give back Pemba to the Mombassians, and restore to them their possessions upon that island, which had been taken from them by the Imaum's officer.

On the 2nd of February we got under weigh to the southward, and on the following day passed the west shore of the island of Pemba, enclosing excellent ports from Tondong to the southern extremity. Before quitting Pemba, Captain Owen had several interviews, respecting the administration and politics of the country with Nassoor ben Soleman, the governor, who, before our departure, sent six bullocks and eighty fowls as a present. On the 7th we made all sail for Zanzibar, where we arrived the next morning, when Captain Owen made the necessary arrangements with Seid Mahommed, of Muskat, for preserving the peace of north-east Africa until the British Government should have come come to a determination respecting the acceptance of the territory, and until then Captain Owen desired that no force or illegal interference should be attempted by the Imaum's officers.*

On the 10th we left Zanzibar for Mahé, where we arrived on the 1st of March, and were joined by the

* This office of mediator devolved upon Captain Owen in consequence of the death of Commodore Nourse.

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Barracouta, the following short account of whose proceedings are thus related by Mr. Boteler.

"On the 5th of February, with many a hearty farewell, we bade a final adieu to our Arab friends of Mombas, and, as we steered through the narrow channel, in going out, returned the salute of the crowd that had assembled on the castle battlements, to take a last view of us as we passed. Our passage to the Seychelles was tedious in the extreme, on account of the prevalence of light and contrary winds. The currents also greatly retarded us, and were the subject of much surprise; every day we encountered several, but more especially on the 9th, in lat. 7° 52′ South, and long. 43° 28′ East, where we actually counted four, running in opposite directions, their limits indicated by lines of noisy ripplings. We passed the three coral islets of Alphonse, St. Francois, and Bijoutier; and on the 16th of March anchored off the island of Mahé, the principal of the Seychelles islands, where we found our consort and His Majesty's ship Ariadne."

We made a particular survey of the Seychelles islands before leaving, and were much pleased with their general luxuriant appearance. Lieutenant Owen and a party scaled the summit of North or Fearn Island for scientific purposes, as an hydrographical station. They were two hours and a half ascending, being in all probability the first human beings that had ever visited this elevated spot. On the 18th we returned to Mahé, where we received on board ninety days' provi-

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sion, and finished forty-two sheets of charts, which were to be taken to England by the Ariadne, in charge of Lieutenant Owen Johnes, who had directions to survey in his way Isle Flat, the most southern of the Seychelles group.

A ball and supper were given in honour of our little squadron, by the inhabitants of Mahé, just before our departure. This was conducted in a most delicate and elegant manner; during the entertainment a transparency was suddenly lighted up over the chair of Captain Owen, with the words—"à la recompense de leurs longs et penibles travaux."

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CHAPTER XVI.

Leave the Seychelles.—Coral islets.—Port Robinson.—Chief of the Seclaves.—Savage warfare.—Native sentries.—Levee and Ball at Mozambique.—A notorious Slaver.—A capture. —Barrett's sufferings—His idiotism.—Demands for Presents.

WE bade a final adieu to the Seychelles on the 6th of April, when, in company with the Barracouta, we got under weigh for Madagascar, the Albatross having previously sailed for the purpose of surveying, in her way to the Isle of France, the low coral group of Corgados Garagos islands. After passing the Amirantes, and through a variety of counter-currents, on the 17th we stood round Cape Ambre, and commenced surveying the bays and islets from thence to Cape St. Sebastian.

Few parts that we had examined possessed more interest than this; it was a blank in hydrographical knowledge, having seldom been visited, and never explored. An attempt had been made to delineate the islets in some charts, but the bays

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were unknown, and consequently called for our minute examination. Lieutenant Boteler, who surveyed several inside the islets says, "Some of these bays were so deep that I often expected to find a passage through them connected with the numerous harbours branching from British Sound on the opposite side of the island, a discovery that would have been of a very interesting nature. But it appeared that no communication did actually exist, the nearest point being across an isthmus of two miles in extent, forming the northern extremity of Madagascar into a peninsula, shaped like the barbed head of an arrow, about forty-two miles in circumference.

"The islets much resemble those off Cape St. Sebastian and the Minow group, presenting, with the bold cliffs and luxuriant hills of the main, a pleasing and picturesque appearance, but much inferior to that which opened upon me as I entered the last and largest bay before reaching Cape St. Sebastian. Three or four miles inland could be seen a cataract, rushing in a broad and rapid stream from a gloomy ravine between two high mountains, forming the side of the stupendous cape. The giddy stream, after being hurled from this precipitous height, then meandered a smooth and silvery river through the winding and fertile valley beneath. The immediate vicinity of this bay was formed of huge misshapen columns of basalt, covered with forest trees and long grass, where herds of wild cattle were seen grazing in fearless security."

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We examined more minutely another of these harbours, which had been discovered during our former survey of this coast. It had received its name from one of our midshipmen, Mr. Charles Gepp Robinson, who was the first to observe it, where we had not expected to find any port; it proved an excellent harbour, the entrance being a narrow passage, with about nine fathoms water in the centre, and between four and five near the rocks, the port itself being about two miles deep.

Some of the officers landed, and saw numerous herds of wild cattle, so wild in fact that they could not, with the utmost precaution, get sufficiently near to fire with any hopes of success. The shores of the bay appeared but thinly inhabited, a few huts and two canoes being all that were met with in the circuit of the harbour. The final report upon the capabilities of Port Robinson was highly favourable, as possessing perfect shelter and good anchorage. We surveyed this bay and two others, before unknown, named Ports Jenkinson and Liverpool, which were found to be as spacious and commodious as Port Robinson. These three harbours are contiguous to each other, and are all contained within the arrow-headed peninsula before mentioned. We next proceeded to examine an extensive and detached bank of soundings, and thence continued to Bembatooka, where we arrived on the night of the 1st of May. The following morning, on looking for the town of Majunga, we saw nothing but a heap of ruins

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blackened by fire; and from some of the natives, who soon came on board, we learnt the following particulars of this event.

It appeared that Downsoola, the young and enterprising chief of the Seclaves, began to entertain hopes, from the impaired health and debilitated state of Ramanatook's soldiers, that he might succeed in overpowering the garrison, and thus wresting from Radama his lately conquered possessions. He accordingly called together a numerous body of the savages in the vicinity, and resolved with their assistance to attempt what he considered so easy an enterprise. He commenced hostilities by massacring some of Radama's soldiers, who were placed near him by that politic prince, nominally as a guard of honour, but in reality as spies.

But, however cautious this chief considered he had been in the prosecution of his design, it appeared that Ramanatook had long been informed of his plans, but was ignorant of the time at which he intended to put them into execution. He accordingly prepared for the defence of his garrison, by doubling his piquets, and erecting inside the surrounding palisades a strong mud wall, with loop-holes for musketry, and a piece of ordnance at each gate, the muzzle protruding through the ponderous door: having made these arrangements, Ramanatook quietly awaited in his stronghold the events that were to follow. When hostilities commenced by the slaughter

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of his people on the opposite side of the river, he sent a dispatch to his brother at Ovah, requesting a reinforcement of men; for, since our last visit to Bembatooka, the fever had made such ravages amongst his soldiers that more than one half had perished; the remainder, including Ramanatook, being in a weakened and almost helpless state. Yet, suffering, as they were, under the effects of a relentless disease, these devoted people were still true to their prince and his cause; not a murmur of discontent or fear was to be heard, and when the Seclaves, amounting to upwards of two thousand, principally armed with muskets, came to the attack, they met with so warm a reception, that they retreated in the utmost dismay to the town, leaving many of their companions upon the field.

The occupation of the town was favourable to their savage mode of warfare, and from the houses and gardens they commenced doing some execution on the pursuing party of the victorious garrison, when Ramanatook, as the only means of expelling the enemy and saving his men, set fire to the place. The flames rapidly spread; the fragile wooden buildings cracked and fell upon them; they were soon obliged to make a precipitate retreat to the sandy jetty, upon which they had landed, and after making a short stand there against a trifling number of Ramanatook's men, they fled, panic-struck, to their vessels.

In the commencement of the affray, Ramanatook contented himself with acting on the defen-

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sive; but when, after some time, he perceived that the assailants still persevered,and did not retreat, his indignation became excited, and, calling a body of men around him, he sallied out at the back of the garrison, took the enemy in the rear, and dealt consternation and death wherever he appeared. Downsoolah's intention was to have co-operated in person with this force at the head of his main body, consisting of three thousand men, and was on his march towards Majunga, about three miles inland, when he received intelligence of the premature attack by his countrymen and their defeat, upon which he immediately commenced a retreat, but was much harassed by the reinforcement of a thousand soldiers sent by Radama, who were on their march to the assistance of Ramanatook. If the Arab inhabitants of Majunga did not personally assist the assailants, some were evidently concerned in the affair, as the Seclaves were in possession of dollars which they could not have obtained through any other medium than that of the Arabs.

Lieutenant Boteler took an opportunity one evening of visiting the remains of this deserted town, which he described as a mass of cinders, roofless huts, and walls blackened by fire; the herbage was parched, the gardens destroyed, and nothing remained but misery and desolation. The only living things were some wretched half-starved cats, which, true to their nature, preferred remaining in their accustomed haunts to following those who had deserted them. After leaving

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the town, he directed his steps towards the garrison, but before his arrival the gates were closed.

As night was fast approaching, he commenced his return. When about half-way down the hill, he heard a voice shouting with earnest anxiety in various uncouth sounds, and presently encountered a man, who advised him to get to the boat as quickly as possible, as otherwise he would stand a good chance of being shot by some of the sentries, who during these troubled times, were as likely to discharge their pieces immediately after uttering the challenge, as to wait for a reply; for this spot was out of the general road, where no one ventured after dark unless on duty, and even these were obliged to keep constantly vociferating some well-known sound, the omission of which precaution had, two nights previously, nearly proved fatal to an Ovah sergeant, who was severely wounded. These sentries were posted in pairs around the garrison in every direction. They sat in the Arab fashion upon a mat, with their whole body covered with a mantle, and their muskets between their legs, one sleeping alternately as the other watched.

We left Bembatooka on the 6th of May, in company with the Barracouta, and on the 9th arrived at Mozambique, the military establishment of which was improved since our last visit by the arrival of a new captain-general, who had been raised from the governorship of Madeira to that of Mozambique and its dependencies. He was accompanied by a large suite, and

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a respectable reinforcement of officers and men, who had served in the Peninsular war.

The 13th being the anniversary of the birth of the King of Portugal, various ceremonies and rejoicings in commemoration of the event took place. Salutes were fired at daylight, at noon, and at sunset, and all vessels, as a mark of respect, were dressed out in flags. A grand procession took place in the morning, while the Governor held a levee during the day, and at night gave a ball, at which was present every soul that could claim European origin, however distant or tinged by the mixture of black blood.

The motley group assembled at the levee was passing strange, but it was far outdone by the ball. Such an extraordinary collection as this was scarcely ever witnessed. It included nearly every grade, from highly polished civilization to the just fledged savage, whose limbs had never before been confined within the limits of broad cloth; from the well-fitted and neat costume of Europe, to the loose butterfly-looking suit of vanity and ignorance; while the complexions varied from the most brilliant black to the pleasing red and white of our more favoured race. A fat and cumbersome creole lady, whose skin appeared too wide for the flesh it had to cover, might be seen groaning beneath a weight of finery and heat, the dewy drops trickling from every pore in so copious a stream that it might have been feared she would "dissolve in sweets

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away." As a contrast to this, "Niobe, all tears," might be seen the Governor's daughters, just imported from Europe, young, elegant, and graceful, whose every movement was easy and unaffected.

We sailed together from Mozambique on the 14th of May, and on the 1st of June arrived in St. Augustin's Bay, one day previously to the Barracouta. Upon rounding Sandy Island, the entrance to this bay, we saw a brig at anchor off Tent Rock, and which was soon recognised as the Soleil, alias Tigre, a notorious slaver. She had a small Portuguese flag flying at her mast-head, but Captain Owen, being well aware of her illegal practices, sent Messrs. Weir and Barrette (mates) to bring the master and papers on board. They returned with a Monsieur Josette, a Swiss, who was actually her commander, although he called himself the second officer. He denied having any papers, but stated that they were in possession of the supercargo, Monsieur Quoit, who was at the time absent in a boat.

This man came on board at midnight, with the ostensible master, Luiz Antonio, and twelve men, when it appeared that she had formerly belonged to Bourbon, and had during one of her voyages fired into a French ship-of-war that was about to board her, and afterwards contrived to make her escape. She had then refitted at Mahé, where he left some slaves in payment for provisions. She next went to Quiloa, and at Zanzibar purchased some slaves, where two of her officers were

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arrested, and sent to Muskat, but the Imaum dismissed them by the advice of Mr. Elphinstone, the Governor of Bombay. They returned to their vessel, and were wrecked at Ibo. She then went to Mozambique, and took in one hundred slaves, completing the remainder of her cargo at Ibo. Her reported destination was Brazil, and she had proceeded as far as 27° south latitude, where she had suffered much from a gale of wind, and been obliged to bear up for this place, in order to repair.

The master and eight men were sent to take charge of this vessel, as for many reasons Captain Owen considered himself authorised in detaining her as a lawful capture. We found 172 slaves on board, but many were in a sickly and starving state; several had already died, and even the kind treatment they received from us came too late to call back to life some of those that were ill. Amongst the crew of the Soleil we discovered a man, named Charles Barrett, who had deserted from the Barracouta, during her former visit to this place. From privations and repeated attacks of the fever his body was reduced to a mere skeleton, and his mind to a state of idiotism. We had him brought on board, and after a short time he was sufficiently recovered to give some account of his proceedings.

It appeared that when he saw the vessel leaving he heartily repented his folly in thus placing himself in the power of a tribe of savages. At first he carefully avoided them, and subsisted on

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wild berries, having nothing but the rain-water, that had lodged in the fissures of the rocks, to drink, and sleeping at night beneath the bushes. At length, being attacked by the fever and almost starving, he called to a native, and begged, without a hope of being understood, for some assistance. Fortunately for the sufferer, this man spoke a little English, and took compassion on his situation. He conveyed him across the river in his canoe to the residence of Prince Will, who, although he disliked his company, always treated him with kindness, and, in return for the few little services that he was enabled to perform, supplied him with food. Tom Planter and other natives also paid him some trifling attentions, occasionally calling him in as he passed their huts, when they gave him either a portion of their meals or a supply of grain and meat.

He described the residence of Prince Will as about one mile above the mouth of the river Onegaloghe, in the centre of a small village, situated at the foot of some huge white cliffs that formed the vale through which the river took its course. The huts resembled those at St, Mary's, and were elevated a little above the ground. The family consisted of the prince, his wife, and three children, together with six Malegash free servants, who obtained their food and the scanty raiment round their loins for performing the menial duties, tending the cattle, cutting wood, and tilling the ground for the cultivation of Indian corn, pumpkins, bananas, sugar-cane, sweet pota-

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toes, cassada (a species of barley), water-melons, large lemons, calevances, French beans, &c. In the centre of the hut was the fire for cooking, around which the servants slept, wrapped in their cotton mantles, while the prince, his wife, and children, occupied a platform of bamboos, elevated about two feet above the ground, beneath which was placed a pan of hot embers during the cold weather. Every man, according to this narrator's statement, is allowed three wives, who live in the same hut, and are constantly engaged in petty cabals and jealousies, but the authority of the husband prevents open hostilities. A strange variety of ages is sometimes seen amongst these ladies, it being no uncommon event to find belonging to the same man one wife of fifty and another of twelve years, under which latter age they are not allowed to marry.

Barrett stated that he had been nearly twelve months with these people; but, finding that he became a burden and was neglected, upon the arrival of the Soleil, naked, miserable, and emaciated by disease, he stole on board to request a passage to Bourbon. During this short recital, Barrett was constantly expressing fears that his offence would be punished with death; this idea was so strongly impressed upon his nervous imagination as to produce an alienation of mind, accompanied with considerable fever. We therefore determined to convey him on the following morning to the hospital on shore; but during the night he evaded the vigilance of his at-

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tendant, and it was supposed had jumped overboard. A strict search was made, but no trace of him could be discovered, until many hours had elapsed, when by accident he was found couched in the hold, in a fearful state of idiotism. He was conveyed to the hospital, where he slowly recovered, and was eventually sent as an invalid to England.

Since our last visit to St. Augustin's Bay King Bahbah had died, and his subjects, as a customary mark of respect, had shaved their heads, which had so much altered the appearance of many, that we could with difficulty recognise them; but their vociferating demand for presents was as loud as ever, and those which they had formerly insisted on in Bahbah's name they now asked for in their own. The market was still well stocked, but the two vessels being together had doubled the prices and rendered bargaining more difficult than formerly. The day before we sailed, Tom Planter, by some accident, was overturned in his canoe, an occurrence that gave him a fine opportunity for exercising his stentorian powers. "Takee Tom Planter up! Tom Planter very goodee man—no fisherman, no sabby swim, dog-fish, shark, yam Tom Planter!" One of our boats went to his assistance and brought him on board.

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CHAPTER XVII.

Join the Albatross.—An Insurrection.—Visit to Rafarla.—Rafarla's Wives—His House and Park—Dinner with Rafarla.—Embarkation of the Troops.—Profligacy.—Narrow Escape.—A Dispute.—Hippopotamus Hunt.—Brute Affection.—Enraged Elephant.—Mr. Arlett's Danger.—The Spoil.

WE bade adieu to St. Augustin's Bay on the 3d, and, after a pleasant voyage of twelve days, in company with the Barracouta and Soleil, arrived at the Isle of France, where we found the Albatross, which vessel, having completed the survey of the Corgados Garagos islands, had repaired hither to await our arrrival. We sailed again on the 19th of July, and, after examining the small sandy islet of Tromelin, arrived on the 26th at St. Mary's, where we heard that an insurrection of the natives of the east coast of Madagascar had broken out against Radama's sovereignty. This was occasioned by the bad policy of Ramanatook, who, after having driven the French from their

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attempted settlement at Port Dauphin, insisted on the natives who were attached to their interests giving up their arms, about three hundred firelocks, besides spears and other weapons: no apparent objection was made on the part of the people to this arrangement. Radama accordingly sent one hundred men to receive them: these were, in consequence of their small numbers and confidence, led into an ambuscade and destroyed to a man; while Rafarla was blockaded in his palisades at Foule Point by four thousand rebels, it was supposed at the instigation of the French at St. Mary's.

This insurrection had commenced near Port Dauphin, and spread rapidly to the northward as far as Point l'Arée, near which, at a small village, thirty Ovah soldiers had fallen victims to the implacable frenzy of the multitude, who had proceeded from various parts of the country around Foule Point to the attack of that place. We stopped at St. Mary's two days, and thence proceeded along shore towards Tamatave; but, when passing Foule Point, the Barracouta was induced to go in by the report of two guns, which they imagined to have been fired to attract their attention by Radama's governor or some one who wished to communicate.

"Upon landing," says Lieutenant Boteler, "it was found that this signal had been fired by Mr. Hasty, his object being to prevail upon Captain Vidal to transport to the northward a party of Radama's troops, for the purpose of taking a

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strong force of the rebels in the rear, while they should be engaged with another party in front. To this Captain Vidal agreed, under the impression that forwarding the views of Radama was advancing the cause of civilization and the commercial interests of Great Britain. As the success of Mr. Hasty's operations depended entirely on secrecy, it was considered advisable to perform the voyage to Point L'Arée during the night.

"The intervening time was occupied in preparing for the accommodation of so numerous a body of troops, during which Captain Vidal and some officers went on shore to see the town and pay their respects to Rafarla. As they approached, the military appearance of the people, all carrying either a musket or spear, plainly evinced the disturbed state of the country. The town was found to consist of a single street, one side formed by a number of small huts, erected hastily to accommodate the Ovah forces, and the other of a stockade paling, inclosing the houses of the higher class and surrounding that of Prince Rafarla. The party first bent their steps to this, and passed through a large gate into an extensive court decorated and rendered agreeably cool by the extending branches of a number of mango-trees, under which was erected a tent for the body-guard. They then entered the house, and were led into a low room neatly matted, where, after stopping a short time, they ascended a ladder (dignified by the name of staircase) to a large and commodious apartment,

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wherein sat Rafarla at breakfast, with two of his wives, Mr. Hasty, and some officers belonging to a French brig of war lying off the town. Rafarla, on the entrance of his visiters, arose and received them with a hearty shake of the hand and many compliments in the Ovah language. He then introduced them to his two wives, who returned their salute in a pleasing and unaffected manner, which, considering how few opportunities they had of mixing in society, created some surprise. They were by no means handsome, but gaudily dressed in white gowns, yellow silk handkerchiefs pinned over their shoulders, broad tinsel sashes round their waists, white open-worked silk stockings, and red kid shoes. Their hair was neatly plaited into a variety of small cords, knotted at the end, and hanging down in front as low as their eyebrows; but, when walking, they wore large French bonnets decorated with artificial flowers. Rafarla had on a plain blue coat with a pair of gold epaulettes, white waistcoat and trowsers, black cravat, and Wellington boots. His complexion was that of a mulatto; he was middlesized, apparently about forty years of age, having a pleasant address and showing great hospitality towards strangers; he, however, spoke no other than his native language. Upon some of the party expressing surprise that Rafarla had not younger and handsomer wives, Mr. Hasty explained the reason by stating, that the prince had had a very superior establishment, but which, in the heat of play, he had staked against that of another chief,

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when he lost his wives and much valuable property; the winner, however, left him these two, not considering them worth his own acceptance on account of their ugliness. During the day, Mr. Hasty took Captain Vidal to see Rafarla at another of his houses, where he generally slept. This was situated in a kind of park, with a strong palisade all around; two sentries were at the gate, who 'carried arms' to them as they passed. A small piece of flying artillery, which had been used with great effect against the rebels in their late unsuccessful attack upon the town, was also placed in front of the entrance. Close to the house was another stockade, wherein was hoisted Rafarla's flag, consisting of a union-jack, with an oval cut out in the centre, and a cock and bull proper introduced on a field argent: the origin of this whimsical insertion Captain Vidal could not discover.

They passed the guard and entered the house, where they found Rafarla, who had taken off his coat and put on a dressing-gown of gaudycoloured cotton, the ladies being also in deshabille. Whilst viewing the park, they came upon the spot where the French had originally erected their settlement, the ruins of which were still to be seen. One of these was a small pillar, having the royal arms of France carved on its base, with an inscription relating to their settlement.

After quitting the park, a young man, aidede-camp to Rafarla, and who escorted the party, conducted them to a neighbouring field, where

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the heads of some of the rebels were stuck on poles, presenting a horrible and ghastly spectacle, being in a most disgusting state of corruption. They were regarded with the greatest indifference by their guide, who, in reply to a question by Caption Vidal, how the bodies of these unfortunate people were disposed of, answered, with the utmost sang-froid, 'Les dogues (dogs) ont finer manger.'

At five o'clock dinner was announced, when the party repaired to Rafarla's residence, where they found him with his two wives, Jean Réné, commandant of Tamatave, and several French officers. The dinner was substantial, and served in good style, consisting of soup, boiled ox-head, roast fowls, and two dishes of the country; one a sort of hash, of excellent flavour, and the other a couple of chickens, dressed in a manner that would not have disgraced the first traiteur in Paris. The bones were taken out, and the inside stuffed with chopped meats, highly seasoned, which, with rich gravy, made it a most delicious dish. The ladies behaved with great decorum and politeness, and paid their visiters every possible attention; the youngest, the Princess Randitte, speaking just sufficient English and French to make herself understood.

A rather curious addition to this entertainment consisted of two files of soldiers, with loaded muskets, standing in the corner of the room, who, when Rafarla left it to give some orders, followed him, and on his return took up

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their former position. At twilight, the troops, amounting to one hundred and seventy, repaired in companies to the beach, and were embarked in boats, when we immediately sailed. It was a miserably dark and wet night, and the crowded decks presented a strange and disagreeable appearance, many of these people never having been at sea before, and suffering dreadfully from its effects; still not a complaint was heard: but on approaching Point L'Arée in the morning, all joined in a burst of delight at having accomplished in a few hours a three days' journey, or, as they expressed that time, 'without once picking rice.'

We anchored near the shore, and, not to exite suspicion, the Malegash were kept below. Some natives approached in a canoe on one side, but as they came near, precipitately retreated on perceiving the formidable force embarking in our boats on the other. They landed in safety, and it was pleasing to observe how every soldier, as he rushed through the water, carefully held up his arms and ammunition above the surf, and instantly repaired to the post assigned him.

The people of the village had not willingly entered into the league against Radama, and were, therefore, entitled to mercy. Two heralds of peace accordingly preceded the invading party as they approached the place, but they were too late; the alarm had spread, and the timid inhabitants had retreated panic-stricken into the neighbouring woods. The admirable discipline of the

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Ovah troops was strongly exemplified in taking possession of this village, as even the victuals that remained half-cooked were left untouched, and that by men just emerging from the savage state, flushed by conquest, and with appetites sharpened by a sea-voyage, during which they had not tasted food.

By the last boat that left the shore Mr. Hasty sent us intelligence that his skirmishers had just returned with sixty prisoners; and we afterwards learned that his plans had entirely succeeded in checking this rebellion. We sailed immediately for Tamatave, where we anchored on the 7th of August, and rejoined the Leven."

Having before described this place, any further remarks are unnecessary. But a circumstance which happened to one of our officers is deserving of record, as showing the great profligacy of these people. Seeing a number of women embarking in a canoe to go on board a ship lying in the bay, he accosted a man who appeared very busy in the transaction, and who spoke good French, by asking if he should like to see his own wife thus sent off to strangers? He burst into a loud laugh, and answered, "Parbleu! certainement; la voila!" at the same time pointing to an interesting young girl who was then getting into the canoe!

From Tamatave we sailed along the coast, and touched at Port Dauphin. We then doubled the southern extremity of Madagascar, in order further to explore the Star Bank, the examination of

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which had been entrusted to Lieutenant Mudge, in the Albatross, who left the Isle of France some time before us for that purpose. We here experienced a narrow escape from shipwreck, having, during a strong breeze and heavy sea, nearly run aground on a patch of coral, covered apparently with very little water, which the dazzling glare of the sun prevented us from seeing, until we were so near as with difficulty to be enabled to clear it.

The schooner, during her survey of this dangerous assemblage of reefs, was in a still more critical situation, for, while at anchor surveying, a heavy gale suddenly came on, and caused so great a sea as to destroy one of her boats before any precautions could be taken; and the wind soon became so violent that Lieutenant Mudge was on the point of cutting the cable, as the only chance of saving the vessel, when the cable broke. Their situation was not, however, much improved, for a labyrinth of reefs, with the sea rolling in an awful manner upon them, was close to leeward; but through a merciful Providence they escaped, as their skill was of no avail whilst passing through heavy breakers, wherein the vessel was momentarily expected to strike, when all on board must inevitably have perished.

We arrived at St. Augustin's Bay on the 20th of August, and the next day sailed for Delagoa, where we anchored off the Portuguese Fort on the 28th, having in our way examined the long

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low coral islet of Bassas da India, by us named Europa Island. A few hours after our arrival, the Albatross joined us from Elephant Island, whither she had been obliged to repair, on account of the hostility evinced towards her by the Portuguese Governor, for insisting on the restitution of an English merchant-brig, the Eleanor of London, which he had seized and confiscated for trading up the Mapoota. He ordered the Albatross to leave the river, under the penalty of being sunk by the guns of the fort.

Captain Owen, the morning after our arrival, took possession of the Eleanor, and wrote to the Governor, insisting on the restoration of every article that had been landed from her, and to demand an explanation of his conduct towards the Albatross. The Governor justified his proceedings by stating that Delagoa was, to all intents and purposes, a Portuguese possession; an assertion which his predecessors had never attempted to make, and that he was particularly required by his instructions from the Governorgeneral of Mozambique to seize all vessels found trading with the natives, excepting through the medium of the Portuguese; that Lieutenant Mudge had endeavoured to release the Eleanor, although confiscated for infringing these regulations, in consequence of which he had ordered him away and detained the vessel as a prize.

After some correspondence, assisted on our part by the three vessels making active preparations for demolishing the fort, the Governor at length

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acceded to every demand, and it was mutually agreed that the Eleanor should proceed to London, and the Governor's memorial of her case be presented to the Portuguese ambassador; when, if considered a lawful seizure, she was again to be resigned into their hands.

As all our attempts to obtain an hippopotamus had hitherto failed, and as we were not likely to meet with another opportunity, this being our last visit to Delagoa Bay, a party of officers volunteered for the chase, and were conveyed up the Dundas river in the Albatross. The evening set in before they reached that part of the river where the hippopotami were the most abundant. Three parties were however formed, who at midnight commenced their pursuit. The scene was novel and imposing; a body of men, armed at all points with muskets, harpoons, and lances, walking on the shallows of the river, with nothing but the moon to light them, all hallooing and driving before them their huge game, who, blowing, snorting, and bellowing, were floundering through the mud from the numerous holes which they had made at the bottom for their retreat, but from which the hunters' lances soon expelled them, until ultimately driven upon dry ground; where a running contest commenced, the beast sometimes being pursued and at others pursuing.

This lasted for some time; but still there were no signs of man's boasted pre-eminence: not an animal had the party secured, dead or alive. As

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low water was considered the best time for the pursuit of their game, when the flood set in the party amused themselves until the next ebb by scouring the woods for any birds or beasts that they could find. The deer, which were very numerous, consisted principally of three species, the fallow, spring, and hartebock; but they, as well as the buffaloes and monkeys, were so shy that none of the party could get near enough to fire with any hope of success.

During the pursuit, the party were obliged to be careful where they trod, as the forest abounded in pits dug by the natives to entrap the hippopotami and elephants. These were about twelve feet deep, formed like a wedge, and so neatly covered with reeds that even some of the hunters, notwithstanding their precautions, were caught, but fortunately not in any armed with spears at the bottom. At low water the following morning one party formed a line across one of the shallows, where the depth was not above two feet, while the boats went up the river and actually drove the animals down the stream, another party having lined the banks to prevent their taking to the woods and reeds. These, whenever the monstrous but timid animals attempted to pass them, set up a shout, which in most instances proved sufficient to turn them back into the water; when, having collected a vast number on one shallow bank of sand, the whole of the hunters commenced from all sides a regular cannonade upon the astonished brutes. Unwieldy as they appeared

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still much activity was displayed in their efforts to escape the murderous and unceasing fire to which they were exposed. The one-pound gun occasionally furrowed the thick hide of some, while others were perpetually assailed by a shower of pewter musket-balls. One, a cub, was nearly caught uninjured in attempting to follow its mother, who, galled to desperation, was endeavouring to escape through the land-party; but, as soon as the affectionate brute perceived her offspring falling into the hands of her enemies, forgetting her fears, she rushed furiously at the offenders, when they in their turn were obliged to retreat; but again they contrived to separate them, and had almost secured the prize, when the angry mother, regardless of their close and almost fatal fire, succeeded in redeeming it from their grasp and bearing it off, although herself in a state of great exhaustion. With the flood this sport ended.

On their return to the schooner along the banks of the river, passing near a spot where an hippopotamus had been seen sporting in the water, a loud rustling was heard amongst the reeds, as if the animal had retreated thither on the discharge of their pieces. Messrs. Arlett and Barrette, with two of the seamen, immediately followed with the view of driving him out. The former gentleman was a little in advance, and eager in the pursuit, when he was heard loudly to exclaim, "Here he is!" The shrill, angry scream of some large animal instantly followed, and in a few

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seconds Mr. Barrette rushed from the reeds with his face covered with blood and calling loudly for assistance, as Lieutenant Arlett was attacked and thrown down by an elephant. The party were immediately on the alert in search of the unfortunate officer, whom they expected to find a mangled corpse. As they approached, the elephant, alarmed at their numbers, retreated, leaving his victim on the ground in a state that may more easily be imagined than described. He was stretched motionless on his back, covered with blood and dirt, and his eyes starting from their sockets, in all the expressive horror of a violent death.

Every attention was immediately paid to him, but it was long feared that the vital spark had fled. Some water was procured, when, after his face had been washed and a little introduced into his mouth, he showed symptoms of returning life; but it was some time before he recovered his senses, and became sufficiently collected to give a connected account of the occurrence that had led to his pitiable state. It appeared that, from the thickness of the reeds, he was close to the animal before he was at all aware of his situation, but immediately on making the discovery, he uttered the exclamation heard by his companions of "Here he is!" This had hardly escaped him, when he discovered that, instead of an hippopotamus, he was almost stumbling over an enormous elephant. The animal, which appeared

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highly irritated at the intrusion, waved its trunk in the air, and the moment he spoke, reared upon its hind legs, turned short round, and, with a shrill, passionate cry, rushed after him, bearing down the opposing reeds in his way, while Lieutenant Arlett vainly attempted to effect his escape. For a short time he had hopes of eluding his pursuer, as the animal perceived one of the seamen mounted on the top of a tree, about twenty feet high and three in circumference, menacing him by his voice and gestures, while preparing to fire. The elephant turned short round, and, shrieking with rage, made a kind of spring against the tree, as if to reach the object of his attack, when his ponderous weight bore the whole to the ground, but fortunately without hurting the man, who slipped among the reeds. The ferocious animal still followed him, foaming with rage, to the rising bank of the river; the man crying loudly, "An elephant! an elephant!" until, closely pressed by his pursuer, they both came upon the top of the slope, where the party who had heard his cries were prepared, and instantly fired a volley as the elephant appeared. This made him return with increased fury to Mr. Arlett, who, in his eagerness to escape, stumbled and fell, the huge beast running over him and severely bruising his ankle.

As soon as he had passed, Mr. Arlett arose, and, limping with pain, attempted once more to retreat, but the animal returned to the attack;

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his trunk was flourished in the air, and the next moment the unfortunate officer was struck senseless to the ground. On recovering himself his situation appeared hopeless, his huge antagonist standing over him, chaffing and screaming with rage, pounding the earth with his feet, and ploughing it with his tusks. When the party first saw them, Mr. Arlett was lying between the elephant's legs, and had it been the intention of the animal to destroy him, placing a foot upon his senseless body would in a moment have crushed him to atoms; but it is probable that his object was only to punish and alarm, not to kill—such conjecture being perfectly in accordance with the character of this noble but revengeful beast.

Mr. Arlett was with much care instantly conveyed on board the schooner, when, on examination, it was found that his body was severely bruised, yet no bones were broken, excepting the fibula of the left leg, which was supposed to be slightly fractured. It appeared that the elephant, on his last return to Mr. Arlett, had filled his trunk with mud, which, having turned him on his back, and forced open his mouth, he blew down his throat, injecting a large quantity into the stomach. It was this that produced the inflated appearance of Mr. Arlett's countenance, for he was almost in a state of suffocation, and for three days after this adventure, he occasionally vomited quantities of blue sand.

When he encountered the elephant, he had a

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rifle in his hand, but he was too close to fire, knowing as he did, that in case of failure his destruction would be certain, for, when wounded, the desperation of this animal is fatal to all. Upon conveying him to the boat, this rifle was forgotten, and a party of four were despatched to recover it. They had just succeeded, and were about to return, when the elephant rushed in amongst them. The first and second man fired without offect, but the ball of the third fortunately turned him.

From the number of shots that were discharged, and apparently took effect on the hippopotami, the party had no doubt that some were killed. The natives had promised to inform them when the bodies floated on shore; but experience soon showed how little reliance could be placed on the word of these people, when a savoury repast was placed in the opposite scale. An hippopotamus head was discovered, the body having been conveyed aWay, and eaten. This awakened suspicion; our men traversed the bank of the river, and shortly came on a party of natives, who were in the act of cutting up the body of another. This was immediately taken possession of, and conveyed to the schooner, while upwards of three hundred natives on the opposite bank of the river were shewing, by their menacing gestures, how averse they were to lose their prize. In this animal three musket-balls had penetrated through the skin, which was one inch and a half in thick-

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ness, and lodged between the ribs; the fatal wound in the flank having been discharged from the rifle of Mr. Jamieson. This beast was of a small size, the head, without the tongue, weighing only two hundred and six pounds. The natives during the hunt were constant attendants, and had by far the largest share of the game.

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CHAPTER XVIII

A Boy sold.—A family meeting.—Jack Inyack and his Son.—Misery of the natives.—Altered looks of old Friends.—Mr. Farewell's settlement—Jackot and Chaka.—The Delagoa fever.—Change of officers.—Charts supplied.

WHEN Captain Owen was up the Mapoota in August 1823, he was attracted by the intelligent appearance of a boy, who, in a half-famished state, requested to be taken on board. His father, who was a man in very advanced years, on the receipt of a present, agreed to give him up, and although he was fully impressed with the idea that he was selling him for a slave, yet he parted from his child with the utmost indifference; but, with that native cunning, peculiar to savages, after he had walked a short distance, he turned back, and exclaimed, "No sell um, Cappen; lend 'um!" evidently with the view of glossing over his unnatural conduct to others, although he could not do so to himself. Captain Owen repeated his assurances that his son came of his own accord, and would not

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be considered or received as a slave, but the old man evidently did not believe his assertion.

On our return, the boy, who was christened Toby, was permitted to go on shore. The meeting between him and his father was neither interesting nor affectionate. The father evidently appeared surprised to see his son, at once proving his unnatural roguery in parting with him; but his mother uttered the most piercing cries, accompanied by the usual "Eigh, eigh!" expressive of her astonishment and pleasure: she then commenced dancing and screeching around him for some time, and concluded by caressing and stroking him down the face in the most affectionate manner, while she spoke to him in a whining, half-singing tone, apparently inquiring into his adventures since their separation.

Another of these youths, who had served on board for some time, the son of Jack Inyack, went on shore with Captains Owen and Vidal at the Black Rock near Cape Inyack. As they approached, Jack was observed walking on the beach with three other natives, dressed in their usual preposterous costume of nakedness made more visible. Matwally (the name of the boy) was sitting in the bow of the boat, in a white shirt, jacket, and trowsers, with shoes, and a straw hat. The boat could not get very near the shore, but Jack contrived to distinguish his son at a distance of nearly two hundred yards, in spite of the metamorphosis in his costume; he immediately

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left his companions, and, wading through the shallow water alongside, took the boy in his arms, and without noticing any one else carried him to the land. He then set him down in the midst of his friends, ran round him and examined his clothes, took off his hat, patted his head with the palm of his hand, then replaced his hat, and again commenced his rotatory motion like a dog trying to catch his tail, until, fairly exhausted with his exertions, he stood staring at his child with wonder and astonishment.

As soon as the captains landed, Jack ran to them, saying "How you do? how you do? Eigh, eigh?" then back again to his boy, and the next moment to them, actually foaming at the mouth with his efforts to express the delight of a parent at having recovered a child that he never again expected to see. After this interview the two captains were led to the chief's village, situated behind the south-west point of the island, near a red sand-cliff. They reached this by ascending a water-course, on the summit of which were situated two villages, containing about fifty persons, and composed of neat circular huts arranged in a ring, so as to enclose an open space of ground or area. In the midst of this they met one of the wives of Machakany, by whom these villages had been recently erected. This lady was, during the absence of her lord, acting as his substitute. Jack Inyack informed her that it was "Captain Nohen," by which name the natives around always knew

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him. "Captain Nohen," having called for a mat, and seated himself under a tree, was soon surrounded by the inhabitants of the village, who were apparently a much finer race than those of English River. The young women made love to "Captain Nohen," in order to share his cigar, which he commenced smoking, and one who seemed to have gained his favour above her compeers obtained the residue of two when he had smoked them tolerably close. In every succeeding visit since our first arrival at Delagoa, we had observed that the natives were becoming still more unhappy; many, it appeared, had voluntarily sold themselves to slavery in order to avoid the miseries of starvation: for so great had been the ravages of the Hollontontes that even onions, which were once so plentiful and highly prized by the inhabitants, had become exceedingly scarce. It likewise appeared that the French of Bourbon had opened a trade to this Bay for slaves, a vessel from that place having left only six weeks before our arrival with one hundred and thirty of these unfortunate beings on board. We were also informed that two others had, a short time previously, been there, when the master, the infamous Dorval of Mauritius, and several of the crew landed at Inyack and Mapoota, where they encouraged the friendly natives to drink largely of the arrack which they had prepared for the occasion; when drunk or stupified, they carried them on board and immediately got under weigh; their victims being brought back to life and reflection by the

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sound of the shackles with which they were secured.

The blood runs cold when contemplating the cruel cupidity that could dictate such a proceeding, by which every tie was rent asunder, and all the cherished hopes and expectations of existence suddenly and for ever blighted. These poor negroes, although uncivilized, are not devoid of feeling; the same attachments, the same emulations, are stirring in the breast of the untutored savage as in that of the man of refinement, and he feels as much when they are destroyed. What, then, must have been the sorrows of the many breaking hearts that were thus torn from all they loved or wished for—bound by fetters as immoveable as the wretches by whom they were surrounded, with no other prospect but slavery in a distant and unknown land, where they were to be debased to a level with the brute, without a hope of ever again returning to their native soil and liberty!

As a conclusion to the misfortunes of these people, the Portuguese had burnt their canoes, stating, as an excuse, that the safety of their garrison depended upon this measure, and that it prevented the natives from carrying on a contraband trade with strangers. We had numerous visiters as usual, but their appearance strongly evinced the life of privation they had led.

What a contrast did these poor people exhibit in their present situation with that in which we first found them! the little market, the fair exchange,

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the busy mercantile spirit, and the ardour of speculation had vanished, leaving only abject beggary and want of the mere necessaries of life. "George of the Sand," who, when we parted with him, had a fine robust figure, and an ever gay and active disposition, was now worn down by famine and disease to a mere skeleton, his body emaciated, and his mind unnerved and gloomy. Even "Bill" had wonderfully altered; his quick repartee and powers of mimicry had given place to a settled thoughtful look, although at times he affected to be gay, but it was the forced vivacity of sorrow so sickening to mirth: still several of these people who had accompanied us on our voyage preferred remaining in their own country to accompanying us to England. A few, however, continued on board: amongst them was Mumgatawney, who had now become well acquainted with our language, and perfectly assimilated in manners to the seamen.*

After leaving the river, we completed the survey of the outer bar, in company with the Barracouta and Albatross, when we sailed for the Cape of Good Hope. In our way we stopped at Port Natal, where we were visited by Lieutenant Farewell of the Royal Navy, who had settled there in March 1824, having obtained permission to do so from Chaka, who, some time before, had subdued that part of the country, and almost an-

* This man afterwards died of the fever at Fernando Po, having nearly £100 in pay and prize-money due to him, which, in consequence, fell to the King.

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nihilated the inhabitants. He granted to Mr.Farewell an extensive tract along the coast, and encouraged him by his assistance in his mercantile pursuits; yet, as he is a most capricious and merciless tyrant, it is not improbable that he may soon adopt another line of conduct. Mr. Farewell visited him at his capital, which is about sixty-five miles in the interior; but he is seldom there, as for some years past he has been engaged in overwhelming the weaker powers around his dominions, and with such success, that he imagines himself invincible, and declares it is only on account of the respect he has for the English that he permits them to retain the Cape of Good Hope. He has a great idea of the efficacy of English medicines, and conceives that while he can procure them he shall never die; in consequence, he soon drank all that Mr. Farewell had brought with him, as well as devoured all the salves, ointments, &c.; and when we arrived he was engaged in emptying a keg of vinegar, which Mr. Farewell, having no medicine left, was obliged to send him. He is very proud of his house, and, while showing it to Mr. Farewell, asked him if his king had one so good. Several times he was answered in the affirmative, but as he still persisted in repeating the question, and appeared amazed at the answer, Mr. Farewell made him such a reply as was calculated to gratify his vanity and sooth his rising anger; with this he was immediately appeased, and, assuming great complacency and condescension of

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manner, he offered to lend his carpenter to the King of England to erect him a house like his own.

When Mr. Farewell, previously to settling at Natal, visited in a mercantile voyage that port, as well as Delagoa and others along the coast, he prevailed upon Fire and Jackot to accompany him; the former was shot accidentally some time afterwards, and Jackot deserted at St. Lucia, and was supposed to have been murdered by the natives. But when Mr. Farewell formed his settlement at Port Natal, he found that Jackot was with Chaka, with whom he had become a great favourite, serving as an interpreter, with the rank of "Chief," and the surname of "the voyager," and in possession of a large establishment and many wives.

The manner in which he contrived to insinuate himself into the good graces of this tyrant was thus related: "The Kaffers have an idea that when a king dies, an evil genius in the shape of a cat performs the office of executioner. Jackot availed himself of this to obtain the favour of Chaka, who he well knew could not bear to contemplate the idea of death: accordingly he repaired one evening to the king's residence, and there, with his spear commenced a most furious combat with vacancy. Chaka and all present were astonished, and Jackot, after he had continued his exertions until he was exhausted from fatigue, stopped, and exultingly informed the King, 'that

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he had killed the cat which was about to take away his life.'"

Mr. Farewell had accumulated a large store of ivory, and might have been even more successful, had he not been disappointed in the receipt of a stock of beads and other articles, for which he had dispatched his small sloop to the Cape. She was never afterwards heard of, and in all probability was burnt, as some of the Kaffers on the coast reported that they had seen "a white man's house on fire, going along the sea." We stopped only a short time at Port Natal, and then sailed for the Cape, where all three vessels arrived by the 28th of September, 1825.

The fatality of the Delagoa fever was here further exemplified by the death of our purser, Mr. Thomas Farley, and Lieutenant Richard Nash, of the Royal Navy, a gentleman, who after invaliding from His Majesty's sloop Espiegle, sailed as a passenger on board the Leven, for the purpose of obtaining a knowledge of surveying. It was supposed that he imbibed the fever whilst engaged in the hippopotamus hunt up the Dundas River, and Mr. Farley, by sleeping two nights on shore: both continued in good health until after our arrival at the Cape, a period of three weeks, when they were attacked nearly at the same time, and died within a few days of each other.

As soon as the last of our charts of the east coast were ready to be forwarded to England, and the three vessels had undergone such a refit as was deemed necessary, previously to commencing the

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survey of the west coast, we left the anchorage off Simon's Town, by the Commodore's orders, to proceed round to furnish him with a plan of Table Bay, before we finally quitted the Cape.

The reasons for our being ordered upon this service were, the numerous wrecks that had recently taken place, and to determine the propriety of the situation for the lighthouse. The power that Captain Owen had hoped to reserve to himself of rewarding the officers under his command for their arduous services, by filling up the death vacancies from his own ship, was here entirely defeated by the interference of the Commodore, who superseded all his appointments, and placed under his command officers, who, however deserving, and able for general duties, were nevertheless, totally incompetent to the particular and scientific service in which we were engaged.

In consequence of this, the Captain was deprived of the assistance of some of his experienced officers who had been with him from the commencement of the expedition, and was now obliged to instruct others instead of enjoying that rest which his constant exertions both demanded and deserved. It is, however, pleasing to relate, that the Admiralty so fully appreciated the merits of the officers whom he had advanced, as to confirm the whole of them in their rank immediately upon his return. The observations and soundings of Table Bay, including Robben, or Seal Island, were concluded in about a week, one copy

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of the chart being supplied to the Commodore, and another to the colonial government. This duty being performed, Captain Owen made application to the Commodore to allow him to proceed in the execution of his Admiralty orders.

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CHAPTER XIX.

Kidnapped Seamen.—Irish Slave Trade.—Walfisch Bay.—Hottentots.—Nourse's River.—Capes and Bays.—Cape St. Mary.—Arrival at Benguela.—Bond Slaves.—St. Paul de Loando.—A friendly Governor.—Island of Ascension.—An Antispasmodic.

A SHORT time before leaving the bay, about twenty people, natives of Ireland, came on board, to enter as seamen, who, as we were short of hands, were readily received; but almost immediately after they had got on board, a Mr. John Ingram claimed them from Captain Owen as his apprentices. In consequence of this application the Captain took them before the commissioners of inquiry, when several deposed on oath, that they had been brought from their native country by force, some being afterwards persuaded to sign indentures, but others never having done so. Under these circumstances Captain Owen considered that they had a right to dispose

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of their own services; but Mr. Ingram obtained an order from Commodore Christian, desiring Captain Owen not to receive them on board, and a summons from the superintendent of police, requiring him to attend the Dutch court and submit to its judgment; to which he answered whilst we were under weigh, by protesting against its power to detain a British subject; but, in accordance with the Commodore's order, the whole of the people were sent on shore, with the exception of one man, who contrived to secrete himself until we were at sea. The captain wrote to Lord Charles H. Somerset respecting this Irish slavetrade, requesting him to see justice done to these unfortunate men, who, born with all the advantages of freedom, were now suffering all the privations of slavery.

Captain Owen's orders did not require that he should survey the coast from the Cape of Good Hope to the river Congo; but, as it was very imperfectly described in the charts, he determined upon making at least a passing inspection, and adding what information his time would admit to hydrographical knowledge.

Previously to the sailing of the Barracouta, Captain Owen had given Captain Vidal orders not to examine any of the rivers until his arrival at the point whence the survey was to commence, making at the same time an arrangement by which the one vessel should pass during the day that part of the coast which the other had been upon during the night. On the 9th of Novem-

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ber we continued our course to execute the commands that we had received for our particular service.

The first place at which we anchored, after leaving the Cape, was Walfisch, or Whale Bay. The weather was hazy, and every object much distorted by refraction from the dry shining sand constituting the back-ground. Some ribs of whales, which had become fixed in this sand, with one end standing upright, appeared like the masts of ships of considerable burden, while common gulls resembled large sheep when seen from the distance of a mile. Pelican Point, the north-west extremity of the bay, was thickly covered by the wrecks of whales, with all kinds of fish, and seafowl, in every stage of decay, from which it is evident that strong westerly gales sometimes drive the sea over this natural break-water.

Between Walfisch Bay and Possession Island many immense trees were seen lying high up the beach, and it is a remarkable fact that, as not the slightest vegetation exists on any part of this coast, much less trees of any magnitude, these must have been brought by the strong perennial south-west wind and current either from America, East Africa, Madagascar, or New Holland. Two boats were sent to survey, while others were engaged fishing off Pelican Point, but they produced only a boat-load of young ground-sharks, elephant-fish, and white bass. The surveyors had discovered an excellent harbour at the head of the bay, perfectly land-locked, and apparently with

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depth of water for a frigate. They were joined by some Hottentots, fac-similes of the prints of these people in the oldest books of travels; their faces entirely covered over, excepting their foreheads, with soot and grease, and clothed in the skins of either beasts or penguins, which, being in an undressed state, constituted a centre of attraction for flies, which were collected around them by thousands.

These people devoured biscuit and meat with the utmost avidity, and vociferously demanded tobacco. Some of the party obtained several straight bucks'-horns, and a few ostrich-feathers, through the irresistible medium of a small piece of pigtail. We examined the bay called in the old charts Rostra da Pedra, or Stony Beak, (although we could not discover a stone near it,) which our officers found to possess every requisite for an anchorage, having sufficient water for vessels of considerable burden, and being perfectly secure from almost any wind. From this place we got under weigh, to the northward, keeping in shore.

The soundings on all this coast are dark, muddy sand, the action of which upon metals turns them black, which effect was produced upon our leads and chain-cables, making them appear as if painted. In latitude 22° 32′, we observed a mountain of considerable elevation, and near it a large body of water, forming a kind of lake about forty feet above the level of the sea; and here were the first symptoms of vegetation which we had met with

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since leaving the Cape of Good Hope, a few stunted bushes and patches of heather being scattered around; but beyond this, the coast again assumed the same arid and monotonous character. According to arrangement, we were to commence our survey of closer recognizance at 19° S. latitude, the point where His Majesty's ship Espiegle had discontinued in 1824.

On the 28th of November we arrived in Great Fish Bay, where we in vain looked for Nourse's River, which had been discovered by the Espiegle on the 23rd of January 1824, and particularly described as "three miles wide, and having a great rush of water, which discolours the sea nearly two miles from its mouth." We could perceive no opening whatever, either on the beach or front land. Mr. Newman, the master of the Espiegle, gives directions for boats to cross the bar and take fresh water, consequently there can be no doubt that the river did exist at that period; but upon our arrival there was not a trace of it visible, neither was there any opening to the land for thirty miles on either side. From this it must be inferred that the rainy season commences with the new year, when the waters force this passage, or river, in their course from the interior, and consequently Nourse's River is open at that season; but, with the strong perennial winds, it is again closed by the sand.

We remained but a short time in this bay, and then proceeded to Port Alexander, the entrance to which is round Cape Negro, a ragged, rocky

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point, forming the eastern extremity of Alexander Bay. To the southward of this, is Cape Albino, formed by some remarkable steep white cliffs, which, with the rays of the setting sun upon them, resembled a group of Grecian columns in ruins. On the highest point of Cape Negro we observed the pillar of Bartholomew Diaz. The plan of this port given by Mr. Newman is excellent, and his latitudes agree in every particular with our own.

From this bay we continued to the northward, towards Little Fish Bay. The rocks upon this coast appear of two or three different kinds, but principally sand-stone inhorizontal strata, in which petrifactions are imbedded; others are of primitive or volcanic substance of harder and more irregular structure. We saw many rivers completely blocked up by sandy beaches, but which, like Nourse's, were probably in the rainy season broad and rapid streams. As we advanced farther northward, the land was composed of red intermixed with tinges of blue clay and yellow sand, which was the first red earth we had seen on this side of Africa, most of the eastern coast being of that colour. The next place we touched at was Turtle Bay, the shores of which are fertile, with every appearance of being inhabited; whence to Cape St. Mary's the coast is steep and precipitous, intersected at intervals with numerous deep ravines, apparently the channels of torrents during the rainy season.

Near Cape St. Mary's we passed a village which

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was not noticed by the Espiegle, probably because it is the custom of these people on the approach of a vessel to remove to the interior; and we could perceive the women and children with large straw packages on their heads, which they were carrying into the country, while the men were collected under the trees watching our proceedings; but when they discovered that we continued our course without sending any boats on shore, their wives and children returned to their huts.

We sailed round Cape St. Mary within about fifty fathoms of the rocks, on the western side of which are three beautiful coves or bays, capable of affording excellent anchorage. The mountains from this cape to Espiegle Bay are of granite, interspersed with a great quantity of mica and quartz; one of the cliffs, abounding in the former, reflected the sun's rays to a considerable distance, like a vast mirror.

The wreck of a large whale was seen in St. Mary's Bay, and on the top of a neighbouring hill, the skeleton of a fish weighing about fifty pounds, which had, in all probability, been carried thither by the wolves or jackalls. We continued our course to Benguela, passing the low sandy point of Victoria, or St. Francis, after which we saw several native villages of straw huts; off one of these we hoisted our colours, which the inhabitants returned by holding up a small red flag with a black or blue cross upon it. The country was generally much more diversified, the valleys fertile

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and beautiful, studded with huts, but which, from their rude construction, indicated no advance in civilization.

When nearing Benguela, we perceived every evening that the water was nearly white, and when agitated emitted the most brilliant phosphoric coruscations. We also picked up a number of mollusca, possessing a perfectly new character, being shaped like the beche do mar, cylindrical, and terminating in a blunt cone, open at one end, and hollow as far as the conical projection. Some were a foot long by about two inches in diameter, perfectly flexible, and upon being placed in the hand gradually dissolved like ice, but, when set in motion, either in or out of the water, became vividly luminous.

On the 6th of December we arrived off Benguela, where, as soon as we had anchored, the harbour-master came on board with letters from Captain Vidal, informing us that the Barracouta had sailed on the preceding day for St. Paul de Loando. This was a considerable disappointment, as we had fully expected to meet at this place, where she had been ordered to remain ten days, and her unexpected departure deranged many of our intended operations. Captain Owen went on shore to pay his respects to the Governor, and was received by a guard of honour composed of five black soldiers.

The only chart that the Governor possessed of the harbour, or neighbouring coast, was an old parchment manuscript, on a very small scale.

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It did not appear that the Portuguese had any settlement to the southward of Benguela, while the neighbourhood of Victoria and Theresa rivers, which we call Catamaran Point, was only known to the Governor as the Salinas, whence they procured salt. The Portuguese sailors have a great dread of Cape Negro, which they always avoid; and it is reported that many vessels are annually wrecked in its vicinity, the crews, when saved, generally walking to Benguela as the nearest place of refuge.

We had here an opportunity of seeing bond-slaves of both sexes chained together in pairs. About one hundred of these unhappy beings had just arrived from a great distance in the interior; many were mere skeletons, labouring under every misery that want and fatigue could produce. In some, the fetters had by their constant action worn through the lacerated flesh to the bare bone, the ulcerated wound having become the resort of myriads of flies, which had deposited their eggs in the gangrenous cavities.

This description of human suffering, produced by human agency, almost needs an apology. The picture is too horrible, too disgusting; but it is true, and mankind should know what beings there are that resemble them, and call themselves men and Christians. Blessed fruits of civilization, that has given to the sons of Europe the power thus to torture the unfortunate children of Africa! Let us boast of our enlightenment, and teach the ignorant barbarian, who can boast of nothing, to

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wonder at our pre-eminence and worship us for our superiority over him. As we are Christians let us be proud of our faith, which makes us sure of salvation. The virtues and sufferings of the poor savage cannot avail him; he roams through the woods with nothing but nature for his God— so we are above him in all things! The divine founder of our religion has told us not to injure one another; yet his followers have learned to think that the negro is not related to them by any ties of humanity; that he is a fallen, debased being, without the same senses and feelings as themselves: but could they have ever witnessed the miseries inflicted on the slave, and heard the low moan of suffering wrung from his bleeding bosom? We could pity, but not alleviate, the sorrows of these unfortunate objects, and therefore gladly turned from their contemplation.

As the Barracouta had surveyed this bay, we made but a short stay, when, having procured some fresh provisions and vegetables, we continued our course towards St. Paul de Loando, and on the 9th of December, anchored near our consort in that harbour. Many civilities passed between our officers and those of the garrison, which is composed of about six hundred men, principally convicts from Portugal. The port and town of St. Paul de Loando were anciently much to the southward of their present situation; the former is now blocked up, while the latter is in ruins. The remains of a ship of about five hundred tons burden were still lying in Sleeper's

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Bay, which had steered for the old harbour, but by bad management was sunk in the attempt whilst passing over the sands.

The Governor was particularly anxious to procure supplies for us, and we were in a great measure dependent upon his good offices; for none of the other inhabitants would render us the least assistance. We had, however, much difficulty in obtaining water, as the tank-boats invariably found some excuse for not supplying us; in consequence of which Captain Owen applied for a pilot, to take his ship to the Bengo river, in order to help ourselves. This roused the anger of the Governor, who immediately ordered one hundred men of the garrison to seize all the boats employed in the water-carriage to complete our stock.

Another trifling but friendly trait in the behaviour of Senhor N. A. Castella Branca, to whom we were so much indebted, was that, it being very difficult to get linen washed, he requested Captain Owen's permission to get it done for him, and actually had it well got up under his own superintendence.

Before leaving this harbour, a party was given by the garrison for the entertainment of our officers, at a house called Quinta, pleasantly situated on Cape Lagotas. Several attended, but the only amusement of the evening was gambling, which, in fact, constitutes almost the sole occupation of the inhabitants. It is melancholy to see these people, who are not devoid of sense or ability,

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thus unprofitably passing so many valuable years of existence. But every act of the modern Portuguese stands as a miserable contrast to the wisdom and enterprise of their ancestors.

Having waited on this kind-hearted Governor to take leave, on the 19th we again got under weigh towards the Island of Ascension, where, on the 2nd of January 1826, we arrived, when Colonel Nichols, the commandant, accompanied by Lieutenant Bennet of the Marines, came on board: they informed us that the Albatross had left the island on the 17th of December, and Coquille, the French circumnavigator, only a few days before our arrival. The captain and some of the officers dined on shore, and the boat's crew succeeded in obtaining three fine turtle, which formed a delightful repast for the ship's company.

Captain Sabine had been at this place for some time to fix the position of the island, but without leaving any results; Coquille had, however, placed it in accordance with our own observations in 14° 24′ west longitude, and the highest peak 2849 feet high. Ascension is about thirty-nine miles in circumference, and of nearly a circular form. It has water only in one spot, called the Green Mountain, from the rich verdure with which it is covered. The natural productions are not numerous. Guinea-fowl have been introduced, and are now quite wild; ten head of cattle were likewise imported, which have also taken to the woods, and are hunted by the garrison as required. This

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island was at one period overrun with enormous rats, to destroy which somebody with good intent imported a cargo of cats, which are now become as great a plague as their predecessors, keeping the sportsmen constantly on the alert to destroy them.

The physalis (Cape gooseberry, or winter cherry) is here, as at St. Helena, a most delicious fruit; it grows in every direction, owing to its being eaten by the birds; the seed is thus disseminated all over the island, which at once suggests the proper mode of cultivation. This little verdant spot appears to offer every inducement for colonising, having a fine climate, fertile soil, abundance of fish and turtle, and facilities for growing every production of nature.

Whilst here, one of our marines happened to cut his foot with a glass bottle, and shortly afterwards had a locked jaw. Every thing that skill could dictate was done to relieve him, but without success; when, as a last resource, a remedy strongly recommended by the natives on the east coast of Africa, was tried: this consisted of a kind of paste made from the cockroach, to be administered in small quantities by pouring it, mixed with water, down the throat. The effect was apparently beneficial; the jaw was immediately unlocked; a copius perspiration ensued, when the doctor, conceiving that a cure was effected, did not prepare another dose, and before this could be done, the spasms returned, and the man in a short

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time expired. Doubtless the failure of this remedy arose from the doctor's ignorance respecting the proper mode of administering the medicine, as the first effects gave every indication of its being the most powerful antispasmodic known.

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CHAPTER XX.

A Native King's Son.—Military Convicts.—The Banana Islands.—Unaccountable Accident.—Slave Stations.—Attack of Murkabba.—A Village Fired.—Ravages of the Fever.—Leave the Bananas.—Erroneous Precautions.—A Sand-bank.—Dangerous Situation.—Unexpected Attack.—Seasonable information.

ON the 3rd we were under weigh towards the river Gambia, and on the 17th were among the Isles de Loss, when we anchored between Tamara and Crawford Islands, and commenced the survey of them. We had a visit from one of the natives of Factory Island, named Amarack, a son of the late king's, who had, when young, been sent "one year's journey," as he expressed it, to learn the Koran, and now had to instruct his country men in the Mahommedan religion.

Captain Owen gave him a New Testament in Arabic, with which he seemed much delighted, occupying himself during his stay with its perusal. In return he sent on board a specimen of a

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fruit called cola, a kind of large bean, the seed of which is much valued by the natives for the extraordinary properties it is said to possess as a strong tonic, and the power of preventing hunger. It is sold in the interior of the continent at an exorbitant price.

These islands had recently been purchased by our government; and costly barracks (now almost in ruins) had been built on Crawford Island, where there is no water, which perfectly agrees with the usual policy of colonial legislatures. The soldiers are drawn from the African corps, which is composed of convicts from our regiments of the line, who, being a set of the most depraved characters, and having nothing to do, indulge in every kind of vice. They have no means of subsistence, but depend entirely on Sierra Leone for their Supplies, in consequence of which they were upon a recent occasion nearly starved, their provisions having been taken to Factory Island by mistake.

After completing our survey of the Isles de Loss we sailed for Sierra Leone, a distance of about seventy miles. When off the Carpenter Rock, a pilot came on board to conduct us into the river, where we anchored alongside His Majesty's ship Maidstone, We learned that the Albatross was employed up the river surveying, but on the following day she returned.

The peninsula of Sierra Leone is very mountainous, and clothed with wood to the summit, which gives it a beautiful and picturesque appear-

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ance. The north-western extremity is called Cape Sierra Leone, from which a ledge of rocks extends in a direct line towards the Carpenter Rock. The population is considerable, being perhaps twenty thousand; but, on account of the greater proportion of males amongst the liberated slaves—they exceed the females by at least five to one— there is not much probability of any great increase.

From Sierra Leone we sailed in company with the Albatross to Bananas, Commodore Bullen having before our departure put the Conflict gunbrig under Captain Owen's orders to assist in the survey. The Banana Islands very much resemble the Isles de Loss, but the land is more elevated. They are extremely fertile, and have plenty of water, but no running streams. Wild cattle are abundant upon the Great Banana, and some of our officers fortunately shot two. It is a remarkable fact that pigs are the only domestic animals that cannot be propagated here, as there appears to be some herb of which they are inordinately fond, but which is fatal to their existence. The superintendent had long been trying to breed them, but without success.

These islands are rendered famous by the story of the Rev. John Newton, whose orange-tree has been in as much request as Buonaparte's willow, or Picton's tree; and the good missionaries are now obliged to make the snuff-boxes, with which they supply the curious, from the wood of the

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wild orange groves by which it was surrounded, the original having long been exhausted.

We sailed between the Wolf Rock and the eastern Island, and then continued to the southward, and anchored off the Great Turtle Island, when a colonial brig with the governor of Sierra Leone, Major-General Turner, a sloop, and brigantine, came from the northward. The captain waited on the governor, who was on his way to Sherborough River, for the purpose of destroying some slave establishments, to effect which he requested the assistance of Captain Owen.

Lieutenant Badgley, with some officers and two boats, were sent to survey the Great Turtle Island. Upon their return, the following day, they informed us that one of the boats, lying at anchor about a mile off shore, had been through some unaccountable accident upset, by which all the instruments and notes had been lost. They were quite ignorant of the cause, but were inclined to attribute it to the jealousy of the natives, who might have swum off, and, by tilting one side of the boat while the men were asleep, been the means of upsetting her. The people saved themselves, but not without difficulty, as they were obliged to hang on her keel, while two good swimmers went on shore and brought off a canoe.

From Great Turtle Island we sailed to Sherborough River, which Captain Owen, accompanied by all but the warrant-officers, ascended in the Albatross and boats to survey. We found a

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good channel, with about six fathoms water, but the atmosphere was so thick that our object was totally defeated, and the following day we returned to the Leven. The colonial squadron was at anchor near the sea-bar, where was formerly the establishment of the notorious James Tucker, but which, since the country had been ceded to the English by the old king of Sherborough, had been deserted, and he had now removed to the river Kittam, about thirty-six miles from the sea. From the old establishment the French and Spaniards had been in the habit of shipping annually about twenty thousand slaves, collected from the three great rivers, Bagroo, Deong or Jong, and Kittam; but as, by the cession of this territory, the British authority extended from Sierra Leone to the river Gelinhas, the slave-trade was rooted out from the Sherborough, the most extensive mart upon the whole Grain Coast.

But still, three or four notorious French merchants held stations on the Gelinhas, and the vessels of that nation were in the habit of resorting thither for cargoes; but the slaves had recently rebelled against their masters, and deserted to our Government for protection, which may ultimately be the means of entirely extirpating this inhuman traffic from the coast.

It was the Governor's intention to take his vessels up the Kittam, in order to secure, if possible, James Tucker, or at all events to destroy his strongholds. Accordingly, on the 15th of February, he weighed for that purpose, but they

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had not proceeded more than a quarter of a mile before they found it too shallow, and were obliged to anchor, when the Governor sent to request that Captain Owen would assist him in the furtherance of his designs. Two boats were, in consequence, placed under the orders of Lieutenant Mudge, and attached to the colonial sloop, after she had been lightened by taking out some of her ballast and water, while Captain Owen went in his gig to join the Governor.

The party proceeded up the river for some distance, when they were stopped by a bar, off which they lay the whole night; but the following day, by taking out more ballast they were enabled to get the sloop over and continue their course, and soon arrived off one of the villages called Sierra Leone, belonging to James Tucker. Here they took some prisoners and several small cannon, with about seventy stand of arms, and ammunition, after removing which the village was burnt to the ground. The next day the Albatross was enabled to get over the bar, when she made sail up the river and anchored near the burning village.

The following morning we manned all our boats, and joined those of the colonial squadron with the soldiers, for the purpose of attacking Murkabba, the head-quarters of Tucker. No resistance was expected; but as we ascended the river a fire of musketry was opened upon us from the high banks on each side, which wounded two seamen and two soldiers. We immediately land-

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ed a party, who gallantly scaled the heights, and drove out the enemy from their fancied secure situation, just as the village commenced firing some small pieces of ordnance and muskets, but at too long a range to do us much injury. We fired a few rounds from the brass guns in return, and landed some troops on the opposite bank of the river, who soon compelled the natives to quit the village, when the boats pushed on and took possession. Skirmishers were sent to scour the immediate neighbourhood, and the troops prepared to bivouac; but the boats, in proceeding, were again fired at, and the master of the brig struck, although not severely: in consequence of which the village was set on fire, and the soldiers embarked on board the vessels.

The next morning we dropped down the river surveying, when, crossing the bar, in consequence of getting a little out of the channel, we took the ground, and were obliged to remain during the night; but, with a flood-tide in the morning, again got under weigh to Seabar, where we joined the colonial squadron. A boat was sent on shore to make arrangements for a palaver. When the Governor landed with his soldiers and met King Sherborough and several chiefs, he accused them of bad faith, insisted on their giving up the slavetrade, and apprehended two persons who behaved in a riotous and offensive manner, in consequence of which they promised to comply with his wishes, and abandon the traffic in slaves, and not again

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attempt to resist the authority of his Britannic Majesty.

On the 25th we parted from the colonial squadron, they proceeding to Bendo, while we remained at anchor surveying the channels and shoals; but a thick harmattan haze prevented us seeing more than a mile. On the 6th of March, the Albatross's boat came on board, bringing four men ill with the fever, but they informed us that the wounded were fast recovering. On the 11th Mr. Charles Bullen and Mr. Hutcheson, midshipmen, died from the fever which they had contracted whilst up the Kittam; their bodies were committed to the deep with military honours. Many more of our crew, as well as those of the Albatross, were also taken ill; and on the 13th a canoe arrived from Sierra Leone, bringing a despatch from Kennett Macauley, Esq., acting governor, to Captain Owen, informing him of the death of Major-General Turner, on the 7th instant, of a fever contracted in this expedition to the Sherborough.

On the 15th we got under weigh down the north channel, the Albatross keeping ahead, as well as some boats to sound. The fever was now making considerable ravages on board; Mr. Charles Barrette, another midshipman, together with several men, one of whom had received a slight Wound, being amongst the most recent of its victims.

On the 21st we were again among the Turtle

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Islands, by which time the survey of the river was completed as far as the shoals of St. Anne. These we examined most critically; the Conflict, Albatross, and ourselves, having three different stations. While the boats were employed upon them, one was driven on the rocks of Cape Shilling and totally destroyed, the people with great difficulty being saved. Captain Owen went on shore at Kent Town, to wait on the Commissioners, who were making a tour of inspection. This is a village of liberated Africans and disbanded negro soldiers, having a school composed of one hundred and sixty-four boys and seventy girls; but, as no sure market exists for their industry, they raise little from the soil except for their own use. This town is delightfully situated on the side of a hill, with a large house for the superintendent, who is also schoolmaster. He resides on the first floor, the lower part being made use of as a church.

On the 1st of April we left the Bananas for Sierra Leone, where we anchored on the 3rd. During this visit, Captain Owen and some officers rode out to the towns of Gloucester, Bathurst, and Leopold, inhabited by the liberated slaves under the direction of Church Missionaries from England. The road was difficult for horses, and impassable for carriages, being a continuation of very steep ascents and descents. These towns are situated more than one thousand feet above the sea, yet at the same time in the most sultry spot that possibly could have been chosen, being a

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deep valley surrounded by lofty hills, which retain the sun's rays and intercept the free current of air.

Two additional missionaries had lately arrived with their wives, but the latter had both died within a few weeks. The men had been on the brink of the grave, but were at this time slowly recovering. It appeared that they had been subsisting according to a system recommended by a medical committee in London, showing the futility of any theories in counteracting the too fatal effects of this baneful climate. Doubtless the learned concocters of this approved system imagined they had made a grand discovery, which would subdue the pernicious influence of the African soil, and recommended, with all the confidence of quackery, a course of living which appeared to them to be proof against disease. But, unfortunately, we always find remedies and precautions for those we advise much more readily than we do for ourselves; from which it may, without a very forced conclusion, be inferred that we have less faith in their efficacy than we are willing openly to admit; or, perhaps, if the feeling were analysed a little deeper, it might be discovered that we care less. Without, however, entering farther into this question, the result was that two died, and the others had nearly fallen victims either to the climate or to the prescription.

Having obtained a fresh supply of water and provisions, together with some men, to replace the losses we had sustained by the fever, we got

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under weigh on the 11th, passed the Isles de Loss, and on the 21st arrived off the Bijooga Islands, situated near the entrance of Rio Grande, where our first anchorage was between Yomber and Horango Islands, upon the latter of which we saw many natives and herds of cattle.

On the following day we continued along the coast of Bawak, steering north-east; but, shoaling rather suddenly, the boats were sent to sound, when they found so little water ahead that we were obliged to return by the same course we had come, still keeping the boats sounding for our channel; but they must have passed over a narrow spit of sand, without striking it with the lead, as we quite suddenly grounded about half a mile off shore, it being at the time high water and springtides. The royal and top-gallant masts were instantly struck, and the sides shored up, when, upon the fall of the tide, we most providentially heeled to port on the bank. The boats were immediately sent out with small cables and anchors, by means of which they were enabled to haul themselves out, upon their return to the ship, when they took the large anchors and cables as far as they could be carried in the same direction.

At low water we were enabled to walk round the ship, and repair some damages in her copper. The sand was perfectly dry for two hours, during which we collected a great number of beautiful shells. The sea-breeze that set in every evening was fortunately more moderate than usual upon this occasion: had it been even as

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violent as the day previous, our situation would have been extremely precarious. Having made every preparation during the ebb-tide, by getting out anchors and securing all the purchase on our cables that we could command, at high water we commenced operations, and in about three hours succeeded in getting the ship again into the deep channel. This was by far the most critical situation in which we had been placed during the whole of our voyage. One half hour might have destroyed every soul on board.

As soon as we had anchored, many canoes came off with natives bringing various articles to exchange for tobacco. We had heard an unfavourable account of these people, who were reported as ferocious, dishonest, and treacherous; they would not venture on board, but one man walked on the sand to a boat lying aground under our stern, and was about to make off with a fishingline, which he took out of her; but the man who was in charge immediately snatched it from him, when the negro struck him a blow, and at the same time brandished his spear as if about to throw it, but the pointing of a musket from the ship made him retreat. In consequence of this specimen of their disposition, the captain directed that they should be sent away, which was after some little time effected, without resorting to force.

A chart of this coast, made by Baron Roussin, with which we were furnished, was not of the least service. The outline had not any resemblance

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to the coast before us, while four dry sand-banks just in the middle of the channel weré unnoticed.

The night after we had got afloat, an anchor and hawser were carried out at low water to the dry sand, where it was fixed, with a boat lashed on each side, to keep it upright as the tide rose. At day-break, six canoes were observed, apparently coming on board, with about forty men in each; but, when near us, they suddenly went ahead, and joined the boats attached to the anchor. In a short time we observed them making a desperate attack upon the people and Kroomen, who, not at all suspecting their intention, were unprepared for a rencontre; but the boatswain, with admirable presence of mind, immediately cast off and brought the boats towards the ship.

All these savages were armed, about half of them with muskets, and the remainder with spears. The chief in one of the canoes actually snapped his piece three times at the boatswain when quite close to him, but it fortunately missed fire, and, before he could again attempt it, the boats had got alongside, when he presented at those on board and the ball struck the ship's side. Three guns loaded with grape were quickly brought to bear upon the assailants, which stopped their advance, and these being followed by two volleys of musketry made them hastily retreat. None of our party sustained any injury. Three oars were for a time lost, but the Kroomen, who upon the first attack had jumped out of the boats, brought

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them on board. We were too much occupied in restoring the ship to order after our recent escape from shipwreck to give any more attention to these miserable savages, but, as a precautionary measure, we got a spring on the cable and some guns clear for action.

The morning after this event we were about to get under weigh, when a canoe came on board with two men who spoke Portuguese. They informed us that we were in the wrong channel, being in fact on the north-west side of Kanyabac Island, and under Rooban and Nagaroon. They also gave us to understand, that to the north-east of our present situation the channel was nearly all dry at low water, and that the only way for us to get out of the labyrinth of shoals by which we were surrounded was to keep the course by which we had arrived and steer round Kanyabac. The men who gave us this information were received on board, and supplied us, during the continuance of our survey, with much valuable information: the one was named Antonio, and the other Lawrence.

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CHAPTER XXI.

Bijooga Islands.—The Chief of Bawak.—Beaver Port.—Mr. Lawrence.—Native Villages.—Mutiny of the Garrison of Bissao.—Portuguese faith.—Highland of Galinhas.—Colonial Steam-vessel.—Blunder-blind Channel.—Natives of Kanyabac.—The Sargaree Mountains.—Anchor at Sierra Leone.

BOATS were ordered to examine the channels to the north-east, to try if any passage existed in that direction to Rio Grande. The islands which bear the general appellation of Bijooga, are very numerous. Among the principal are, to the southward, Orango, Bawak, and Rooban; and to the north-east Nagaroon; all excepting Rooban being thickly inhabited. The natives are a savage race, both in appearance and disposition. Their costume is composed of a single goat-skin fastened tight round the loins. When this skin is not tanned the hair is turned inside, and, from the length of time that they are worn, the bare flesh is frequently seen protruding through a hole in its in-

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tended covering, very much in this respect resembling some of the children of St. Patrick. These people are ornamented with cowrie-shells, and wear numerous gregories, or charms, suspended round their necks, consisting of boars' tusks, antelopes' horns, bullocks' teeth, cone shells, and beads. Tobacco, knives, and razors, were the only articles they would receive in barter; and one striking and novel trait in their character is, a great antipathy to rum. For a large fowl they demanded a handful of tobacco, and for a bullock not less than a musket. Their canoes vary from twenty to forty feet in length, three to five broad, and about three deep, with projecting head and stern, the bottoms being composed of one piece of wood, which, in consequence, are frequently much misshapen by the irregular growth of the tree. Their paddles are six feet long, broad and clumsy, a term which is equally applicable to their use of them, as they make but little progress through the water.

The chief of Bawak came on board by invitation to breakfast with Captain Owen, the medium of communication being Antonio, one of the Portuguese before mentioned. The captain reproved this chief for the unfriendly disposition of his people, and recommended him to warn them that in future they would be treated without mercy, if they again attempted any treachery towards British vessels. Having taken him on shore we got under weigh, and steered our course round the south-east point of Kanyabac. Passing the stream of Blunder Channel along the shore

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of Bulama, off which we were joined by the Conflict tender, which had just arrived from Sierra Leone in company with the Albatross, we sailed into Beaver Port and anchored. We found a French schooner in this harbour, and the master, who was a Goree trader, came on board to offer wine and other articles for sale. Two boats under Mr. Tudor were ordered up Rio Grande, and two more, under Mr. Duncan, up Bulama Harbour or Beaver Port, to complete the survey of them.

Captain Owen went on shore to visit the site of Beaver's settlement, which is an elevated spot, about thirty feet above high-water mark, almost insulated by mangrove creeks; but not a vestige of the establishment is now remaining, being overgrown with trees, shrubs, and ant-hills. The only name by which the natives know Rio Grande is Butolah River, the former appellation being more applicable to the Jeba, which is navigable about five miles above Bissao.

On the 30th Messrs. Duncan and Mercer returned, the former having traced the south-east point of the harbour, and the latter the opposite side. Mr. Duncan says—"I stood along the eastern shore of the harbour, sketching the coast, and occasionally trying the distance by sound, which proved it to be from one mile and a quarter to half a mile broad, until near the head, when it becomes gradually narrower, and ultimately terminates in two small branches, running north-east and south-east. Many small creeks

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fall into it on each side: the banks are covered with mangrove to the water's edge, but the country in the back-ground is covered with thick forests of large trees. I observed several hippopotami up one of these rivers, and one animal resembling a seal,* but I could not get sufficiently near to examine it more minutely. Having reached the head of the harbour, we anchored for the night, during which we heard the roaring of several wild beasts and the snorting of numerous hippopotami, and in the morning returned on board."

On the 1st of May we got under weigh to the mouth of the harbour, to take our first station for the survey of the Bijooga islands. Mr. Tudor rejoined us from Rio Grande, having completely sketched its shores as far as navigable. Mr.Lawrence, who had a factory at Bolola, accompanied him in this expedition. This person was the son of one of the party who had come to Bulama with Mr. Beaver (afterwards Captain Beaver, R.N.) Upon the failure of the enterprise his father settled at Rio Nunez, where he died, leaving this Mr. Lawrence, who was then a boy. He was taken by some trading vessel to Liverpool, but returned when young. He spoke English, and had made some little progress in writing; in one respect he had, however, much fallen off from the customs of his forefathers, for,

* This was probably the same species of animal that we had observed in the river Kittim, which during the night gets into the long grass to graze.

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although he professed the Christian religion, he indulged in the uncertain comfort of four wives. His hut, according to Mr. Tudor's report, was the largest and best-constructed of any in the country. He formerly possessed a sloop, but this had recently been taken from him by the natives of Formosa (the next island north of Soga, and north-west of Galinhas), who sold her at Bissao.

He informed Mr. Tudor that at Kanyabac there were a great many villages, each subject to its own king or chief; and that the elephants, which are very numerous, in their efforts to procure water, dig neat wells with their feet, which, as there are no streams, they preserve. He also informed him, that the natives eat the large wigged monkey, which they consider a great delicacy. The country on the right bank of Rio Grande is called by the natives Gwinara, and not Ghinala, as usually written. Its principal productions are ivory, gold, wax, hides, and horses, which they readily exchange for iron bars, cutlasses, fire-arms, and ammunition. It is populous in the interior, but Mr. Lawrence's is the only mercantile establishment.

The banks of the river have the appearance of being thickly inhabited, but the huts with which they are apparently studded are, upon a nearer inspection, discovered to be ant-hills, which are built in exactly the same form and of the same height. Upon the return of the boats, we continued our course, but the survey was much retarded by a thick haze, which before the sea-breeze set in

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exhibited some remarkable optical phenomena. The Conflict, which was more than seven miles distant at the time, appeared less than three, and of an immense length, then almost immediately half-sunk below the horizon. We also saw the distant islands of Kanyabac and Hog.

On the 3rd, just as we had left Port Beaver, a large Portuguese boat came alongside, with the adjutant from Bissāō, who informed us that the garrison, consisting of eighty convicts, had mutinied, confined the governor, and put several of his officers to death. This man had contrived to escape with a few others, and came to request Captain Owen's protection and assistance, as the lives of all the inhabitants were in danger. Captain Owen, under these circumstances, determined to proceed at once to Bissāō. Accordingly, the Conflict and Albatross were ordered to remain and continue the survey of the east channel, while we examined that leading to Bissāō. This, which is called Bulama Channel, we found narrow, and Roussin's work defective. We sailed round the edge of Galinhas Bank, but in consequence of the discrepancies in the work of the French navigator, we placed but little faith in his chart, and were therefore obliged to navigate this dangerous passage with the utmost caution.

On the 6th of May, upon anchoring at Bissāō, we perceived a brig lying in the roads, but, as well as the fort, without any colours. An officer was sent to the governor with instructions, and

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orders to return immediately if any insult was offered to his flag. During the absence of this boat, the captain of the garrison, who was second in command, came on board. He informed us, that, in consequence of our arrival, seventeen of the mutineers had escaped up the river in a boat, and that, our presence having given confidence to the inhabitants, the remainder had been arrested. As the governor considered that our saluting him would give them greater assurance, we fired eleven guns, which were returned from the fort, and the most lively demonstrations of joy were expressed by all towards us for our timely interference.

Bissāō is an excellent and spacious port, and Roussin's plan is correct in all but the depths of water, which we found very defective. The captain went on shore with a guard of marines, and was saluted; on landing, he waited on the governor, and received from him the most grateful acknowledgments for his assistance, together with a host of promises, all which were kept with true Portuguese faith; for, in spite of their professions and real obligations, they compelled us to pay full sixty per cent. more for our supplies than common honesty would have demanded.

Having surveyed the harbour, and obtained, although with great difficulty, some bullocks, we got under weigh, and on the 11th were again off Galinhas, which two boats were sent to trace. Some of the officers landed with Antonio and Lawrence, who were residents in this island.

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They observed the tracks of elephants and hippopotami; the largest-sized boa-constrictor is also frequently seen in this island, which Antonio and Lawrence assured us could swallow a buck. The natives have a great respect for these reptiles, and imagine that whoever destroys them will be sure to die himself. This Antonio was formerly a slave, and elephant hunter at Bissāō, but, having escaped, and by his skill made some money, he returned, and bought his freedom. He afterwards purchased the Galinhas from the neighbouring kings, and settled there with about thirty others.

This island resembles Bulama in every respect, having fine savannahs and abundance of water; but both these islands are surrounded by an extensive flat, which renders the landing exceedingly difficult at any other period but high tide.

Having left Antonio and Lawrence, we got under weigh, and sent boats to trace the shores of Hog and Kanyabac, near which last island we found the Albatross at anchor. Continuing our course up Blunder Blind Channel,* we were joined off Cape Cameleon (the Cape Jaune of Roussin), by the Albatross gig with Mr. Tudor, who had been employed tracing the eastern shores of Orango and Bawak. He landed on the former by invitation from the natives, who, leaving their arms, came down upon the beach, bringing nume-

* So named, because in the French chart it was not noticed, and we blundered into it by mistaking it for that eastward of Kanyabac, which, judging from the said chart, appeared to be the only one.

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rous bullocks, for which they required muskets; but, as the party had none for barter, no traffic took place, although they behaved in a friendly and peaceable manner.

On the 17th we saw the smoke of a steamvessel, when we sent the gunner to pilot her to us. She was the colonial vessel African, having on board Mr. Kenneth Macaulay, the acting Governor of Sierra Leone, who had previously arranged with Captain Owen to proceed up the Gambia, and take Lieutenant Owen for the purpose of surveying the river. On the following day the steam-vessel continued her course with the party to be employed on this survey, consisting of a boat and crew, the lieutenant, and Messrs. Tudor and Mercer, midshipmen. Several canoes came off, but their fears would not allow them to come alongside.

The idea we had been led to form of these islands was extremely erroneous, as, instead of being "low and marshy, with scarcely a channel for boats between their muddy shores," we found them a cluster of the most beautiful, fertile, and inviting islands, with moderately high and bold shores, separated by deep water, and containing many fine ports and harbours; most of them being inhabited, and each village having its independent ruler. According to the customs of these people, every vessel stranded upon their shores is forfeited to the chiefs or people, in consequence of which they considered that they had a

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just claim to the Leven, when she lay grounded near Bawak.

It is a practice of these islanders to rear their poultry and other stock on the small islets, some abounding only in fowls. The natives of Kanyabac breed cattle on Yomber, and horses on Honey Island, which the people of Bissāō call Yalkavalyo, being a corruption from the Portuguese Ilha-Cavalho. Galinhas appears also by its name to have been used for raising poultry, and many of the islets do not contain twenty acres of ground, yet are well wooded and fertile, with some stock on most of them.

On the 20th the Conflict rejoined us from her survey of the head of the Blunder-Blind Channel, to which there was no outlet on the side of Galinhas or Hog's Island, and which they reported to be dry from Corete to Hog's Island. As the fine weather was now over, and the atmosphere continually hazy, our work made but little progress, in consequence of which Captain Owen determined, after having rated the chronometers, to return to Sierra Leone. A canoe came off from Kanyabac, approaching with much caution, and taking a long time to muster courage to venture on board; her crew consisted of eight men, who brought palm-wine, a few fowls, and some bananas, for barter. One of these people, who called himself king, wore a hat bound with a piece of yellow silk fringe. The captain entertained his majesty, who appeared to have a great attachment

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to rum. They were all much astonished at the ship; and the drum, when we mustered by divisions, caused them great delight. Whenever they offered us their palm-wine, they always first tasted it themselves, which they called "taking the gregory off," thus showing that it was neither bewitched nor poisoned; and the captain was signed to do the same before the king would drink the rum which he offered him. They were a tall but not strong race, and decidedly the dirtiest of negroes.

Upon their return to the shore, about twenty women were seen apparently anxious to come on board. They had a remarkable appearance, produced by wearing a kind of straw or grass bustle all round their waist. The boatswain and gunner were permitted to take a boat, and bring them and some men on board; but when our people arrived, their fears appeared to have got the better of their inclinations, as all the coaxing of the officers could not induce any of either sex to enter the boat.

The following day his majesty again came off, when the canoe got half filled with water just as she came alongside. He desired his people to bail it out, but, considering them rather dilatory in this operation, he took off his hat, placed it on the head of a woman near him, and assisted to get the water out himself. He then came on board and shook hands with the captain; but, notwithstanding the attention he had received, his

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manner was suspicious, and his attitude in preparation for instant retreat.

On the 24th, all our boats having returned, we got under way for Sierra Leone, When in latitude 10° 2′ north, we saw the Sangaree mountains, one formed like a sugar-loaf, between four and five thousand feet in height. Having been twelve days in this neighbourhood on a previous occasion, it may seem strange that we did not then observe it, but the fact is, that during the dry season there is always such a haze over the land, particularly in the day, in most of these regions, that the view is always much limited; but in the rainy season every shower clears the atmosphere, and the most distant objects may be discerned.

When off Crawford's Island we fired some guns, in order to obtain a base line, which the fort mistook for a salute, and returned with seventeen, in which operation they contrived to blow the arm off one of the soldiers.

Before leaving the Isles de Loss, Mr. Bowen, a midshipman, was sent in the pinnace to inspect the coast between them and Sierra Leone. Several navigable rivers empty themselves into the sea within that distance, valuable for producing the African oak in great abundance.*

* It would have been impossible for us to complete a survey of this coast within our limited time; but it has since been performed by Commander Boteler, in the Hecla, during the year 1828, when that young and scientific officer, who accompanied us during the whole of our expedition, fell a victim to the same disease which had destroyed so many of his friends and brother officers.

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We anchored at Sierra Leone on the 1st of June, and on the 10th were rejoined by the Barracouta, when Captain Vidal furnished the following account of his proceedings since his departure from the Cape of Good Hope.

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CHAPTER XXII.

Captain Vidal's proceedings.—Dassen Island.—Angra Peguena.—Cross of Bartholomew Diaz.—Cape Negro.—Benguela. Buildings of Benguela.—Invasion of Elephants.—Natives of the interior.—Extraordinary conduct.—St. Paul de Loando. —Citadel and Harbours.

ON the 26th of October we got under weigh, to commence the survey of that portion of the coast allotted to us, namely, from the river Zaire, or Congo, to that of Formosa, in the Bight of Benin. Although this was a long voyage in perspective, during which we felt assured that we should be subject to many privations and exposures, yet our departure from the Cape was hailed by the seamen as a great point gained towards "home"—and the capstan, as they hove the anchor up, went cheerfully round to the exulting half-suppressed cry of "homeward bound!" As we passed Robben Island, the Botany Bay of the Cape, we could not but reflect how little the pure, white and clean external appearance of the

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dwellings of the convicts was emblematic of the misery and filth within. The neat farmhouses of the Dutch, so numerous in the immediate vicinity of the Cape, with the lofty highland scenery that surrounds them, gradually disappeared, and was succeeded by a wilderness of sterile granite hills, above which, in the distance, the lofty peaks of an inland range of mountains occasionally showed themselves.

On the third day after our departure, we anchored off Dassen Island, situated about six miles from the main land, one and a half in length, and one broad, being everywhere, excepting to the eastward, bounded by a reef, on which the sea breaks with much violence, especially over some rocks to the westward, where the surf can be seen from the opposite side of the island flying up in the air like the magnified spouting of a whale. Dassen is the property of a gentleman at the Cape; the revenue he derives from it is produced by the eggs of penguins and gulls, twenty-four thousand of which, it is said, are collected every fortnight, and sold at Cape Town at one halfpenny each. The island is absolutely sterile, and formed of rugged masses of granite, with slabs of which the boors who reside there erect their huts, glossing them over, instead of paint, with a bright dark japan lustre, which, by the agency of fire, they obtain from the sea-weed. The place is without fresh water, and they depend upon the boat that conveys the eggs to Cape Town for their supply.

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The penguins are extremely numerous, but as their eggs alone are attacked and not themselves, they are by no means timid. We anchored for one night in Saldanha Bay, off which we obtained our last view of Table Mountain, being then sixty miles distant. The country continued to present the same rocky, sterile appearance; and a short distance inland, off Cape Deseada, rose into abrupt craggy eminences and broken ranges of lofty hills, at the foot of which we discovered a solitary farmhouse, the last habitation we perceived until we had passed the desert. When in latitude 27° 20' south, we came upon a lofty cliff, from the summit of which a massive shaft of granite descended to the water's edge, forming a stupendous arch upwards of one hundred feet in height.

On the 21st of November a heavy south-east gale set in, before which we were carried with great velocity, and in the afternoon saw the remains of the cross erected by Bartholomew Diaz', at the southern extremity of Angra Peguena. Passing by it we anchored in the bay, where, although the wind was directly off shore, yet such was its violence that the whole surface of the water was one vast sheet of foam.

Some officers landed with Captain Vidal, for the purpose of examining the cross, and obtaining the latitude and longitude of the point. They found the sand very painful to the eyes, being swept from the surface of the rocks, and almost blinding them as they proceeded to the summit of the small granite eminence on which Bartholomew

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Diaz erected his cross in 1481-6, as a memento of his discovery of the place. This is said to have been standing complete forty years back, but we found that it had been cast down, evidently by design, as the part of the shaft that had originally been buried in the rock remained unbroken, which never could have been the case had it been overturned in any other way than by lifting it from the foundation. The inducement to this disgraceful act was probably to search for such coins as might have been buried beneath the cross; and it is probable that the destroyers, in order to make some little amende for their desolation, re-erected a portion of the fragments, as we found a piece of the shaft, including the part originally placed in the ground, altogether about six feet in length, propped up by means of large stones, crossed at the top by a broken fragment, which had originally formed the whole length of the shaft. This was six feet above ground, and twenty-one inches beneath, composed of marble rounded on one side, but left square on the other, evidently for the inscription, which, however, the unsparing hand of Time, in a lapse of nearly three centuries and a half, had rendered illegible. In descending by a different and more craggy path, the party suddenly came upon the cross; this was sixteen inches square, of the same breadth and thickness as the shaft, and had on the centre an inscription, but, like the other, almost obliterated. The latitude of this pillar is 26° 38′ 4" south, and the longitude 15° 2′ 5" east.

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The gale still continued when we left Angra Peguena, and by the next morning we had run upwards of a hundred and thirty miles, having in that distance passed the limit of the rocky and sterile country, and come abreast of the desert. This rises into lofty hills of light-coloured sand, having here and there a small rocky patch, with a few tufts of parched grass, breaking on the dull monotonous view. In some parts of this desert the sand-hills rise to a great height, without a spot of verdure to relieve the eye.

On arriving at Cape Negro, latitude 15° 40′ 7" south, longitude 11° 53′ 3" east, we appeared in quite a different climate; the desert partially ended; the first tree (a palm) for many hundred miles was seen, as also a hut, and a native; the heavy sea, and the boisterous and cold weather, that had before prevailed, changed into smooth water, and a mild, pleasant temperature. Cape Negro is formed by a precipitous mass rising at the extremity of a low projecting point, and resembling an island. It is incrusted by horizontal strata of different coloured earths and sand. On its summit is another small marble cross, erected by Bartholomew Diaz, resembling that at Angra Peguena.

The precipice on which this stands was found to abound in fossil shells of various species, the most remarkable being of a spiral form; these were with ease screwed out of the stratified mass in which they were buried. The country, after leaving Cape Negro, continued gradually to improve, but was still poor; the few trees being

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so stunted in their growth as more to resemble bushes.

On the 30th of November we arrived at Benguela. which was probably one of the last settlements of the Portuguese on the west coast. This town is situated in an open bay, formed to the south-west by a projecting point of cliffs, above which is Mount Sombreiro, known more generally among the English by the name of St. Philip's Cap, on account of its peculiar form. Signor Joāō Victor Jorge, the governor, spoke English remarkably well, having received his education at Reading in Berkshire. He was a post-captain in the Portuguese service, and had lately commanded one of their frigates. This gentleman had obtained the government of Benguela in a great measure to gratify his love of the chase; he flattered himself that the malignancy of the climate would not be injurious to him, and upon one occasion very gravely showed some of our officers the model of a sentry-box studded with spikes, in which he intended to stand in the forests or marshy grounds, for the purpose of shooting the wild beasts as they passed.

As Signor Joao had arrived from Europe only a few days before, we could obtain but little information from him respecting Benguela. He affirmed, that at present it was rapidly declining, but that some years back it possessed greater trade than St. Paul de Loando, having then an averaged annual export of twenty thousand slaves. The natives in the interior will not permit the Portu-

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guese, or any other people with straight hair, to enter their territory; and a journey of twenty days is the utmost they have ever been known to accomplish; but through the medium of a large and powerful tribe, whose possessions lie at that distance, they sometimes obtain information respecting their settlements on the east coast. The falling-off in the supply of slaves was attributed to the peaceable disposition that had prevailed for some years past amongst the natives of the interior towards each other. How disgraceful and inhuman must that commerce be which thrives by the warfare of mankind!

The buildings in the town of Benguela are erected of half-baked bricks, with mud for cement, the whole coated by a thick plaster of shell lime, which alone preserves the fabric from mixing with the earth upon the first shower of rain. So frail and easily constructed are these dwellings, that they are never repaired, but, as soon as they begin to decay, others are built by their side. The roofs are well adapted for admitting of a circulation of air, being alternately covered with boards and a succession of reeds resembling the foot-stalks of a palm-leaf, but which we afterwards discovered growing on the banks of the Congo as a distinct plant. These are placed at some little distance apart, so as to admit freely both air and light, but totally to exclude rain.

The site of the town is a marsh full of stagnant pools, which in the wet season is almost entirely inundated, and in consequence exceedingly un-

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healthy; in fact so much so that the Portuguese term it "Hell," and affirm that not one of their countrywomen was ever known to exist there beyond a few months. March and April (during which the rains prevail) are accounted the most sickly periods, but, from what we could learn, all seasons appeared equally bad. The huts of the natives are extremely wretched, resembling at a distance a cluster of haycocks. They are formed of reeds, scattered over a frame-work, without pretending to any form or apparent design; but their canoes are even more rude than these, being of an oblong shape, constructed from a light spongy tree, and fastened together by means of large pegs. But, the spaces between the planks not being filled up, the water enters without any obstacle.

We did not see any sheep at Benguela, but goats and bullocks were in great abundance; the latter of a small species, the largest out of five that we took on board weighing only one hundred and eighty pounds, and the smallest one hundred and thirty. Lions and tigers are very numerous in the surrounding country, and hippotami and alligators in a small river near the town; elephants were likewise common, but at present are scarce. A number of these animals had some time since entered the town in a body, to possess themselves of the wells, not being able to procure any water in the country. The inhabitants mustered, when a desperate conflict ensued, which terminated in the ultimate discomfiture of the in-

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vaders, but not until they had killed one man and wounded several others.

The chief defence of the town consists in a large fort; but this is now fast mouldering to decay. It is built principally of earth, in an oblong form, and mounting a number of honeycomb guns of the largest calibre; yet it possesses little strength, for the small garrison it contains are totally inadequate to its defence. Only a few of the houses are occupied by the European and Creole Portuguese, but each of these has an extensive slave-yard within a wall, through which loops are cut for musketry in case of rebellion among their victims. The town is small, its population not exceeding three thousand, the majority of whom are either free blacks or slaves.

The natives of the interior have nothing particularly striking in their appearance, excepting one that we had an opportunity of seeing, who, according to a favourite fashion of his tribe, had his hair clotted with a dark composition, and thickly studded with alligators' teeth, the points projecting from his head. The marimbahs and the cassangas, so common on the east coast, are likewise the favourite musical instruments used by the natives of Benguela; but their cassangas, instead of being fixed to a gourd, are only done so when about to be played upon.

We left Benguela on the 5th of December, passed by the Portuguese establishment of Nova Rodonda, and on the afternoon of the 8th arrived off St. Paul de Loando, when a pilot came on

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board. We soon approached a large battery hewn from the side of a rocky cliff, and presenting a formidable double tier of artillery. A gun was discharged unshotted, and then a second. Captain Vidal demanded the reason of the pilot, who answered, that they were not intended for us. We therefore continued our course, when, just after tacking within a quarter of a mile of the battery, we were nearly struck by a shot that fell in the water, within a few feet of our gangway. We came to immediately, when an officer was sent to require an explanation of such extraordinary conduct. The commandant pleaded his orders from the Governor in extenuation, and strongly deprecated the conduct of the pilot, who, he affirmed, knew well that, by the late regulations of the port, no foreign vessel could pass the fort until she had communicated with it, and obtained the Governor's permission to proceed to the anchorage off the town. Captain Vidal immediately wrote to demand satisfaction for the insult that had been offered to the flag of his Britannic Majesty. But the affair ended amicably, upon the Governor stating that since the disturbances in Brazil he had deemed it necessary to adopt precautions against a surprise from the forces of that country; that he had accordingly made more strict regulations respecting the admission of foreign vessels; that the pilot had lost his situation for not informing Captain Vidal why his ship was fired at; and that the commandant of the fort had committed himself, inasmuch as he had not distinguished a man-of-

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war by her pendant from a merchant-ship. This officer was obliged to apologize, and very naturally asked, how he should behave when the next foreign vessel appeared. "Obey your orders," was the answer. The poor subordinate bowed to the necessity of the case, and said nothing.

The city of Loando St. Paulo, or as it is now called, St. Paul de Loando, is, in an old book, described as "appertaining to the kingdom of Angola, and the particular district of Loando therein." It was erected by the Portuguese in 1578, and in 1641 was captured by the Dutch, who fitted out an expedition from Brazil for that purpose. The incitement to this undertaking was to obtain slaves for cultivating the extensive tract of country they had taken. The Dutch retained their conquest only seven years, at the termination of which St. Paul de Loando was delivered up by treaty to its former possessors, with whom it has ever since remained.

The city is large, being a bishop's see, and containing several churches and many private and public buildings. These, by their size, and the style in which they are erected, must, when in good condition, have tended greatly to beautify the place, but now a considerable portion of them are in ruins, and the rest rapidly falling to decay. The best part of the city is built on an eminence, at the extremity of which, jutting out towards Loando Island is situated the largest fort or citadel. The lower town skirts the shore of the harbour, and consists principally of mean

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hovels, the residences of the free black portion of the population. It extends about one mile and three quarters in length, and terminates near a low formidable battery, connected with the shore by only a narrow causeway. The height upon which the citadel is erected runs round at the back of the lower town, and forms the precipice in which is excavated the fort whence the shot was fired as we entered. The harbour is three miles and a half in length, deep, and commodious, being capable of containing the largest fleets with perfect safety. There is also a southern harbour, but the channel is narrow, shallow, and intricate, only passable by boats or small vessels.

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CHAPTER XXIII.

Population and Commerce.—Convicts.—Enter the Congo.—Banks of the River.—Mafula Rico.—Fetiches.—The breeze invoked.—Survey of the River.—Lieutenant Boteler at tacked by the Natives.—The Natives repulsed.—Water of the Congo.—Unfitness of our Ship.—Kabenda.—Prince Jack. —People of the Congo.

WE could not ascertain what was the population of St. Paul de Loando, but, from its great extent and the crowded appearance of the native huts, it must be considerable. Its principal commerce consists in slaves and ivory—of the former from eighteen to twenty thousand are said to be annually exported in great part to Brazil, but the supply had considerably decreased, on account of the severe losses incurred by the merchants from the dishonesty of their black agents in the country, who had fallen into the practice of converting to their own use the goods furnished to them by their principals for the purchase of slaves. Another great article of their com-

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merce is bees'-wax, which is procured in great quantities from the interior at a low rate, and sold in Portugal and other Catholic countries at an exorbitant profit.

The market is tolerably well supplied, especially with fruit and vegetables. Bullocks and goats are plentiful, but dear, the former costing us about twenty dollars each. St. Paul de Loando is the chief settlement of the Portuguese on the western coast, and the government of Benguela and Nova Rodonda are amongst its dependencies. The European soldiers that compose the garrison are, with few exceptions, convicts, being rather a corps forcé, and are under the severest discipline. For a sufficient number of trifling offences to constitute one of a serious nature, they are sent to form part of the garrison of a fort situated on a river some miles to the southward of the city, where, from the unhealthiness of the place they seldom survive; but if, after a certain period proportionate to the heinousness of the offence, they are found still living, they are recalled, having, as they say, run the gauntlet of death. A pretender to royal birth had not long since been sent from Lisbon, and banished for his offence to this unhealthy spot, where himself and pretensions soon ceased to exist.

On the fourth day after our arrival, the Leven entered the harbour and anchored alongside: we received the greatest civility from the governor, whose table, by special invitation, was daily at-

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tended by Captains Owen and Vidal, and a proportion of the officers of the respective vessels. The country immediately around the city is parched and sandy; the dust from which, during the prevalence of a high wind, renders walking in the streets exceedingly disagreeable, especially on a hot day. The Portuguese use machilas, the only exercise they take being a ride on horseback early in the morning.* This climate is also considered very unhealthy; the sickly seasons are September and October, and from January to May, when many of the inhabitants fall victims to dysentery, the most prevalent and fatal disease to which they are subject. The river Bengo supplies the town with excellent water, which is daily conveyed to the city in tank-boats, at the rate of two Spanish dollars per ton.

On the 19th we left St. Paul de Loando, in company with the Leven, which soon parted from us, when we continued to the northward, towards the Congo, anchoring every night for the purpose of surveying. The country rapidly improved in appearance, being well wooded and possessing varied and pleasing landscapes, but not much elevation.

We entered the river Congo on Christmas eve, and for six successive days were in vain attempting to ascend against its rapid stream; but, on the 1st of January 1826, the sea-breeze being stronger

* It is a singular fact that horses will not thrive in any other part of Africa south of the Gambia, excepting St. Paul de Loando, where there is a respectable corps of cavalry.

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than usual, we succeeded in passing Shark Point, where the current always runs with the greatest velocity, and in about thirty hours anchored twenty-five miles from the southern entrance of the river. At this anchorage, the Congo was not more than one mile and a half in width, and a short distance above us a broad sand-bank divided the stream into two narrow but deep channels. The banks on either side above Shark Point are low and swampy, and principally covered with two different kinds of mangrove, the one a low grovelling bush, and the other a stately tree, resting on a forest of roots, upwards of twenty feet above the ground, the trunk often rising to the height of one hundred more. Most of them are perfectly straight, and if the wood were a little lighter they would be admirably adapted for masts. The spaces between these lofty trees are filled up by a variety of smaller growth, but with beautiful and luxuriant foliage, amongst which are many of the palm kind, and that elegant production which so much resembles it, before-mentioned as being used in the roofs of the houses at Benguela. Two kinds of these bushes bore fruit, one about the size, and having much the flavour of an almond, and the other four times as large, of a spongy substance, and tart piquant flavour. The former proved a fatal poison to the handsomest maccaca we had left, and a most violent emetic to some of our men, who were imprudent enough to eat of them.

Previously to undertaking the survey of the river

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we obtained a stock of wood and water, to effect which we anchored close off the southern shore. While thus employed, we were visited by several of the natives, among whom were three or four chiefs. Mafula Rico, or the rich Mafula (a title bestowed on the governor of a district, or town, appointed by a king) appeared to be the greatest man amongst them; most of them spoke Portuguese, but Mafula had a little knowledge of English, having, as he informed us, acquired it when a cabin-boy on board an English slaver. Umbrellas here seemed to be emblematic of rank, for not a chief approached in his canoe without one held over his head by an attendant.

There was nothing remarkable in the appearance of these people; all were perfectly black, but their noses were not so flat, or their lips so large, as amongst the generality of negroes. Their clothing consisted in a single wrapper of blue dungaree or printed cloth round their loins, hanging on one side to their ankles, while in front of their bodies was spread the skin of a monkey or some other small animal. The chiefs did not confine themselves to this their native attire, but were clad in sundry fantastic ways; a flowing robe of scarlet, or some other bright colour, bedecked with gold lace, appeared the most fashionable, with, as an emblem of their rank, the red night-cap. Mafula Rico created much amusement on board. He wore a huge theatrical silk coat, constructed about A.D. 1700, with large slashed sleeves, broad skirts, long waist, and capa-

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cious pockets, striped with a variety of colours, and covered by a profusion of tinsel fringe considerably damaged by time and bad weather.

The deficiency in their national costume was fully compensated by the numerous charms or "Fetiches," with which their bodies were encumbered. To these were ascribed every virtue and property that the darkest superstition and ignorance could conceive. To take off some was considered instant death, while others were in different ways to perform miracles, or protect their proprietor from harm. Mafula Rico, after the etiquette of introduction, carefully deposited in the hands of a dependent the most ponderous of his fetiches, a clumsy wooden box about five inches square, carefully secured by the application of large daubs of sealing-wax. The offer to open this by one of our officers produced in the old governor the utmost trepidation, not free from an expression of anger. We could not learn what fearful event was to take place on the opening of this box, although we understood that the agent within was a human bone.* Among many others was an iron chain, passed through pieces of wood formed like hens' eggs, and about the same size, which appeared to be a general favourite. This was passed over the right shoulder, across the heart, and under the left arm, where the largest of the others were deposited; amongst the most

* The bodies of the fetiche-men are never buried, but their bones are scraped, and preserved as Gregories.

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common of these was a guana's paw, a curious kind of variegated bristles, and two whistles resembling in form a tobacco-pipe, but used in the same way as, and producing a note similar to, the pandean reeds, called a "Cham a vento," being the only one among the "Fetiches" that was made to perform any active employment. Independently of these under the left arm, few were without a garland of stout elephant's hair, knotted together and hung round the neck.

The chief who first came on board, from the deference he showed to Mafula Rico, appeared to be one of the second order, or a Macoomba, being also called Charles King (probably meaning King Charles.) When he wished to depart he was very anxious to obtain an increase of the sea-breeze, which was the means of our witnessing the superstitious forms used to produce it, by the "cham a vento" whistle. He mounted the tafferel, and, looking in the direction from which he well knew the wind would quickly set in, commenced blowing his whistle; then hallooing in a loud and authoritative manner, he insisted that the wind should instantly acknowledge his power and come. So earnest was he in his demands that, having obtained a wineglass of rum, as he said, to strengthen the charm, he so far employed it for that purpose as indignantly to spout a few drops in the direction from whence the rebellious wind was to arrive. Shortly afterwards the sea-breeze really came, when Charles King discontinued his exhortations, apparently highly delighted at the

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idea of having convinced us of the great power he possessed in commanding the elements.

Our object in the river could not at all be comprehended by our visiters. That a vessel should come thither merely for the purpose of looking at the place, and not for trade, they could not believe; and their conduct evidently showed us that they imagined we were only finessing in order to obtain a cargo of slaves upon lower terms than usual. They expressed much admiration and astonishment when we read the numerous certificates that they had received from European visiters, in which were written their names and good qualities. One of these was signed by Lieutenant Hawkey, the unfortunate officer who perished in Captain Tuckey's expedition.

By the 3rd we had completed our stock of wood and water. When the survey of the river commenced, Mr. C. G. Robinson was sent in the gig to examine the southern shore, and Lieutenant Boteler in the pinnace to Cape Palmeiro: the Journal of the latter furnishes the following account of his proceedings. "In the course of the survey, we entered a creek, outside of which was an extensive shoal, with an undulating surface, which, in order to proceed, we were obliged to pass over. A single native was standing near a hut erected on the point of the creek, who as we approached beckoned and called for us to land. We endeavoured to do so, but fortunately the water was too shallow to approach near enough. We had hardly turned our back to cross

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over the bank, when the man suddenly rushed into the jungle and disappeared; but we had not then the slightest suspicion of his designs.

"We got out of the channel, and continued for some distance in moderately deep water; but this suddenly shoaled, and we grounded near a mangrove, just as we came in sight of a village. Our crew, consisting of eleven men, jumped out and commenced tracking the boat over the sand; and, while thus employed, I observed by means of my glass, a crowd of natives running down the other side of a low point, apparently with the intention of embarking. They had either paddles, spears, or muskets, in their hands, but which I could not discern. I felt a strong suspicion that their designs were hostile; but, not to produce unnecessary alarm, I resolved to keep a watchful eye upon their movements, so as not to be taken by surprise.

The men had just succeeded in drawing the boat into three or four feet water, when I observed a great number of canoes coming round the point, and at the same instant another large party running down to launch some more which were on the beach, when they joined those already afloat, in all making above twenty-eight, with either four or six men in each; consequently their numbers amounted to about one hundred and forty. Having collected all their forces, with loud whooping and encouraging shouts to one another, they paddled towards us with great celerity.

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Prompt measures were immediately taken for our defence; the awning was got down to allow room for the cutlasses, and to load the muskets; and, in order to gain time, while one half of the crew were kept at the oars, the rest hoisted the sails to catch the light sea-breeze that had just commenced. By these means every preparation was made for action, but our brass gun, which should have been mounted over the bow, we were, from the rapid approach of the savages, obliged to place on the table. Uttering terrific yells, they paddled with all their speed to overtake us, and were within a few yards, doubtless considering that their overwhelming numbers would make us an easy and unresisting prey. This scene was one of fearful interest, each individual in the crowd of canoes vying with the others who should first seize upon our devoted little party, as with wild gestures and deafening noise they exerted every muscle to come up with us.

In our boat all was still; not a voice was heard, but an occasional order which was quietly and instantly obeyed. Every thing was prepared; every man had a cutlass by his side and a loaded musket in his hand, waiting but my word to pour into our pursuers a volley of balls, while the brass gun well loaded with grape was to second their exertions by its more fatal discharge. Unwilling, however, unnecessarily to shed blood, I stood up in the boat and fired three successive musket-shots over our pursuers as a warning to keep off, but without producing any effect. On

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seeing the flash, they fell prostrate at the bottom of their canoes, then arose and resumed their paddles with cheers and loud exulting exclamations, menacing us at the same time with gestures of defiance. When within pistol-shot, I ordered the contents of three muskets to be discharged amongst them, but this they received in the same manner as the first. The brass gun, which was kept in reserve, I now had elevated and fired over them, for, as I had been informed, that these people were of an inoffensive disposition, I was averse to proceed to extremities until absolutely compelled. They cheered when the gun was fired, but still pursued us undauntedly. As, however, half-measures appeared evidently useless, a well-directed volley of musketry was poured on them. The effect was instantaneous; instead of each striving to overtake us, they for a moment paused, and then with one accord paddled towards the shore. Doubtless some had fallen, for they were so near and close together that many of the balls must have taken effect. We let them retreat without molestation, as our only object was self-preservation. Had they been less easily discouraged, and had they succeeded in getting alongside, their numbers must have overcome our boats' crew, when a general massacre would have been the consequence."

The great body of water discharged by the Congo has scooped out a channel for itself, narrow but immensely deep, above Shark Point, seldom more than a mile across, varying in depth from

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two hundred to forty-five fathoms. The great force of the current in the river is apparently but superficial, as, when drifting out during a calm, our vessel was so much retarded by the current below, that the superficial one was running past us at the rate of a mile and a half an hour, its real velocity over the ground being about four. Our limited time would not allow of our tracing the deep channel of the Congo more than thirteen miles beyond Cape Padraō,* or Pillar, at which distance the greatest depth we obtained was fortyfive fathoms, from which it appears that the Congo, like most other rivers upon this coast, has a bar at its entrance, although in all probability twenty fathoms water above it.

Thirteen miles from the entrance, when crossing the channel of this river, the water was perfectly fresh, of a dingy red colour, and after being kept a few days on board fermented, and for some time remained in a highly putrescent state. A silver tea-spoon being immersed in it for half an hour was greatly discoloured, and required much cleaning to remove the stain; while some of the water that was preserved in a bottle four months, lost its colour and became perfectly clear and devoid of any sediment. We saw many floating islands coming down the river; they are formed

* The name of Pradaō was common to every point upon which the early Portuguese navigators erected pillars to commemorate their discoveries. But the only cape we know still bearing that name is one on the eastern extremity of Algoa Bay, near the Chaō or Bird Islands.

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of rushes, reeds, and long grass, and frequently covered with birds. Vessels are sometimes deceived by these, which occasionally drift a long way to seaward. The country at the mouth of the Congo is apparently very fertile, and presents many agreeable views, a range of high lands, covered with clusters of trees, extending some distance along its course.

In no part of this expedition had we so much experienced the unfitness of our ship for the service upon which she was employed, as during the survey of the west coast. This we were obliged to commence with only thirteen weeks' provision on board, though, having to perform a distance of more than one thousand miles,* we might meet with vessels who could supply us with more. But as such an opportunity would be too great an uncertainty for us to place any dependence upon, our operations were much confined, and many valuable additions that we might have made to the imperfect hydrographical knowledge of this coast were lost.

Under these circumstances we could not give much time to the survey of the river Congo; so on the 5th of January we left it, and two days after anchored in Kabenda Bay. The intermediate

* This calculation merely includes that part of the coast which we were specifically ordered to survey, but by the united efforts of our little squadron we were enabled to perform the greater portion of the remainder from the Congo to the Cape of Good Hope, omitting of course a minute examination of the various harbours.

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coast, a distance of thirty-six miles, possesses much variety of scenery, being low near the shores, but sometimes terminating in a cliff; while at a short distance inland might occasionally be seen a high and sloping ridge of beautiful park-land, the valleys presenting a most fertile prospect, abounding in groves of trees, amongst which the common palm was the most conspicuous. Kabenda is principally resorted to by slavers, of whom five were at anchor in the harbour upon our arrival, one French, and the rest under the Brazilian flag.

The numerous huts that skirt the bay in groups and extend inland to the distant hills, can scarcely be considered as forming a town, but rather an assemblage of villages, each respectively governed by a Mafula, but the whole under the superintendence of Prince Jack, next heir to the King, whose capital is Goy, a large town about six miles from the sea, containing, according to the account given of it, an immense population; a fact which we readily believed, as the whole coast presented the appearance of being densely inhabited.

We had not long been at anchor when a native boat came alongside, the master of which was sent by Prince Jack to ascertain who we were. He was entertained a short time on board, and then returned to acquaint his chief that we had called for stock, and had requested his assistance in obtaining it, for without his permission nothing could be brought on board. We were

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obliged to give this harbour-master two bottles of rum before he would quit us, without which, he strongly affirmed, it would be in vain to speak to Prince Jack, who would not believe a word he said. The boat soon returned with the prince, who evidently imagined that a present was in waiting for him. He was accompanied by six of his daughters, who, as specimens of the women on the west coast, were rather superior. They were of large stature, well formed, and with pleasing, intelligent countenances; they were dressed in gaudy-coloured cloths of English manufacture, secured round the waist, and hanging down to their ankles; a piece of the same stuff was also thrown carelessly over the shoulders, so as to cover the bosom. The whole of them were highly scented, and wore various ornaments, but bangles seemed in the greatest repute. The men appeared a fine race of people, sometimes slightly tattooed; their costume resembling that of the Congo people, although their language was totally different.

Prince Jack was upwards of fifty, possessing much good nature and a great deal of affected dignity, which, with a black face, almost universally borders on the ridiculous. He stopped on board during the night, and behaved at supper with much propriety. Had he studied his inclination, he would doubtless have preferred spirits, yet he took nothing but wine, thinking it more becoming his rank and importance. We could not prevail upon him to eat pork, not be-

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cause he disliked it, but that, according to the laws of his country, it was prohibited to the royal family.

The people of Kabenda give the inhabitants at the mouth of the Congo a bad character for treachery and cruelty. They stated, that whenever an opportunity offered for attacking a boat, either of Europeans or Africans, they would kill those who were likely to be unprofitable, and preserve the remainder for slaves, or to be ransomed. If they made any resistance, a death of torture was inflicted on them all; but if allowed to live they were stripped naked, made to procure their own food in what manner they could, and kept at hard labour in the most servile duties. This character of these people was fully confirmed by what we afterwards heard as we proceeded farther to the northward, while those inhabiting the shores a few miles from the mouth were described as Captain Tuckey had found them, a harmless, inoffensive race.

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CHAPTER XXIV.

Scenery in Kabenda Bay.—Negroes of the interior.—Anecdote of Lieut. Hawkey and a Mafula.—Challenge and contest.—Fears of the Natives.—War-ships.—Arrival at Cape Lopez.—Visit to King Passol.—The Royal Residence.—Ingenious Construction.—A naturalized English Boy.—A Fetiche dance—The Fetiche,—Superstition.

THE scenery in Kabenda Bay is composed of lofty cliffs, verdant bills, and deep, luxuriant vales. A great variety of trees, both in size and species, are dispersed in every direction, rendering the appearance of the country picturesque and pleasing. It is impossible for any vessel touching, as we did, for a few hours at Kabenda, to obtain provisions; for, as they are a minor branch of trade, when compared to that in slaves, ivory, or cam-wood, none are engaged in it but those who have not the means to pursue any other. The residence of these people is in the country, and great delay takes place, even after they have received information of a vessel's arrival, before

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they come with their stock; and then the articles for exchange (for they will not take money) must be sent on shore, and the whole process of bargaining gone through.

We were surprised to find that they had no bullocks, but numerous herds of buffaloes range the forests in a wild state. These are so savage and desperate that they are seldom procured alive, but are obliged to be hunted down and shot. Sheep are also scarce, but goats are plentiful, as well as ducks and fowls, but so dear, that four yards of dungaree (equivalent to two dollars) would purchase only three fowls. For clothing their slaves, and common purposes, they make use of a native grasscloth, woven by the negroes of the interior, much resembling that which is manufactured by the Malegash at Madagascar, for the Isle of France market. The people of Kabenda affect to despise these negroes of the interior, but we were induced to think unjustly; as a couple of silver chains of their manufacture, shown to us, were highly creditable to their ingenuity and industry.

Europeans are here held in high estimation, and in fact, considered as the receptacles of knowledge: a white idiot would be listened to, while a black Socrates would be despised. As an instance of this, Prince Jack was one day sitting in conversation with Captain Vidal, when some specimens of mechanism, watches, sextants, &c. arrested his attention; he examined those which he had never seen before with the most intent curiosity, and, after a pause of silent admiration, turned

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to Captain Vidal, and exclaimed with an earnestness of manner that betokened sincerity—"Cappen, suppose Kabenda man no see white man die, e tink e no ebery ting!"—thereby wishing to express that, had not his countrymen seen that white men died as well as themselves, they would have supposed them immortal, and beings of a superior order.

Before quitting this place, the following relation of a circumstance that took place on board his Majesty's ship Congo, previously to her ascending that river, may be read with interest as a trait of national character. One of the principal Mafulas, a fine-looking young man, paid a visit to the vessel, and in the course of conversation stated, that the Portuguese had been instilling into the minds of the natives that the Congo, and transport which accompanied her, were sent by the English to examine the Zaire and surrounding country, in order to take possession of it. "Do so," said the Mafula, "I know it is in your power, as it was in that of the Portuguese; but like them you will soon have it retaken from you: twice they were our masters— they are now no longer so: twice they erected a fort, but the ruins alone remain." Lieutenant Hawkey, observing the self-complacent tone in which this was uttered, laughed, and remarked that were the English foolish enough to wish for so wretched a country, (a term at which the Mafula was highly indignant,) they could without the least difficulty maintain their sovereignty over it, notwithstanding every effort of

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himself and countrymen to prevent them. "Why," continued he, "you have been asking me for a cutlass these last ten minutes; you cannot want it, for you know not its use; with this small rapier," pointing to his dress sword, "would set you and your cutlass at defiance."

The Mafula treated the observation with the utmost contempt, and, glowing with indignation, offered to put the affair to immediate trial. Mr. Hawkey had been some years a prisoner in France, and was a perfect master in the use of the small sword. To punish the Mafula' s arrogance, he accepted the challenge. The cutlass, in its rapid and deadly evolutions, was turned as harmlessly aside by the well-handled rapier, as if no eye had directed, no force dealt the blow. The Lieutenant was cool, strong, and active; the Mafula foaming with rage and almost sinking with exhaustion, strongly demonstrating the superiority of temper and skill over passion and ignorance. The affair was terminated by the Mafula receiving a slight puncture in the skin of his right shoulder; but not before he had discovered the futility of his efforts, and the great superiority of his antagonist. He gave up the contest, shook hands with the Lieutenant, and, while the ship was there, continued upon the most friendly terms with all on board, never ceasing to express his admiration of Mr. Hawkey's skill, and respect for the British nation. His people, who witnessed the contest, although they were apprehensive for their chieftain's safety, could not suppress an occasional burst

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of admiration and astonishment during many parts of the conflict, when the terrific blows of the cutlass were turned by the Lieutenant without the least effort or apparent motion of the arm.

On the afternoon of the 8th we quitted Kabenda Bay, and the next evening arrived in that of Loango, which affords excellent shelter to small vessels, and even for large ones is preferable to Kabenda. The scenery is likewise more varied and interesting, although the dwellings of the inhabitants are, according to the custom of the country, not visible from the sea, being hid in the luxuriant lowlands, a custom which has doubtless had its origin from the system of kidnapping so much practised by the Portuguese, Upon our arrival we sent a boat on board an English sloop lying in the harbour, called the Halford of Liverpool. Several natives were on board of her at the time, but, as our boat approached, and they understood that it belonged to a "war-ship," as they called us, they retreated to the shore in their canoes with the utmost consternation. They had heard of these ships fighting and taking slavers, but, as they could not understand the authority by which they acted, they held them in great dread, and imagined that they were pirates who seized indiscriminately all vessels they could meet with. The general inquiry was—"War-ships no mak trade, no dash noting (give no presents); sail ebery where, look ebery ting; ab plenty gun, plenty white man; eatee too much, what e do?"

The only way we could ever make them under-

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stand their use was, by supposing that the Mafula or any other chief had several boats that he wished to send with various articles of merchandise, to barter for slaves, to any distant part of the coast; with these, if they were of value, he would send means of defence, and another boat, entirely adapted for that purpose, would be of more effect and less expense, than separately arming each of the traders: such were war-ships. This explanation was always sufficient, and in general brought forth high encomiums; and in one instance the querist, after mature deliberation, observed, that "King George very great king, e saby too much."

In the course of the survey of the bay we had several times occasion to land, when we were always surrounded by a crowd of the natives, who in their conduct were very friendly, and in their numerous questions respecting war-ships betrayed the utmost curiosity. Numerous lagoons exist here, about two hundred feet from the sea, running parallel with the shore, and communicating with the beach in various places by drains or small creeks. This appears to be a remarkable feature in the coast, which we also observed on the Congo and further to the southward on a more extensive scale.

We quitted Loango on the 10th, and in the course of our survey towards Cape Lopez were often visited by the natives, who resembled those of Kabenda in all respects, but wearing the monkey skin on their fronts. They came off in large canoes, with either an English ensign or a white

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flag flying, and were always anxious for us to stop and trade. The hilly scenery, that we so much admired at Loango, was succeeded, soon after we left that bay, by a low, woody, and in general swampy flat We had shoal water until our arrival at Cape Lopez, on the evening of the 17th, when it suddenly, even close to the shore, became so exceedingly deep that we could not obtain an anchorage until within a quarter of a mile of the surf. Cape Lopez, or Cape Lopez de Gonzalves, in lat. 0° 36′ 2" South, long. 8° 40′ 4" East, is so called from its first discoverer. It is covered with wood, but low and swampy, as is also the neighbouring country. The extensive bay formed by this cape is fourteen miles in depth, and has several small rivers and creeks running into it, some of which, to the southward, apparently communicate with the extensive lagoons already mentioned. On the left point of the largest and northernmost of these rivers is situated King Passol's town, the only assemblage of huts in the bay.

Off this place, and near a French slaver, we anchored on the 25th of January, when Captain Vidal and some officers repaired on shore to obtain observations for the rates of the chronometers, to examine the town, and to call on King Passol. Lieutenant Boteler in his account of this visit, says, "A chief, who called himself Duke, led the way; but as, on our arrival, the king was not prepared for the audience, we were taken to the house occupied by the master of the slaver, whom we found busily engaged in paying away various

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articles of barter, with which his residence was filled. This, as well as the other buildings that composed the town, much resembled an English cottage, and was formed of palm-leaves interwoven neatly upon a slight wooden frame, the eaves projecting sufficiently to form a pleasant retreat from the heat of the sun.

"The Duke, who had quitted us, shortly returned with information that his majesty awaited our arrival, upon which we followed him through the extensive and straggling town, frequently buried up to the ankles in sand, from which the vegetation was worn by the constant passing and repassing of the inhabitants. We arrived at a large folding-door placed in a high bamboo and palm-tree fence, which inclosed the king's establishment, ornamented on our right hand by two old honeycombed guns, which, although dismounted, were probably, according to the practice of the coast, occasionally fired to attract the attention of passing vessels, and to imply that slaves were to be procured. On the left of the enclosure was a shed, with a large ship's bell suspended beneath, serving as an alarum-bell in case of danger; while the remainder was occupied by neatly built huts, inhabited by the numerous wives of King Passol, whose residence at the back was rendered conspicuous by the difference in its construction and superior size, probably as an affectation of dignity.

Upon our arrival at the king's door, notwithstanding he had sent to notify that he was ready

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to receive us, he was not to be seen, and it was intimated that we might remain outside until it suited his convenience. But, as such an arrangement did not suit ours, in spite of the Duke's entreaties, Captain Vidal entered, when we all followed him, and ascended by means of an awkward ladder to the first floor, where we found King Passol sitting at a table with his hat on, and clothed in a loose flowing garment of striped blue and white cloth. He was a tall, muscular, ugly-looking black, apparently about fifty years of age, but his appearance by no means indicated that ferocity of disposition which report said that he indulged in, much to the detriment of his subjects' heads. He understood French and English well, although he could speak but little of either, but his interpreter amply made up the deficiency.

Captain Vidal explained his object in visiting the bay, and requested permission of Passol for the inhabitants to bring off refreshments for the ship's company, which he readily acceeded to, stating that he entertained a great respect for the English, and a wish to have as much intercourse with them as possible. A decanter of rum, a jug of water, and some tumblers on a waiter, were placed on the table, together with a plate of burnt ground-nuts, and some dried plantains. The ceremony of drinking healths was observed, the king first helping Captain Vidal and then himself, leaving one of his chiefs to attend to the rest of the party.

On our way we had heard much of Passol's

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house, which the natives were constantly ringing in our ears, as "Ver fine biggy house, and ab got two deck," meaning that it had a ground and first floor. It certainly surpassed our expectations; for, well knowing how apt savages are to magnify the description of anything belonging to their chiefs, we merely expected to find a residence in a slight degree superior to the general style of their huts. But it proved a most creditable specimen of native ingenuity, having been constructed by a man totally uninstructed, but who by his observation whilst on board some of our ships had acquired quite a respectable knowledge of the rude principles of architecture. It was about fifty feet long by twenty wide, the frame-work being composed of the hard wood of the country; the planking was of fir, brought by his desire from England expressly for that purpose, but the nails and other iron work were all manufactured by the same ingenious carpenter. The two stories or "decks," as the natives called them, were each divided into two large rooms, one about thirty-four feet in length, and the other sixteen. The former, in which were two closets used as bedrooms, was hung with looking-glasses of all sizes and shapes, and a profusion of prints and water-colour paintings, some possessing much merit, while others were only to be admired for their tinselled splendour. The furniture consisted of a large mahogany table covered by a new green cloth, a number of antediluvian English chairs, and some stools of the fashion of the country, hewn out of

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a solid block of a soft wood, and covered with a variety of uncouth devices. The doors and windows, which were both made to turn upon hinges, seemed to owe their formation to the architect's observation of the gratings of a ship and the latticed work of her stern, which he had contrived so to blend as to give the whole a neat and tasteful appearance. There was, however, no part of the building that so much attracted our attention as the roof. This was an elegant improvement on that usually adopted by the natives; consisting of a complete basket-work, formed by the rightangular crossing of brandies of the palm-tree with the leaves neatly interwoven in several layers above.

Whilst we were expressing our admiration of this building, Passol, who appeared possessed of the mania for prizing the productions and fashions of other countries merely because they are foreign, and contemning those of his own, turned a look of careless indifference from the roof, and observed—"Dat noting; by by you come back, look urn nudder (another) deck." When the object of our voyage was understood to be for the purpose of facilitating commerce, the king was much pleased, and earnestly requested that we would give "a book" (chart) of Cape Lopez to all merchant-vessels we met, and tell them that the king was a very great and a very good man, and had plenty of ivory, camwood, ebony, gum-copal, and wax to dispose of.

An English boy, about fourteen, who had de-

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serted from a merchant-vessel at Cape Lopez, because the master had beaten him in an inhuman manner for some petty offence, was living here under the protection of the natives, from whom he received great kindness. He could not be prevailed upon to return, having lived amongst them for nearly a year, learned their language, and assimilated himself in every respect to their manners and customs, going, like the younger portion of the inhabitants, without clothes. Captain Vidal demanded him of the king, who reluctantly consented to give him up, but could not be prevailed upon to assist in his arrest; while the boy himself appeared so partial to the life he led, and so determined to remain unless absolutely carried away by force, that it was considered advisable to allow him to escape our search.

At noon Captain Vidal took leave of the king, in order to make his observations, "and I," continues Lieutenant Boteler, "was preparing shortly afterwards to follow him, when Passol, perceiving my intention, in a good-humoured manner held me by the arm, exclaiming—' No go yet, 'top a little; by-by go look um fetiche dance, me mak you too much laugh.' It appeared that he had heard me, on listening to the distant tattoo of a native drum, express a determination to a young midshipman who was of the party to go and discover the cause for which it was being played. Before he had concluded his sentence, the noise of the drum, almost buried in the singing, whooping, and clamour of a multitude of the

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natives, was heard approaching. When close to us the procession stopped, and the dancers, all of whom were men, formed themselves into two parallel lines from the front of an adjoining house, and commenced their exhibition. They were dressed in a peculiar manner, having suspended from their hips a complete kilt formed of the threads of grass-cloth, and an appendage of the same kind to one or both arms, just above the elbow. Some had their faces, and others their breasts, marked with white circles or lines, made on them by the fetiche-men as a protection against disease. The dancing, although not elegant, was devoid of that disgusting contortion of the body so common to the east coast. It consisted principally in advancing and withdrawing the feet and arms, accompanied by a corresponding inclination of the body, and at stated times a simultaneous clapping of hands, and a loud, sharp ejaculation of 'heegh!'

Two men, who, during the exhibition, did not join in the dance, were constantly wandering amongst the performers—these were, the master-fetiche and his attendant: the former had on a French glazed hat, which is held in great veneration by the natives; and the other, chewing some red root, part of which was hanging from his mouth, carried a small ornamented stick, surmounted at the end with a bunch of long and handsome feathers. One of these men would occasionally stop opposite to some particular dancer, and entice him by gestures to leave the line and

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accompany him in his evolutions, which always ended where they began, when the pressed man returned to his former place. For some time I had observed the master-fetiche dancing opposite to the house, and apparently addressing it in a halfthreatening, half-beseeching tone. King Passol, who was standing close by me, suddenly exclaimed—'Now you laugh too much; fetiche e come;' and, sure enough, forthwith rushed from the house amongst the performers a most extraordinary figure. This was a man mounted upon stilts, at least six feet above the ground, on which he moved with as much facility as if upon the most active pair of legs. His face was hid by a large white mask, with a red ball on each cheek and on his chin; his eyebrows and the under-part of his nose being painted of the same colour. Over his forehead was a yellow vizor, with a string of small brass bells tied across, ornamented with alligators' teeth, and a confused display of feathers, blades of grass, and elephants' hairs. From the top of his head the skin of a monkey hung down his back, having affixed to its tail a wire with a large sheep-bell attached to the end, which kept constantly ringing. His body, legs, and arms were completely enveloped in a number of folds of the native grass-cloth, through which he grasped in either hand a quantity of alligators' teeth, lizards' skins, fowls' bones, feathers, and hairs, altogether reminding one of the well-known attributes of Obi, the dread of the slave-owners of Jamaica.

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This uncouth figure was for a long time performing various antics to frighten and amuse the crowd, being closely followed by the masterfetiche and his attendant, the former with hat in hand, paying the intruder the most obsequious attention. at first imagined that this exhibition was got up for our amusement, but was soon undeceived; for when, under this impression, enquired of a bystander what man it was that performed the character, he answered, with a look of astonishment at my ignorance—' E no man—no man de same as him, he be de Dible!' Still being a little sceptical as to their believing this themselves, I asked in an unconcerned manner, 'In what house does he live?' 'What! what!—fetiche, I tell you, be Dible! e no catch house, e lib in dat wood,' pointing to a gloomy-looking grove skirting the back of the village: and it was in vain that I attempted to unravel the origin or meaning of their superstitious dread of this absurd figure; so, bidding adieu to King Passol, I rejoined Captain Vidal when we returned on board."

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CHAPTER XXV.

People of Cape Lopez.—Tom Qua Ben.—"Tradesmen" and Hostages.—Connubial Tyrants.—Mode of Combat.—Toby Philpot.—Dread of Poison.—Condemnation of a Chief on suspicion.—The Prison.—Frightful Cruelty.—Interview with King Glass.—Barter.—Ingenious Contrivance.—Facility for Trade.

THE people of Cape Lopez possess in a very great degree that propensity so common to the inhabitants of the west coast of Africa. Meum and tuum are terms little respected or attended to, every man making a point of securing to himself the goods of strangers whenever a favourable opportunity offers. Many petty larcenies were committed upon our personals, and some of the men were considerable sufferers, as these lightfingered natives were not at all particular in their selection of articles for plunder. Most of the trinkets and baubles that we had on board for obtaining provisions on the east coast were here despised, printed cloth being almost the only

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thing they would receive; in consequence, our sailors were indebted to the chance of Dr. Guland shooting a buffalo for the only fresh meat they had had since leaving St. Paul de Loando.

On the 27th we quitted Cape Lopez and prosecuted our survey to the northward, along a low swampy country covered with wood, but devoid of any other attractive feature, until we arrived off the southern point of the river Gaboon, situated in latitude 0° 30′ 5" North, and longitude 9° 17′ 5" East. Several native boats immediately put off to come on board; but, as they approached, a gun was fired in order to obtain a base line, which made them return in the utmost consternation. Upon our anchoring in the river on the following day, we were however visited by many, amongst whom was a tall stout-looking man, who designated himself Tom Qua Ben, brother to King Qua Ben, whose capital, an extensive town, is situated on the northern bank of the river not far from our anchorage. Tom Qua Ben was dressed in the laced coat of a mail-coach guard, and, from his well-favoured and portly appearance, did credit to the character.

The report of the people that retreated from us, together with our, to them, unaccountable manœuvres whilst surveying, and the number of our boats, had created great alarm, which Tom Qua Ben, immediately upon coming on board thus emphatically expressed; "You go here, you go dere, you send boat ebery where. Gaboon man look um dat too much fear. Who you be?"

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The question was as quickly answered as it was directly put, when the fears of Tom were set at rest. Being the first on board, he was extremely solicitous to he chosen captain's "tradesman," producing certificates of the fidelity with which he had acted in that capacity for various masters of merchant-vessels which had visited the place.

These "tradesmen," as they term themselves, are generally the principal inhabitants, who are entrusted by the masters of vessels with goods, to purchase such articles in return from the Bullamen, or natives of the interior, as they require. A man or woman is always delivered up as an hostage for their honesty; and, as these hostages are relations of the tradesman, whatever may be his wish, he cannot act dishonestly. The tradesmen always make the vessel their head-quarters, and act as interpreters and guard to the master, in which capacity they accompany him on shore. They are great beggars, and will get all they can from their employers, but allow no one else to get any thing. Captain Vidal did not choose Tom Qua Ben in this capacity, who therefore attached himself to Lieutenant Boteler, while the Captain selected Case Glass, half-brother to Tom King Glass and King Qua Ben. This man was rather elderly, spoke good English, and was preferred for two virtues that he possessed which seldom fall to the lot of savages, namely, a mild quiet manner, and a low tone of voice when speaking.

The natives of Gaboon are a fine-looking race of negroes, and, from their intercourse with

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Europeans, far surpass those of the east coast in intelligence; they nearly all speak English with fluency, and among the many that daily came on board there was not one who did not at least understand it. But this is only amongst the males, as the women seldom know more than a few words, being kept in the most abject state of domestic slavery. The first wife is the only one that meets with any attention, and she, even in age, is treated with respect; the rest are bound to confer their favours upon any one whom the husband may select. They are bought in marriage like slaves, and a man's wealth may be computed by the number that he possesses. They cultivate the ground and perform the most menial offices, while the husband smokes his pipe in idleness. The only occupation of these connubial tyrants is constructing houses, making the furniture, and building boats, some few being engaged during the day in fishing. For this they use a slight cane, about ten feet long, armed at the end with a barbed piece of iron, which, on entering the fish, is detached from the shaft and rises to the surface of the water, thereby serving as a buoy. But the supply thus procured by the men at sea is far short of that obtained on shore by the women, who, during the night, resort in crowds at dead low water to the reefs, carrying a lighted stick in one hand and a barbed spear in the other; the fish attracted by the flame approach, when they are instantly transfixed by the spear.

The natives in their quarrels use the knife, and

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inflict dreadful gashes on the flesh, but carefully avoid dealing a mortal wound, as the relatives of the deceased never allow the murderer to escape. Their knives are manufactured by the Bullamen, and are of curious construction, varying in length from six to ten and even more inches, and from two to four in breadth, the broadest part being in the centre, with an exceedingly sharp edge and point: the handles are curiously carved, and the sheaths covered with either thin brass or the skins of snakes. In their conflicts they use much activity, each dancing round the other like the single-stick players of Devonshire, watching the eye of their adversary, and, when striking, bringing the knife up with a quick motion. Many severe wounds are inflicted before the contest ceases, one generally falling from loss of blood or being disabled. They use spears in their wars, but principally fight with the musket, although in a manner ridiculous to a European, as the master of an English brig, trading in the river, assured us that, during the late war between Kings Glass and George, in their greatest battle, which lasted nearly four hours, only one man was killed. Perceiving that we looked surprised at this "Gazette," one of them observed, "No ab too much plenty man here; what for we go then kill um? No, no, we makbob (noise) no too much kill man."

The morning after our arrival, Lieutenant Boteler, accompanied by several officers, went on shore to see King Glass and view his town.

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"On landing," says the Lieutenant, "we were led to the place by Tom Qua Ben, and followed by many of the natives. The villages on the Gamboon are built like those of Loango, a short distance inland, but, as they stand on rising ground, are generally conspicuous. We entered King Glass's town by passing under an arch, formed by two large branches of a tree fixed in the ground, and bent so as to meet at the top. Nearly in the middle of the broad street which composed the town, was a very low and small hut, that Tom Qua Ben informed us was a fetiche-house, and had under it the remains of old King Glass. This was hung inside, he added, with a profusion of consecrated articles, such as cloths, neptunes,* pots, pans, plates, knives, cups, lookingglasses, &c.; from which I imagined that it was a mausoleum, and these so many offerings to the memory of the deceased occupant. I therefore inquired why it was termed a fetiche-house. 'Why,' answered Tom, 'because e lib dere.' 'What sort of a being is he?' rejoined.' Being! e no being; e Toby Philpot.' My gravity was overcome, and forgetting the earthenware representation of that character, so commonly to be seen in the cottages of England, demanded whom he meant by Toby Philpot? 'Toby Philpot? Toby Philpot!' exclaimed Tom, in astonishment, 'you no sabby him; got big mouth, big eye, and big belly; all de same as big cappen of frigate me tell you of.'

* Large brass pans.

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"This officer, so strangely alluded to, had appeared off the river some years back, and by his portly dimensions much astonished the natives. The superstitious fear of the people for the fetiche is ridiculous but serviceable, if not in preventing, at least in punishing crime,—the sentence of this wooden deity being without appeal. By his means, a cartridge-box and knife, which were stolen from one of the seamen, were quickly returned, the mere threat made by King Glass to consult the fetiche having induced the delinquent at once to come forward with the stolen articles and acknowledge his offence.

The fetiches carried on the person are generally worn as protections against poison and other violent deaths, and it would appear that they are subsidiary to the resident fetiche, one of whom is supposed to exist in every town. From the great dread of poison entertained by these people, it may be inferred that it is their usual mode of revenge; and, whenever any person dies suddenly whilst under the protection of another, it is always suspected that poison has been the active agent. The Prince of Parrot Island married a daughter of King Glass, who died shortly afterwards, when the fetiche was consulted, and the chief condemned, unheard, for poisoning his wife; upon which King Glass demanded a heavy penalty: this the prince, feeling himself innocent, refused to pay, and forthwith became a proscribed character in the eyes of the king and his people, who doomed him to death by any means and in any place

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where it could be inflicted. Unconscious of this determination, he one day repaired on board an English merchant-brig to dispose of some ivory, which King Glass and his people instantly got intelligence of, and in a few minutes upwards of fifty boats and canoes surrounded the vessel, with the intention of seizing him upon his return. This the master, considering the man as under his protection, strongly remonstrated against; but his arguments would have availed little, had they not been seconded by making preparations, and threatening to fire upon the boats if they did not allow him to leave the ship unmolested. Upon this they dispersed, and the prince, rejoicing at his unexpected escape, once more returned to his island, whence he shortly after despatched heralds of peace to the parent of his deceased wife; and the affair, which had so nearly cost him his life, was finally adjusted in an amicable manner.

Before returning on board, I took a walk through the town, followed by two or three hundred of the inhabitants. In the course of this ramble I was led to a large building, which they called their prison. Here I saw a poor victim of savage justice and tyranny: a being—for so mutilated a form could hardly be called man,—was stretched on his back upon the ground, his legs and arms extended to their utmost by means of two pieces of wood, with one end fastened to each wrist and instep, which deprived him of the power to move, besides the agony which such a

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constant extension must occasion. He had, it appeared, been lying thus for many weeks, being supplied with food by his persecutors. He was still conscious, but the flesh was mouldering upon his bones, every joint being bared by the destroying insects that were consuming the corrupted body. An agonised groan was all that told his sufferings, which might have wrung pity from any hearts but those of the unfeeling savages by whom he was surrounded. So unexpected was this exhibition, that my sight almost failed me as contemplated the frightful figure, and, unable longer to remain, I hastily retreated into the open air. The offence for which this unfortunate object was thus cruelly punished was having robbed the grave of one of their chiefs, with whom, according to the custom of the country, they always bury the whole or greater part of their property; and this violation is considered a crime of the greatest magnitude.

The river Gaboon has been but little resorted to by men-of-war, the earliest that Case Glass could remember being a large frigate, the captain of which had his wife on board. She was the only English lady he had ever beheld, and he described her as very handsome, and dwelt in raptures on the symmetrical form of her neck, which he said was very long, and bending like his arm. Yet, although he admired her appearance, he by no means approved of her manners, saying, 'That she told d—n lie by holding nose when black man pass, cause she say dey tink.'

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After passing the fetiche-house, Tom Qua Ben accompanied me to the residence of King Glass. The street was about one hundred feet in breadth, the huts on each side being placed in a well-defined line, the fronts varying in size from forty to eighteen feet, constructed of the palm-leaf, neatly interwoven, and lined with the bark of some surrounding trees; the clay floors were elevated about a foot above the ground. Their furniture consisted of a table, some stools, resembling those at Cape Lopez, and many chairs, either of English manufacture or neat and correct imitations. Passing on to the King's dwelling, which differed from the rest only in being a little larger, I found him seated on a high old-fashioned arm-chair, with a long table before him, covered with a green cloth.

Upon my entering he instantly arose, as well as his numerous attendants, and in good English welcomed me to his house. He was apparently about fifty-five years of age, tall, with a pleasing expression of countenance, and plain unostentatious manner, his dress not differing from that of the persons around him. The furniture of his house was also the same as that already described in the others, with the exception of two large ship-bells, used for an alarm, or to ring on days of rejoicing. One of these bore the date of 1787, and an inscription, stating that it was presented as a token of regard by the house of Sydenham and Co., merchants, Bristol, to the old King Glass.

My visit was merely to explain the object of

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Captain Vidal's arrival in the river, this being necessary to remove the apprehensions which the presence of a man-of-war always inspires, especially in the Gaboon, where such vessels are little known, and their duties less understood, being in fact considered very much in the light of "pirates," because they sometimes deprive the "honest slavers" of their cargo! The trade of this river principally consists in slaves and ivory, the former on a grand scale with the French, Spaniards, and Portuguese; the latter with the English. Camwood was also in great demand during the late war, for the purpose of dying army clothing; but since the peace this trade has almost ceased, so that at present it is often purchased for fire-wood.

These people, like all savages, are difficult to trade with, postponing the conclusion of their bargains until the patience of those with whom they deal is exhausted; and, when the agreement is made, they commence endless persecution for a "dash," or present, as they term it, "to make friend." Should the article they part with be valuable, such as a wife-slave, or large tusk, they will take only assorted goods in exchange. Thus, for two large tusks taken on board the merchantbrig in the river, weighing together a hundred and thirty pounds, the native to whom they belonged received the following articles:—four muskets; two neptunes; two iron kettles; four pieces of cloth; some nails; assorted fishhooks; earthenware beads; copper bars; one jar of rum.

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Upon the termination of my interview with King Glass I made my way through the crowd, with some difficulty, to the boat, and returned on board."

An ingenious contrivance to aid the memory was witnessed by one of our officers, while employed in a boat surveying the shore near King Qua Ben's town, who, knowing that we wished to obtain some bullocks, sent a chief off as the boat was passing to make proposals for supplying us; but, as he had probably heard that we possessed but a poor assortment of articles for barter, he thought it advisable, in order to prevent the necessity of the canoe going backwards and forwards, to state at once four different kinds of goods which he would receive as the price of his bullocks, so that we might at once determine which we would give. For this purpose a piece of wood with four sides was brought by the chief, who by certain notches on each angle was enabled to deliver the list correctly, which in all probability he would otherwise have forgotten.

Among the various objects of novelty and interest that attracted our attention in the Gaboon, were the canoes, or rather boats, for, although hewn as the former from the solid wood, they are shaped like the latter, some being upwards of thirty feet in length and of proportionate breadth. The trees from which these are formed are of enormous dimensions, very close grain, and much buoyancy. But as all those in the immediate vicinity of the river have been cut down,

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they are now brought from a short distance in the interior, carried on the shoulders of frequently more than a hundred of the natives.

Before concluding these remarks upon this river, it is necessary to observe, that it combines every facility for trade, the navigation being easy, having no bar at its entrance from which danger is to be apprehended, and the ascent being free from obstacles for several miles. The climate is, however, in all probability unhealthy, as, although the country rises in some places into considerable hills, yet there is nothing but low swamps between them and the river.

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CHAPTER XXV.*

Corisco Bay.—Certificates.—A Massacre.—Price of a Wife.—Strange Phrases.—Traffic.—People on the River Moonyee.—Diminutive Canoes.—Want of Provisions.—Fatal accident.—Native treachery.—A "Gentleman."—Arrival at Maidstone Bay.—Fernando Po.—Animated scene.—Description of the Island.

ON the morning of the 4th of February we left the Gaboon for Corisco Bay, where in a short time we arrived, the distance being only eight miles.

This place derives its name from the Portuguese, on account of the constant thunder-storms by which it is visited. The bay is thirty-two miles north and south from Cape St. John to Cape Esterias, and fifteen from the islands which are situated at the entrance to the river Moonda. The surrounding shores are thickly clothed with verdure, the numerous isles with which it is studded being also green to the water's edge.

Having heard a very unfavourable account of the inhabitants of these islands, we expected little

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intercourse; but, shortly after our arrival off Great Coriseo, the principal island, Jack Romando, a kinsman of their King Jem, and who in his early years had visited England, came on board, and produced various certificates highly creditable to his honesty and humanity. One was from Captain Kelly, of his Majesty's ship Pheasant, stating that the bearer and two more chiefs obliged by force the natives in the vicinity of Cape St. John to set at liberty the crew of an English vessel that was wrecked there, whom they had detained as captives. Romando brought them with him to Corisco, where they were treated with the utmost hospitality and kindness until an opportunity offered for their return to England.

Another certificate was from two boys, the only survivors of the crew of the brig Charles of Liverpool, the following particulars of whose fate were related by these boys in this document, and by the natives who had witnessed it:—It appeared that this brig was at anchor off Corisco, in company with a Portuguese schooner belonging to Prince's Island, and that much intimacy existed between their respective crews. The master and mate of the English vessel were one day invited to dine on board the schooner, when it is supposed that, after inducing them to drink until unable to resist, they were basely murdered in cold blood. After this act of treachery they repaired on board the English brig with every appearance of friendship, when, having waited for

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a favourable opportunity, they attacked the unsuspecting crew, who became in consequence an unresisting prey to their bloodthirsty assailants.

At the time of this massacre, the two boys were coming on board in the boat, but, when near their vessel, were alarmed by the expiring cries of their companions. Jack Romando, who had been engaged by the English master, was, with his wife, child, and a black man belonging to Mayumba, in the cabin when this butchery commenced. Hearing the scuffle, they jumped through the stern window, but not before the latter was stabbed deeply in the side, and had received a blow which nearly broke his arm. The boys picked them up in the boat, when they escaped to the island, where next morning the brig was seen a wreck on the shore, the murderers having afterwards got drunk and occasioned her destruction.

We were not able to obtain any further particulars respecting this affair, except that Jack Romando asserted that it was occasioned by the master having indiscreetly boasted of the quantity of gold-dust he had on board in presence of the Portuguese. The name of the master of the English vessel was Matthews, whilst that of the Portuguese was Joze Ribiero Francisco Gastao, who we heard was still residing at Prince's Island. The certificate ended by a grateful acknowledgment of the many kindnesses which the writers had received from Jack Romando during their stay at Corisco.

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The inhabitants of these islands greatly resemble those of the Gaboon in manners and dress, but, strange to say, their language is totally different. The fair sex are held in the same degraded light as at that place. A woman is purchased as a wife from her parents; but if her husband, on taking her home, finds, even after keeping her for some days, that she does not equal the expectations he had formed as to her skill in performing various domestic duties, he returns her to her parents, demanding at the same time the goods which he had given. If these are refused, he immediately sells her for a slave, to reimburse himself in part for his loss, the value of a free woman for a wife being far more than that of a slave. The former, if possessed of superior acquirements as a housewife, is considered equal to the following quantity of goods, which Jack Romando assured us he had paid for his best wife: — two neptunes; one kettle; one brass pan; eleven iron bars; two muskets; two cutlasses; one fine hat; one cape; two silk handkerchiefs; six knives; four plates; four glasses; four mugs; four dishes; one jibbo; one coat; and three jars of rum.

When a wife of the above value dies, and for whom the husband had a particular affection, the body is ornamented, placed in a coffin, and a small hut erected over her grave; while the remains of an ordinary, low-priced wife are cast into a pit, carelessly dug for the purpose, without either ornaments or ceremony. The same practice ex-

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ists here as at Gaboon regarding the sudden death of a wife; and Jack Romando informed us that he had lately married the daughter of a chief residing at Cape St. John, who shortly afterwards, with his permission, crossed over to visit her father, and while there, was killed by a tiger, numbers of which infest the neighbouring country. Romando immediately demanded the usual forfeit, which was refused, when he resolved upon a fight, or kidnapping one of his father-in-law's dependents, who, by the sacrifice of his or her liberty at the slave-market, was to reimburse him for the loss that he had sustained. This latter method appeared to suit him best; for, the day previously to our sailing, he informed us, under a promise of great secrecy, that he had concerted a plan to obtain redress in that manner, which he had no doubt would be crowned with success.

Along the west coast of Africa, those natives who speak English are in the habit of using a number of words and phrases, often so strangely misapplied as to create much amusement. To enumerate them all would fill a volume; but among the most remarkable are, "bob" for, noise or threats; as "Suppose I teif dat man wife, bob come my side:"—"lib" or "live" for remain, orto express locality;—as "Ship lib here two moons;" "Rock lib here:"—"chop" for eating; as "Suppose go long way among Bullaman, he chop you." As they know so little about men-of-war, they have no idea of the denomination of the respective classes of officers; and thus it is that they

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term all "mates" who are inferior in rank to the captain.

When coming from the Gaboon, Lieutenant Boteler was ordered to precede us in the pinnace a short distance ahead, in order, by keeping close in shore, to obtain its features more accurately. In passing a large village, four canoes laden with plantains paddled out after him with so much rapidity that, although he was sailing at the time before a moderate breeze, they quickly overtook the boat, but before venturing alongside loudly exclaimed in tolerably good English—"I tay, you mate, you mate, you no big rogue? Ship no big rogue?" A favourable answer being returned, these simple people approached with the utmost confidence to traffic. Cloth was the article they set the greatest value upon, and, next to that, tobacco, the smallest portion of which was equivalent to a large bunch of plantains; and the addition of a brass bangle would purchase a goat. Even at Corisco tobacco is held in high estimation, which is rather a singular fact, as, at the Gaboon, but a few miles distant, it is hardly of any value.

Two towns situated on Cape St. John are under the dominion of the King of Corisco, but the other places around the bay are inhabited by Bullamen. One of our officers had an opportunity of seeing some of these people on the northern point of the River Moonyee. He says:—"They appeared in a very wild and savage state, and so timid, that although I was surrounded by

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upwards of one hundred, including women and children, yet a slight motion I accidentally made with a telescope, which they took for a musket, put the whole to flight, excepting one young man, who, possessed of more courage than the rest, stood his ground, and, by applying his eye to the glass, ascertained its harmless character. A loud halloo from him brought them back, when, after each had taken his turn to look through the late object of their dread, they danced about me in so rude and uncouth a manner that I began to suspect they were going to eat me. Tobacco was much in request amongst them, the smallest donations being thankfully received. I had but a small quantity with me, yet, by a judicious distribution, I made them procure me a large quantity of fire-wood. The boys had no clothing whatever; and the younger portion of the women barely sufficient to satisfy a fastidious lover of decency."

The people of Corisco, knowing how inimical the English are to the slave-trade, and being aware of their activity in suppressing it, are fearful of making it too much the subject of conversation; but Jack Romando, one evening when a little elevated by rum, enumerated to us the goods paid for a slave. This statement was immediately committed to paper, which, when the chief perceived, he was excessively indignant, expressing himself fully persuaded that by its means some blow would be levelled against the trade, and he, as the unwitting cause, be branded as an informer.

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Having in fourteen days completed a survey of the bay, we left Corisco on the 18th of February, and on the 24th anchored off the river Camaroons. The intermediate coast was low but covered with trees to the water's edge. It appeared thickly inhabited, from the numerous villages that skirted its extent, and the number of canoes that waylaid us as we passed. These were of a diminutive size, being made only to contain one man each, who, when landing, which is always inconvenient, immediately upon touching the shore, jumps out, puts the canoe upon his shoulder, and rushes through the breakers to the beach.

We had upon one occasion twenty-five of these nautilus-looking barks around us, but being under weigh they were afraid to come alongside. It was, however, amusing to see the skilful manner in which they manœuvred. The man sat in the centre with one leg hanging over on each side, which he employed to propel the canoe, at the same time using a single paddle with his hands. The canoes floated about half a foot above the surface of the water, consequently the slightest ripple was sufficient to render them unsafe, yet such was the dexterity of the occupant that, from time to time as the water entered, he kicked it out as if he was bailing, a fact which, to those who have not witnessed it, may appear almost incredible. We were going at the rate of four miles an hour, yet these canoes kept up with us, apparently without any exertion. They had nothing with them for traffic but fish, for which

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they demanded a great price, and which, until just before their departure they persisted in asking, though they appeared so anxious to obtain cloth. The exchange was made by means of the boat astern, for they were too fearful of being sunk to come sufficiently near the vessel herself for that purpose.

As we approached the river Camaroons, we became enveloped in the haze of the Harmattan,* although without the wind so peculiar to it; this was probably occasioned by the vicinity of the lofty mountains of Camaroon, and the heights of Fernando Po. Our small stock of provisions was rapidly decreasing; it therefore became necessary, in order to complete the extent of survey assigned us, to obtain an additional supply. Accordingly, after we had anchored, a boat was sent up the river to try if any stock was to be procured from the vessels that might be there; but unfortunately only one, an English brig, was in the river at the time, and her provisions were nearly exhausted.

Upon the return of this party, an occurrence took place, which, by its melancholy termination, made them doubly regret the unsuccessful issue of their expedition. As the ebb-tide was running out, the boat got aground upon a sand-bank; every attempt to move her proved vain, nothing

* The characteristics of this are an unchangeable direction of wind, generally, on this part of the coast, from the eastward, a parching dryness in the air, and a thick haze or fog; its periodical visits upon this coast being from October to the latter end of February.

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therefore remained to do but await patiently until the flood set in, when, in order to lose as little time as possible, three of the men were directed to wade through the water to a dry sand-bank a few yards from the spot, and endeavour to discover the best course to steer upon the tide becoming sufficiently high to set them afloat. The water was not above their knees until within a few feet of their destination, when the two foremost suddenly slipped into a deep channel; neither of them could swim, yet one by great exertion contrived to regain his footing, but the other, an elderly marine, was swept away by the current, and shortly, it is feared, became a prey to the numerous sharks with which the river abounds. A seaman who rushed in to save him narrowly escaped the same dreadful fate.

This accident was the first of the kind that had happened to any one belonging to the Barracouta for four years, which is an extraordinary fact, when it is considered how often the people in the boats were exposed to such casualties. Our survey of the entrance to the river Camaroons was much retarded by the weather, and it was not until the 2nd of March that it was finally completed, but even then the examination was not so critical as we should have wished.

When approaching the river Camaroons, it appears far more considerable than in reality it is; for, although at the entrance it exhibits an open space of seven miles across, yet within that extent is included the mouth of the Malembe river,

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which, at a short distance up, branches off in a north-east direction. The best channel for the Camaroons is by the western shore, where are several extensive creeks, one of which communicates with the small river Bimbia, and forms an island of the intervening land, a distance of nine miles. Suallaba, on the eastern point of the Camaroons, is low, as well as all the country immediately bordering on the river, and from its marshy situation it must be very unhealthy.

After leaving the Camaroons, we proceeded round to the Bimbia, where we were visited by two canoes, one of which was capable of holding above fifty people, but had not then more than thirty-three, who presented a curious appearance from the swiftness with which they plied their paddles, and the exact time they kept, resembling more a piece of mechanism than the united efforts of man. These canoes should never be allowed to approach a merchant-vessel when not well prepared for an attack, as two instances of their successful treachery are on record, in one of which they plundered and destroyed an English sloop, together with her crew; and in another, where they contented themselves by taking every thing that was valuable and ill-treating the men. They had also attempted to cut out an English brig, but the master, Mr. Town, being aware of their intention, quickly obliged them to retreat with the loss of four killed.

The chiefs, or, as they term themselves, "Gentlemen," who visited us in their canoes, were

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distinguishable at some distance by the elevated chair on which they sat, with an umbrella borne over their heads. They had taken us for a merchant-vessel, and were much chagrined when they found themselves in error, for as a man-of-war brings no trade, but, on the contrary, tends to suppress the illicit traffic in slaves, whence they derive their greatest emolument, she excites no other sentiment than that of fear and a hearty desire to get rid of her as quickly as possible. Fully convinced that the Barracouta was a merchantman, the second "Gentleman" who came on board, on hearing Captain Vidal say that we had just quitted the Camaroons, contradicted him in very gross terms, by telling him "He told d—n lie," a mode of expression which he had learned in his intercourse with the seamen. This being said evidently from ignorance caused much amusement.

It appeared that, through the agency of some chief at the Camaroons, he was in the habit of supplying slaves and ivory to merchant-vessels arriving there, and consequently felt assured that we, whom he considered as such, could not have been in that river without his knowledge; but as soon as he discovered that we really were "man-of-war ship," he made the amende honorable by turning to Captain Vidal and exclaiming, "Ah! me sabby now, Cappen, you speakee true; no tellee d—n lie;" and then, with the easy composure of one who was not aware of having expressed himself strangely, joined in the conversation.

Our ill success in not obtaining provisions at

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the Camaroons, together with the continuance of the Harmattan haze, determined Captain Vidal to quit the coast of the main, call at the neighbouring island of Fernando Po for such refreshments as we could procure, and thence proceed to the river Bonny, when, if we were successful in obtaining our supplies at that place, we should have a fair wind for surveying the coast back to our present situation; but, if we failed, we should be so far on the way to Sierra Leone. Pursuant to this arrangement, we gave up the survey of the coast on the 6th of March, and then got under weigh towards Fernando Po.

In the charts of this island, with which we had been supplied by the Admiralty, a sketch was given of the bay usually resorted to by shipping; but, on account of the thick haze when we approached the land, we were not enabled to discover its situation, but entered another, called Maidstone Bay, where we anchored in the afternoon of the 6th. Mr. Rozier (mate) was immediately sent ashore to some natives whom we saw assembled on the beach, to learn where we could procure water. To conciliate them, he was armed with a bottle of rum and a few trinkets, which, as the boat approached the shore, were held up as baits for their curiosity; but nearly half an hour elapsed before they could be prevailed upon to come sufficiently near to communicate: this timidity arose from their having been subject to be kidnapped by the piratical slavers. The bottle they accepted with avidity, but made

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wry faces at its contents, although so much prized on the coast of the main that no bargain can be concluded without it; they also despised the trinkets as unworthy of notice, because not essentially useful. They still appeared conciliated by the tender of friendship, and, in earnest of their good-will, pointed out a spot where a stream of fresh water was running. To this our boats, with a party well armed, repaired next morning, two procuring the water, while a third (the pinnace) kept at a short distance, ready to render assistance in case of emergency. They were surrounded by at least four hundred of the natives, laden with yams, which they bartered in exchange for pieces of iron hoop. This traffic was carried on in the pinnace, the natives wading to her as she lay at her grapnel, where they left their yams, and joyfully returning with whatever they could procure in exchange.

The scene altogether presented a lively and novel appearance; the people in the water holding their yams above their heads, and eagerly pressing forward to find a purchase. By the time the watering party had concluded their operations, they had gained in some measure the confidence of the natives, but not sufficiently so to induce them to venture on board. A present, consisting of some pieces of iron hoop, was distributed amongst the chiefs who had been most active in promoting and keeping up a good understanding with us, by repressing on the part of their people anything that might tend to disturb it.

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The shape of Fernando Po is an oblong square, rounded at the corners, forty-two miles long and nineteen broad. When seen from the water, it is, perhaps, the most picturesque object in the world, being richly wooded, and having a stupendous peak rising near the north-eastern extremity, eleven thousand feet above the sea. This mountain presents a strange mixture of wildness and fertility, being wooded to within a thousand feet of its summit, which is bare and brown, composed of gloomy ravines, and bearing strong evidence of its volcanic origin. There are also two smaller peaks near the south-western extremity, but of diminutive height, when compared with their mighty neighbour; these are covered with verdure to the very top, many of the trees being of the largest growth. The general view of the country is rich and fertile, giving a convincing proof of the excellence of the soil, the industry of the inhabitants, and their skill as agriculturists; the fields being furrowed with as much care and regularity as those in more civilised countries.

Fernando Po is situated nineteen miles from the main land, the channel between being strikingly picturesque, having the lofty Camaroon mountains on one side, and those of the island on the other, the distance between the two highest peaks being about fifty miles, but their bases approaching to within twenty.

VOL. II. Z

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CHAPTER XXVI.

Fernando Po.—Natives of the Island.—Their Costume.—Their Canoes. — Sail for the Bonny River. — Lucrative Trade.—King Peppel.—English Courage.—Boarding the Slavers.—The King's rage.—His oratory.

IT was not until many years after the discovery of Fernando Po by the Portuguese that they attempted to form any kind of establishment upon the island. They are said to have erected a fort, but were obliged by the natives to abandon it. About the year 1778 the Spaniards, wishing for some situation upon this coast to carry on the slave-trade, ceded Ascensāō to the Portuguese for Fernando Po and Anno Bon, to which they conceived they had a right. The Spaniards, upon obtaining possession, formed a settlement, and for some time attempted to carry on a trade from this island; but the acts of desperation to which the natives were goaded by their tyrannical conduct, together with the unhealthiness of the climate, induced them ultimately to abandon it. From

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this period the natives appear to have remained in undisturbed possession until the year 1827, when Captain Owen was sent out by Government to establish a settlement, to remove the mixed Commission Court from Sierra Leone, and for the suppression of the slave-trade.*

Perhaps few travellers, either by land or water, ever had more opportunities of observing the various tribes of savages than fell to our lot; but not in the whole extent of our voyage had we met with so peculiar a race as these islanders. They are in general of common stature, well formed, and many of herculean strength. Their complexions are almost universally jet-black. Their faces possess a marked variety of feature rather uncommon amongst negroes, some being almost handsome, while others are in the same proportion downright ugly; but whatever natural defects they may possess they are contented with them, and do not try to add to deformity by notching or tattooing their faces, a practice so universal amongst their continental neighbours. The general expression of their countenances is full of intelligence and penetration, which is in

* It was intended that an account of this expedition to Fernando Po should constitute a part of this work, but, as much entertaining matter connected with the present narrative must necessarily have been omitted to make room for its insertion without extending these volumes to an unreasonable size, it was thought advisable to postpone the publication of that portion of the manuscripts until a future period.

Z 2

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fact their character. Our first impression upon seeing them was. that, they were the most barbarous and uncivilised race we had yet had any intercourse with; but a farther insight into their manners and customs convinced us that we were mistaken, and that they were naturally a shrewd and ingenious people.

Their costume is both grotesque and original, the principal article being a straw hat, constructed in the rudest of all modes—looking as if formed by placing a quantity of loose straw upon the head, and then pinning it down as closely as possible by means of a number of wooden skewers passed through the hair, with the points projecting some distance at each end. This straw roof is ornamented with various gloomy relics of the dead, consisting of monkeys' skulls, dogs' jaws, small bones of animals placed so as to form a cross, and above all the horns of a goat or deer, with a part of the frontal bone attached, by which they are made to stand upright, as if they had root in the head of the wearer. Some of the great men have, in addition to these emblems of mortality, a plume of feathers hanging in sombre grandeur over their dark visages, which gives them a most funereal appearance. Beneath this hat hangs the hair, which amongst these islanders grows most luxuriantly, probably on account of the vast quantities of unsavoury grease and red earth with which it is begrimed. To prevent its unusual length from being an inconvenience, it is trained

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in ringlets, and allowed to hang on each side of the neck and down the back.

The ornaments attached to their bodies are equally strange with those on their heads. The whole of the outward man, having been first in-crusted with a thick mass of red earth and grease, is then adorned after the following manner: on the right arm is generally fastened a broad armlet, formed of the apex of shells strung like beads, their wrists being ornamented with small bracelets, constructed in the same way. In the armlet, which fits tight, is fixed a knife, made from a piece of hoop; while around their loins is fastened the vertebræ of a snake, strung together on a line, formed from the fibre of the palm-tree. Many have these in like manner encircling their necks, together with dogs' jaws, bones, wooden bells, and various other articles of taste and vertu. For decency's sake some few wear a small piece of cloth, but by far the greater number merely a leaf.

Their weapons are spears, made entirely of wood, the ends being hardened by fire and then jagged; in addition to which, some are armed with slings: in the use of these they display considerable dexterity, but they are not general, their substitutes being a long staff made of a remarkably heavy and close wood. The chiefs are easily recognised by the greater profusion and variety of their decorations, as well as by having a belt of shells suspended over the shoulder, and crossing

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upon the breast, which gives them rather a martial appearance.

The canoes used by these people are long and narrow, with rounded sterns and sharp-pointed prows, the sides being neatly carved, in imitation of basket-work. On the bow is fixed a slender and pliable reed, about twelve feet long, having on the top a bunch of Indian corn, which by its Weight waves to and fro, in a graceful manner, with the motion of the canoe. The sails are constructed of narrow slips of reed, with a yard above and below; the latter, when under sail, being always held by a man ready to let go the instant it becomes necessary.

Several petty thefts that were committed upon us by some of the natives during our stay excited the utmost indignation amongst the more honest of these islanders. No sooner was the complaint made than parties were sent in pursuit of the offender, who was invariably discovered, and brought back for punishment, with the stolen article in his possession; when nothing but the interference of Captain Vidal could have prevented them from inflicting upon the prisoner the full penalty for theft, which consisted in cutting off the hands, apparently by no means an uncommon proceeding, as several who visited us were in that mutilated state.

The yams of Fernando Po are particularly fine, being as mealy and agreeable to the taste as a potato; they grow in great abundance, and are of considerable size: twelve, taken promiscuously

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from a bundle, weighed fifty-six pounds, which quantity we obtained for about three inches of hoop; but when the boats were leaving the shore, even more would be offered for the same price. Having obtained a good stock of these, and water, on the evening of the 10th of March, we sailed for the Bonny, where we arrived on the 15th, having been delayed by the prevalence of light westerly winds, although we did not, as we were led to expect, find the current against us.

It was late when we anchored off the river, no boats were therefore sent away, excepting the pinnace, which left us a little before we came to, in order to ascertain what vessels were in the river from which we might obtain provisions. They found seven under English colours, loading with palm-oil, six of which belonged to Mr. Tobin, of Liverpool, and one to his brother, Sir John. There were also several small French and Spanish schooners engaged in the slave-trade. An application for provisions was instantly made, which these last vessels, as well as King Peppel, were glad to supply in order to get rid of us; for such is the dread of a man-of-war at this place, that even the appearance of one off the river occasions an immediate stagnation of trade. The palm-oil is supplied by the natives in large calabashes, brought down the river by canoes from many days' journey in the interior.

To give an idea of the mercantile emulation that now prevails in the interior, it is sufficient to state that eleven years back one vessel could with

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difficulty procure a cargo of palm oil in the river Bonny, while at present from eight to ten are annually laden with it. If the slave-trade were once abolished, this part of Africa would quickly improve. The rich productions of the interior would be brought forth, and on the ruins of the vilest traffic that ever disgraced mankind an honest and lucrative trade might arise, which in time would redeem this populous and fertile country from its present state of darkness and barbarism. The palm-oil is obtained in exchange for goods, four or five pounds' worth of which are sufficient to procure a ton of oil, which at Liverpool will sometimes sell for twenty-eight pounds sterling—a profit that would be enormous were it not for the numerous drawbacks attendant on the voyage. Amongst these may be enumerated, the having to wait four or five months for a cargo; the presents exacted by the king and several chiefs before the trade is allowed to commence; and, the pernicious nature of the climate, every vessel being obliged to have on board a medical man as well as extra seamen.

The discipline enforced by the masters of these vessels does them great credit, as by it men are prevented from entering into many of those excesses so pernicious to the constitution, and which, in so unhealthy a climate, would invariably prove fatal. The neglect of these precautions is strongly exemplified in the slave-vessels, which frequently lose, while completing their cargo, the greatest part of their crew; and some instances have

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occurred where the whole have fallen victims to their imprudence.

The eastern point of the river Bonny is situated in lat. 4° 23′ 7" North, and long. 7° 7′ East, the entrance presenting a broad expanse of water, consisting of the mouth of the Bonny to the eastward, and the New Callabar to the westward. The former is the more considerable of the two, although they are both fine rivers, and can be entered at any time of tide by vessels drawing from twelve to eighteen feet water. They are likewise deep inside, and the anchorages safe at all seasons of the year. On account of the great commerce carried on in the Bonny, King Peppel (who resides at Bonnytown, on the eastern bank of the river, near its mouth,) possesses great wealth, and in his vanity assumes various titles, of which "Conqueror of the Callabar" is the most remarkable. This he derived from his grandfather, who subdued that country, but which has long since been independent, although the present king threatens again to reduce it to his dominion. Notwithstanding his large magazines, full of goods and specie, he always pretends to be poor, probably from the fear that, were he known to be rich, some power superior to his own might be induced to attack him and his possessions for the sake of plunder.

These magazines are at some distance from Bonny town, but their exact situation is kept a secret from strangers; only two or three of a small size being, for the sake of convenience, erected at

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a village on the banks of a creek, a little way up the river. This is also the depôt for his warcanoes, some of which exceed seventy feet in length, mounted with guns of small calibre, and carrying, when on a war-expedition, upwards of eighty men, the greater number armed with muskets. The dread which the people of Bonny have for a man-of-war is, in a great measure, produced by having had a disagreeable opportunity of witnessing English courage and resolution. This was about three years since, in the capture of several slavers off the town by the boats of the squadron then on the station. The information which the assailants had obtained appears to have been excellent, as well as the arrangements made for the attack. The slavers, consisting of French and Spanish vessels of various sizes, with a portion of their cargo on board, were at anchor near the shore, as they imagined in perfect security, when suddenly, with the flood-tide and sea-breeze, the boats of the squadron were observed coming round the point with their colours flying. In an instant the alarm was given, and all was activity and preparation on the part of the slavers to make a determined resistance. The largest, a Spanish schooner, full of men, and mounting several guns, was considered as the commodore, and in the pride of fancied strength her commander had daily discharged a morning and evening gun.

This vessel immediately commenced with the rest a heavy and well-directed cannonade on the boats as they steadily advanced, which told with

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some effect; and, notwithstanding the short period that elapsed from the time they came in view until they reached their opponents, several of the men were wounded. They did not, however, return a shot, but continued silently to approach, confident that they should soon have an opportunity of punishing their enemies more effectually at close quarters. This apparent contempt of danger greatly astonished King Peppel and his subjects, who were watching the conflict with much anxiety from the shore, and, upon perceiving some men drop from their oars, they concluded that the English would at once retreat; but their surprise was much increased by seeing only one boat board the large schooner, while the rest dashed on to the others. In a few minutes they were all taken, when, as they had done so much damage to the boats, their cries for quarter were at first drowned by threats and cheers in a higher key from the English, accompanied by corresponding actions.

The crew of the large schooner suffered the most severely, hardly one of those on deck at the time of boarding being spared, while those who attempted to escape by jumping overboard and swimming to the shore became a prey to the numerous sharks in the river. The confusion and noise produced by the firing, the cries of the wounded who had succeeded in reaching the shore, and those, less fortunate, whom the sharks were destroying in their way, together with the oaths and exclamations of despair uttered by the

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spectators, whose property was at stake, produced the utmost consternation amongst the blacks, and in a few minutes not one was left in the town. They retreated panic-struck to the woods, whence it required much persuasion from the masters of the English merchant-vessels to induce them to return.

Ever since this occurrence, on the arrival of a man-of-war near the town, the "Pull-away-boys," as the natives who work on board these vessels are called, immediately desert them, and hurry on shore. This was the case when we appeared in the river; but the king, although much alarmed, endeavoured not to show his apprehensions by paying every attention to our wants and sending an occasional present. But even this external friendship did not last long. Two boats were dispatched about three miles above the town for the purpose of examining the river. As soon as King Peppel heard of this, he was exceedingly alarmed, and became almost mad with rage; nothing could appease him: he stopped the trade altogether, and when, in consequence, the masters of the vessels waited on him, they found that he was in the greatest agitation and fear as to the object for which our boats had ascended, a thing which he had never permitted, even those belonging to the traders to do. He expressed the most violent indignation at our presumption in sending them without his permission, as also at Captain Vidal not having been to pay his respects, which he stated would much lower him in the

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eyes of his people. After having continued to this effect for some time, first placing his fingers in his ears, as if determined not to hear any reply, he added, "Brudder George" (his late most gracious Majesty) "send war-ship look um what water bar ab got, dat good, me let um dat. Brudder send boat chopum slave, dat good. E no send war-ship look um creek, where me keepum war-canoe. E no send war-ship, for cappen no peakee me, no lookee me face. No, no, no; me tell you no; suppose you come all you mout full palaver, give e reason why e do it, me tell you you peakee lie, you peakee lie, you peakee d—n lie. Suppose my fader, or my fader fader come up from ground and peakee me why English do dat, no sabby tell um why." In which strain of oratory the old man continued, until from mere rage and exhaustion he could say no more.

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CHAPTER XXVII.

Intended Visit to King Peppel.—Flattery.—Bonnytown.—Jewjews.—Cruel propitiation.—Leave the Bonny.—Promotions.—The River Benin.—Fish-town burned.—Booby Town.—Quit the Benin.—Old Callabar.—Village of Fish-town.—Disposal of the Dead. — The River del Rey.

AT the time of this disturbance we had not proceeded in the vessel so high as the town, until which period Captain Vidal had delayed his intended visit to Peppel. as the extent of our survey, small stock of provisions, and limited time, would not allow of his absence upon visits of ceremony. An officer had, however, immediately on our arrival, been sent to state the purpose for which we had come, and to which no objection was then made. This was for the time considered sufficient, and we continued our work without any further consideration of King Peppel or his etiquette; and, not until Captain Vidal received a letter from the masters of the English vessels, stating that the king had taken away their trade on account of our proceedings, had we any idea of

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the consternation which we had occasioned; but as soon as it was known, the captain waited on his sable majesty, and, by means of a few presents and some "friendly palaver,"as he termed it, appeased his anger and induced him again to open the oil-trade.

Although Peppel dresses shabbily he has a great idea of his rank and power, and is exceedingly presumptuous in asserting it; but, were he not naturally vain, the deference and respect with which he is treated by the traders would be more than sufficient to render him so. They administer to his whims and caprice, as if the advantages derived from their traffic were not mutual; and when his anger is raised, instead of opposing his menaces they try to win him back to goodhumour by the most servile flattery and gifts. Had a stranger heard the earnest consultation held by these people when the trade was closed upon this occasion, he would have been more inclined to think himself in the purlieus of St. James's than in a negro town on the west coast of Africa.

For the entertainment of casual visiters, a table is placed at the door of Peppel's abode, covered with liqueurs, wines, &c. probably by their mollifying effects to soften the hearts of his visiters so as to make easy bargains. He also gives an occasional dinner to his customers and principal men, which is served in a style of almost elegance, the wines and eatables being of the best kinds.

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On one of these occasions during our stay, after having eaten most inordinately, he turned round to his domestics, who were loading the table with another relay of digestibles, and angrily exclaimed: "Why you make many tings stand for table one time? dat makee me sick, appetite no come up."

The vicinity of the rivers Bonny and New Callabar, with the exception of a few elevated spots, is low and swampy. The town is situated on the left point of a large and deep creek, nearly communicating with the river Andony, fifteen miles to the eastward. Immediately around this town are numerous stagnant pools that emit vapours highly prejudicial to the health of its inhabitants. The unhealthy months are from September to June, during which many of the natives are annually destroyed by either dysentery or the jungle fever.

The huts have some resemblance to the English cottage, but they vary much in the quality and size of their structure; all are dirty, being principally constructed of stakes plastered with mud, and the roof composed of palm-leaves. That of the king is not much superior to its neighbours, but the interior is adorned with a profusion of looking-glasses, tea-trays, and pictures, placed without arrangement, and frequently turned the wrong side uppermost.

The superstitions of the Bonny people are numerous, and many of them extraordinary. Whatever animal or other object they consider sacred

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is called a "Jew-jew" and regarded with devout reverence. The most esteemed of these is the guana (lacerta guana) a reptile which, in this country, attains a considerable size. It is of a particularly disgusting appearance, being of a dirty fox-colour, the largest about three feet and a half in length; those that live in the town are tame, and would frequently approach and lick the blacking from our shoes. Their favourite resort appeared to be the before-mentioned pools, but, when not indulging in their luxuriant shade, they were always to be found wallowing in the conglomerated filth of the town, which is collected into one mass for their accommodation. Here they might be seen, watching the flies, and occasionally darting their long slender tongues with uncommon quickness and dexterity to seize their restless prey.

For these animals as well as snakes, which are also "Jew-jews," the natives have small enclosures near the sea, where they live with all the comfort of sinecurists, and it is considered a capital offence, punishable by death, for any person to destroy one. The whites are also "Jew-jews," but in all probability this term is applied to them more as a compliment, and to flatter their vanity, than from any idea of their supernatural powers. The king, although often invited, will never venture on board a man of-war, but sometimes visits the merchant-vessels. This he does with great state in one of his war-canoes, always keeping aloof until a salute has been fired, when he

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approaches, and breaks a new-laid egg against the ship's side, after which he ascends the deck, fully persuaded that by the performance of this ceremony he has fortified himself against any act of treachery; he likewise takes with him a number of feathers, and his father's arm-bone, which, on sitting down to dinner, he places beside his plate on the table, having at the same time a young chicken, dangling by one leg (the other being cut off) round his neck.

The bar of the river Bonny has sometimes proved fatal to vessels resorting thither, and on that account it was likely to injure the trade. This the inhabitants considered as the act of some evil spirit, and, in order to conciliate his good-will, resolved upon making him an annual sacrifice of a human being. The last of these bloody offerings had taken place but a few weeks before our arrival. The handsomest and finest youth was chosen for this purpose; for many months previous to the ceremony he was lodged with the king, from whom he received the greatest kindness and attention, and, by the mildness of his manners and amiable disposition, actually inspired Peppel with great affection for him; yet, blinded by superstitious fanaticism, he did not attempt to save the unconscious victim, but, believing that the fate to which he was destined was the greatest honour that could be conferred upon him, he anxiously awaited the period of its completion. From the time he was chosen to propitiate by his death "the Spirit of the Bar," he was considered as a

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sacred person, or Jew-jew. Whatever he touched, even while casually passing through the streets, was henceforth his, in consequence of which, whenever he appeared, the inhabitants fled before him to save the apparel that they had on, or any articles that they might at the time be carrying.

We were informed that this unfortunate being was in total ignorance of the fate that awaited him, it being a capital offence for any person to make him acquainted with it. On a stated day he was taken in a large canoe to the bar, accompanied by the principal men of the town; when there, he was by example persuaded to jump overboard and bathe, but no sooner was he in the water than his murderers plied their paddles with the utmost velocity towards the land, leaving the wretched victim offered by the savage ruler to their inhuman superstition without a look.

A similar ceremony to this is performed at the New Callabar river, but a culprit is there selected as the victim, being cast into the water to be devoured by the expecting sharks, which are there the principal Jew-jews. It is singular that so dark a custom should still exist in a country so much frequented by Europeans; but civilization is much more readily adopted when it applies to the comforts or passions of the savage, than when it interferes with his superstitious prejudices. His reason is not so open to conviction as his senses; he appreciates at once the delights of wine or spirits over water, the advantages of fire-arms

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over his native bow, and he readily substitutes them; but, if called upon to relinquish his idols, or the savage rites with which they are connected, and worship an unseen deity, he pauses, and with rude ignorance asks, "How that Being whom he cannot see, can serve him as well as the object of his adoration which is before him?" It is in vain to tell him that the inanimate block could never have made the wonders of the creation; he cares not, he finds them ready to his hand: and his only hope is to enjoy the blessings by which he is surrounded, and to avoid the ills to which his nature is subjected.

But to continue our narrative: the provisions we were able to obtain at this river were merely sufficient for three weeks, but which, however incompetent, when added to the yams that we had obtained at Fernando Po, would enable us to remain a little longer on the coast, and to examine with more attention the Bonny and New Callabar rivers, which, from their considerable trade, deserved a critical survey. We sailed from the former on the 28th of March, having three days before boarded an English merchantman from Liverpool, and gained the pleasing intelligence that Captain Vidal was elevated to post rank, and Lieutenant William Mudge, first lieutenant of the Leven, to the rank of commander. This was a gratifying announcement, as it reminded us that the toilsome and distant service upon which we were employed was not forgotten or unappreciated by those at

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home. It gave to all a hope that a reward was in store for the toils and hardships which they had undergone; they knew that in Captain Owen they had a steady friend, who would not overlook the most humble merit, or allow any personal or interested considerations to interfere with their advancement These feelings gave new life to the conclusion of our enterprise, and home and promotion became the general topics of conversation.

After leaving the Bonny, we sailed to the westward until our arrival at Cape Formosa, whence we surveyed the coast to the river Benin, (sometimes called by the old Portuguese Formosa,) in the Bight of Benin, off which we anchored in the evening of the 2nd of April. This river is situated in lat. 5° 46′ North, and long. 5° 1′ South. During the existence of the slavetrade it was a place of much resort, but now possesses very little commerce. The English were the principal supporters of this traffic, and a chief at the Congo, whilst deploring the falling off in their trade, stated that he had at one period counted thirty vessels of that nation in the river at the same time.

Palm-oil and ivory are now the only articles exported in British ships from any of the numerous rivers between the Bonny and Benin; but as this is more profitable when obtained in large quantities, only those that can admit vessels of burden are resorted to, of which the Bonny, Old Callabar, and Camaroons, are the principal; the

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Benin and other minor rivers being almost deserted, as during our survey we had many opportunities of learning; for people would frequently come off to us when passing some of these, and earnestly request that we would tell all the palmoil traders that their jars and calabashes were overrunning for want of vessels to take it away. This falling off in the trade was severely felt by the people of Benin; and Fish-Town, situated near the entrance of the river, was, in March 1818, burned by solemn edict to the ground, in consequence of the king's fetiche-men having persuaded him that this act was necessary, in order to appease the deity who had deprived them of their trade. Accordingly, the inhabitants received an immediate notice to carry off their goods and chattels and seek some other abode, after which the huts were separately fired with solemn pomp. A hog and bullock were afterwards thrust into the flames, the blood being sprinkled across the river by the principal chiefs, followed by the credulous natives in their war-canoes, the females uttering cries and singing songs, which it was supposed would be agreeable to this god of the waters. But all in vain! they had to build another town, where the trade was no better; yet, instead of doubting the efficacy of the measures they had pursued and being cured of at least one folly, they only concluded that some part of the ceremony had been neglected, by which the whole had been rendered abortive.

The river Benin is one mile and three quar-

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ters wide, with a bar* at its entrance, having twelve feet over it at low water, which, from being perfectly exposed and the heavy swell that sets in, is dangerous in bad weather. The natives with reason consider it as their greatest enemy, and, like those of Bonny, make human sacrifices to remove it. When speaking of this bar, they frequently make use of strange invectives to express their anger, and in negro English say—"Big rogue, why him stand there, make bob, and no let ship come in?"

Booby Town, at the southern entrance, together with another on the opposite side, and the neighbouring villages, are under the direction of a governor appointed by the King of Benin, and approved by the King of Warree, whose sovereignty extends over the whole district, and who, by way of distinction, is styled 'the great king.'

On the 6th of April we quitted the Benin, and, after having further examined the cape, continued our survey to the Old Callabar, where we arrived on the 13th. This, as regards its magnitude, is the most considerable river that came under our observation. Its entrance, like that of the Camaroons, is a vast expanse of water, into which two large rivers, or creeks, are discharged: it is nine

* This word bar is derived from the Portuguese barra, which is used by them to denote the entrance to any river, while by us it is employed only when some submarine obstruction exists — a similarity in sound, but difference in meaning, which frequently leads our navigators into error when referring to Portuguese charts for information.

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miles across, but notwithstanding its great breadth the rush of the water is considerable.

On account of our limited time, we were under the necessity of confining our examinations to the dangers on the bar, and the land features of the river. The traders ascend about thirty miles, lying there many months to obtain their cargoes. We had no communication with the natives, although they were observed plying their canoes about the river in great numbers. Our operations appeared to cause them great uneasiness; and, when any of our boats attempted to approach, they universally got away with the utmost expedition.

On the 16th we quitted Old Callabar for Rio del Rey, a distance of twelve miles, passing Backassay Gap, a creek communicating with the Old Callabar, but through which there is no passage for vessels of any burden. This was examined by Mr. Rozier, who had the command of two boats for the purpose. Upon entering, he landed at Fish-Town village, from which all the inhabitants fled with the utmost precipitation, leaving every thing they possessed, even to their arms. The huts resembled those in general use along the coast; but one custom peculiar to these people was the disposal of their dead, whose bodies, instead of being interred, were placed under an open shed on a slightly elevated platform, with a bowl of rice, or other grain, near the head: many of these presented a horrible scene, as the wreck of poor humanity lay a mouldering and disgusting spectacle in the face of day; and doubtless this

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custom is highly injurious to the health of the inhabitants, as in a warm climate the miasma of animal decay is sure to generate disease.

The River del Rey is generally represented in the charts as of considerable magnitude, which is, in fact, the impression it naturally conveys on being approached; but that which is taken for the river, is in reality but an open, shallow bay, with several creeks branching from it, and one larger than the rest, four miles and a-half wide at its entrance but rapidly decreasing into a narrow channel. The bay is formed on the eastern side by the lofty Camaroon mountains. The shores are thickly peopled; the inhabitants appear to live principally upon fish, as we saw from forty to fifty canoes every morning depositing the produce of their nightly labours on the beach. The villages are large, and, unlike those to the southward, are built on the skirts of the bay, and exposed to view from the water. This feeling of security is produced by vessels seldom seeking slaves in the Rio del Rey; but still these people are a timid race, and we had great difficulty in holding any intercourse with them. They would frequently come off in their canoes full of men, and a chief seated in each; but, when near the vessel, they would suddenly turn round and paddle to the land in the greatest consternation.

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CHAPTER XXVIII.

Rivers between Cape Formosa and the Bonny.—The Camaroon Mountains.—Return to Fernando Po.—Intended Visit from the King.—The King's danger.—Salted Chickens.—Destruction of Chickens by Rats.—Ship reduced to a wreck by a sudden Squall.—Arrival at Sierra Leone.

BEFORE continuing our narrative, a few observations respecting the rivers upon this coast may not be considered uninteresting, more especially as of late years this country has become the seat of much adventure and discovery. The names of Denham, Clapperton, and Laing, stand forth in proud testimony of British enterprise and resolution; while Lander, undaunted by the fate of his late master, but as if in possession of his departed spirit, is now following his path, to add those laurels to his brow which nothing but the hand of death could have taken from his predecessor.

Between the rivers Benin and Old Callabar, the coast, with but few exceptions, is uniformly low

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and flat, unbroken even in the distance by the slightest elevation; it is closely intersected by rivers. From Cape Formosa to the river Benin, a distance of one hundred and sixteen miles, there are not fewer than eleven of some magnitude, the Warree being the most considerable; while eastward of Cape Formosa, as far as the Bonny are twelve more, making twenty-three rivers in a line of coast of two hundred and forty miles.

Now it must be taken into consideration that the projection of Cape Formosa forms, by its relative position to the shores on each side, the segment of a circle, and it is consequently impossible that the neighbouring rivers should run parallel to one another without having any connexion. A more probable conclusion is, that they radiate from a common centre, and in proof of this supposition, the Benin is known to unite with the Warree, and, by the report of the natives, with the New Callabar; the intervening rivers must therefore either be branches of or pass through these. The communication between the Bonny and the Andony is also said to be established by the boats of his Majesty's ship Myrmidon passing from one into the other, which is, however, denied by the natives.

The size of these rivers indicates that they flow from a considerable distance in the interior, while the rapidity of the stream is a convincing proof of a mighty source, and in many the duration of the ebb is known to exceed that of the floodtide; while the water of several is perfectly fresh

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at no great distance from the mouth. The only inference to be drawn from these facts is, that they are all in some way connected, but whether they have their origin from one or more heads, nothing but exploration can determine. To suppose them the drainings of the extensive marshes which intersect the country, and which in the rainy season are inundated, would be in opposition to local appearances, as every thing indicates that they are the continued streams of an inexhaustible source.

Neither our time nor the nature of our service would allow of our determining this question, but, as these observations were made upon the spot, they may assist others in the prosecution of this inquiry. One of more interest can hardly be pursued, for it cannot be supposed that the shores of so vast a river as that which could supply the whole of these tributary streams is without inhabitants, whose history and manners, still unknown, must be interesting.*

When we were last employed on this part of the coast, the Harmattan haze, as already stated, hid from our view the stupendous highland scenery of the Camaroon mountains, but it was now clear, and they gradually became unfolded to

* It is necessary to observe that these remarks were made before the return of the enterprising Lander. His work in a great measure confirms the opinion of the intelligent officer by whom they were made. There can be little doubt that the Niger will be found to have more mouths than even the gigantic Nile.

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our view. The base of these mountains occupies a space of nearly twenty miles diameter, the highest peak being thirteen thousand feet above the level of the sea, covered with verdure and trees of luxuriant growth nearly to the summit; but one bare brown ridge, running from the eastern side towards the sea, at a short distance appears like lava. The peak of Camaroons stands so boldly above the surrounding pinnacles, that the descent seems unbroken, giving to the whole the appearance of one vast mountain rising from a single base. The more distant Rumby Range, on the contrary, were seen towering in rude and rugged masses, like the tombstones of a past earthquake; their height must also be considerable, as we perceived them when more than sixty miles distant. The most lofty of this range is forty-four miles north-east of the peak of Camaroons, the intervening space being a plain, with several conical hills rising abruptly from its surface, giving to the scene a novel and extraordinary appearance. Qua mountain, which is situated sixty-four miles north-west of Camaroons, is also a stupendous elevation, and was discerned by us from a distance of nearly eighty miles. Most of these are volcanoes, as well as the whole of Fernando Po, which is immediately opposite to this part of the main. The sea-boundary of the Camaroons presents some singular evidences in support of this; amongst them may be mentioned two rocky cliffs, at some distance apart, but which are connected by means of a gallery perforated

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at equal distances by a line of holes, answering the purpose of windows, resembling the work of an expert engineer in the excavation of a fort.*

On the 20th of April we left the River del Rey, and the next morning arrived at our former anchorage off Fernando Po. The boats were immediately sent on shore for water, the same arrangement being made for their protection as during our first visit. The natives were highly delighted at our return, and recognised by the most cordial greeting those whom they remembered. They soon ventured on board in their canoes, bringing abundance of goats, yams, and fowls, to barter for their much-coveted iron hoop, by which mode of traffic we actually obtained a large stock of fowls at the rate of ten for one penny, a hoop that cost in England one shilling being cut into thirty different pieces, each of which produced four fowls.

During one of our marketing excursions, the following striking and characteristic instance of the simplicity of these people took place. A young woman brought for sale a goat, which she led by a string; while standing to make her bargain, the animal commenced eating the fresh

* A reflection on the course of these mountains into the interior of the Continent, broken into isolated masses like islands in the sea, leads to an interesting geological inquiry, whether the islands of Fernando Po, St. Thomas, Prince's, and Anno Bon, are not continuations of this volcanic range, and whether there are not similar submarine elevations in the same direction?

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leaves which she had gathered on her way to the boat, and formed into a garland waistband, her only covering. It would be difficult to say what feeling dictated this humble offering to modesty, as not the slightest appearance of shame was visible when she discovered that her companion had left her in a state of nudity.

Two of the chiefs came on board, whose applications for "oop, oop," were unremitting. These islanders, when making their requests, always fell upon their knees before the person to whom their demand was made; a custom so foreign to the African manners, and so perfectly in accordance with those of Europe, that we were induced to consider it as an imported act of sub-serviency.

The kind treatment which these people received produced from them so favourable a report, that at length the principal chief, or king, was induced to come on board; with this intention, he entered one of our boats just as she was leaving the shore, and was soon under weigh for the ship. The natives, who lined the beach in fearful anxiety at the departure of their king, when they perceived him fairly embarked, and the boat rapidly bearing him off, became so importunate and clamorous for his return, that although he betrayed no symptoms of fear, yet he acceded to their wishes, and without any previous notice leaped overboard to rejoin them. As he could not swim, (quite a novelty amongst island savages,) his situation was neither agreeable nor safe; and, had it not been for the

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prompt assistance of a marine, named Joseph Wheeler, he would have been washed back to his expecting subjects fit for a coroner's inquest. This man immediately jumped overboard, and supported the floundering monarch until further assistance could be procured. The whole shore was in instant commotion, men, women, and children, rushed with loud screams into the water, and came swimming off, like a shoal of seals, to the rescue; but their good intentions would have been in vain, had not the marine, with praiseworthy humanity, towed him back to the boat, into which he was again conveyed to the land, where he was received with every demonstration of delight and affection. The marine was also surrounded by these grateful people, who each tried to outvie the other in demonstrations of gratitude, loading him with the presents they had brought for barter, and bestowing upon him every endearment that they conceived would be agreeable.

The behaviour of the principal actor in this scene was dignified and courageous; he never uttered a cry for assistance or from fear; and, when landed amongst his subjects, his manners were cool and collected, as he received with a smile the affectionate yet respectful indications of their love. The only inconvenience he appeared to have experienced was from the libations of salt water which he had swallowed, and which, quite in opposition to the directions of the Royal Humane

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Society, he attempted to remove by drinking repeated draughts of toddy.*

Before leaving this island, we obtained a stock of chickens and yams, that held out a fair prospect of fresh provisions during our voyage to Sierra Leone. Each mess had procured its separate supply, but the only difficulty was, where to put them; those belonging to the captain and gun-room officers monopolized the coops; the midshipmen filled the lockers in their berth; but the sailors, having no accommodations, procured sufficient to fill a thirty-gallon cask, into which, after being filled with brine, the unfortunate victims were crammed without much consideration of their personal comfort, many without being plucked, and some, it was generally believed, without undergoing the process of strangulation, but soused into the briny preparation in possession of rude health and spirits: when filled, the tub was with great care fastened down, and the seamen indulged in the pleasing fancy of salted chickens.

But, alas! how uncertain is human happiness:—the day after this ceremony, a smell arose on board that defied endurance even by the most apathetic nose; an inquiry was instantly made, for infection appeared to be let loose. But the cause was not long a mystery; Jack's tub was brought forward, and every nose pronounced it guilty. Its

* It is a singular fact connected with this liquor, that, when kept for two or three hours after being drawn from the tree, it ferments and attains a most intoxicating strength.

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immediate interment was ordered, and the obnoxious preserve was consigned to the deep, accompanied by the regrets of the disappointed seamen.

The fate of the other stocks was not much more fortunate. The gun-room chickens were crammed into the coops so closely, that, until thinned by the bandicote, (rats,) their situation was far from agreeable. But these destructive animals did not cease their attentions as the comforts of the feathered associates increased; for the beaks and claws of about a dozen were mustered every morning, until not one remained. The midshipmen preserved theirs for a little longer period. In their dark and closely-peopled region, no bandicote ever dared show his whiskered head; the only thing the chickens appeared to wish for was air, and this their considerate masters, finding their healthy looks rather impaired, gave them daily after dinner, by taking them out two at a time, and allowing them three turns round the grog-tub, when they were again returned to their dismal abode; by which means the midshipmen's berth contrived to have boiled chickens long after they had been extinct in other parts of the ship.

On the 1st of May 1826, we left the island of Fernando Po, intending to make the most direct course to Sierra Leone. This voyage was attended with very disagreeable foul winds, and short allowance of provisions was the first inconvenience to which we were exposed; but on the

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13th, appearances rather improved, the wind got round to the south-east, and, as our course was west, we were in hopes of a prosperous termination to our voyage, when, in one moment, we were reduced to a perfect wreck; the wind suddenly shifted in the middle of the night from the south-east to the north-west, and took us right aback without a moment's preparation—an absolute whirlwind, carrying every thing before it. For some seconds, to us like ages, the vessel's stern was buried deep in the water, and nothing but the crash of the masts, that was heard above the storm, enabled her again to recover.

The confusion that ensued cannot be described. Skill and judgment could avail nothing in such a moment as this, our only dependence being upon the buoyancy of the ship; but whether the next wave would bury her for ever in its abyss, or relieve her from the perilous situation in which she was placed, was a doubt in the minds of all. Fortunately, she arose from her awful plunge, and hope again dawned upon us. To weather the storm, encumbered as we were with the wreck of our masts, was then the next difficulty, and called for every exertion.

The conduct of the seamen was admirable; every command was obeyed with that ready alacrity and coolness which so strongly mark their character. The lightning, vivid and awful, was flashing amongst the shattered rigging, while the rain poured in one continued torrent, forming altogether a scene that few who have witnessed it

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could ever forget. We were in this situation for nearly an hour, without the wind abating the least of its fury; but towards morning it gradually subsided, and at daylight all was calm and clear. The sun broke forth, and showed us the havoc of the storm; the main-top and mizen-mast were gone, the fore-top-mast sprung, and one of the lower shrouds snapped in two. With the mizen went one of our boats, an old and faithful servant, around the davits of which were suspended the stock of yams that we had procured at Fernando Po. These were of course lost with the boat, in consequence of which we were placed upon one-third allowance of meat, and the bread was so thickly intermixed with cockroaches that it defied the most clamorous cravings of hunger.

After a few hours labour, we contrived to replace the mizen by a jury-mast, and repair in some measure the damage we had sustained, when we again continued our course, and, without any Other occurrence worthy of remark, arrived at Sierra Leone on the 4th of June.

As we entered the river, our consort was seen at anchor, and, when we ran alongside, her officers and crew received us in a manner that did credit to their feelings, and met with a cordial response from ours. They rushed in a crowd to the rigging, and welcomed us with a burst of acclamation, which was returned with sincerity and warmth by every soul on board.

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CHAPTER XXIX.

Survey of the Gambia. — Inaccuracy of the old Charts.—Death of Mr. Tudor.—Approach towards home. — Remembrance of the Dead.—Results of the Expedition.—Cables.—Currents.—Beauty and Fertility of the Coast of the Cape Colony. — The Fever. — Dangerous Medical Practice. — Civilization—Not advanced in Africa by the Portuguese.—Portuguese Oppression. — Growth of Civilization.

As before mentioned, Lieutenant Owen left us at the Bijooga Islands in the African steamer, accompanied by some of our boats, and proceeded to survey the river Gambia. He was occupied eight days in sounding the bar, when he accompanied Mr. Macaulay, the acting governor of Sierra Leone, up the river, which they ascended as far as Macarthy's Island, reputed by the merchants and public reports to be about four hundred miles from the mouth, but which Lieutenant Owen measured mechanically and astronomically, and found not more than one hundred and eighty.

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Having in fourteen days completed the survey of that magnificent river, his plan of which is contained in six large sheets, he returned to Sierra Leone, rejoined the Albatross, and then sailed for England.

It is singular that although the river Gambia has always been considered a place of much importance, it has never before been surveyed, and the most exaggerated ideas were entertained of its extent. So also the Rio-Grande, which in most of the old charts is represented as navigable for large vessels one hundred leagues above Bulama Island; and it is strange that Captain Beaver, when he settled there in 1787, should not have set the world right upon that subject, more especially as he ascended the river himself as far as Bulola, which is its navigable extent even for boats, being a distance of thirty miles. In fact, Rio-Grande is merely an arm of the sea, into which fall a few insignificant rivers.

During the passage home, whilst touching at Porto Praya, one of the officers, Mr. Edward Owen Tudor, belonging to the Albatross, died of fever contracted during the exposed service incident upon surveying the Gambia. It is due to his memory to record that he was a most zealous, active, and meritorious young officer. He had just completed the period of his service as a midshipman, and was looking anxiously forward for that promotion which he had every right to expect, when his hopes and expectations were thus suddenly blighted by the hand

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of death. His body lies in one of the bastions of the fort, by the side of Captain Bartholomew, the former captain of the Leven, who died there in 1821.

Sierra Leone was the termination of our labours, and, after staying as short a time as possible there, in company with the Barracouta we got under weigh for England. To follow our course over those beaten seas would be uninteresting to the general reader; but to us every place at which we touched had a charm, for each day brought us nearer home; and every spot seemed dearer to us because it was nearer to those whom we loved. But how many had we left upon that desert fatal coast! How many had the cold wave shrowded in its watery sheet; and how few of those happy thoughtless hearts that had left England with us full of hope and health, were now looking for that loved land once more! All ages hud fallen. The father, the manly son, and the tender stripling, had alike sunk beneath the baneful breath of Africa. The affectionate wife in sorrow heard that we were returning; we brought no consolation to her widowed heart—we bore no fond husband back to her longing arms—even his ashes were left in a distant land—far from her tears! And then the mother weeps as she thinks upon her boy, that spirited stripling, who, as she kissed him for the last time, rushed from her embrace full of youthful ardour in search of glory. Where is he now? Does that fond parent hope once more to clasp him to her breast, and admire

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how his slight form has now burst into manhood? No! Death's cold hand can point out the spot where lie his mouldering ashes—she will never see him more! The savage occasionally treads upon his grave, but he hears him not; the beast of the forest sometimes plays his wild gambols over it, but he heeds him not — he sleeps in peace. It is not the dead that feel or care about their resting-place—but those that live and still remember them. The pangs of recollection are to the survivors more keen than the gnawing worm to their cold remains. Let us therefore cease to mourn for the dead. Fancy will, in her wild wanderings, sometimes turn to their solitary tomb, and think upon its mouldering inhabitant; and friendship may be excused a tear, as memory calls back the remembrance of those who thus early died. Years will soften the poignancy of regret, but a pleasing recollection will hover like a halo over their lonely graves, which neither time nor distance will ever be able to destroy.

It is unnecessary to dwell upon the passage to England. The three vessels arrived safely at Deptford, and, in a short time after their return, were separately paid off.

Before concluding this narrative, a brief review of the advantages derived to science by the expedition may not be uninteresting. Few words will express the extent to which hydrographical knowledge has benefited by our labours. During the five years which we had been absent, we had traced about thirty thousand miles of coast line,

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which was transferred by measure to paper, occupying nearly three hundred large sheets. Most of the details of this work were before but imperfectly known, and many we were entirely ignorant of; so that at one view it is shown in how great a degree navigation has profited by the expedition. But, to form a just idea of the magnitude and character of the work, the charts and plans made during the voyage should be referred to, nearly the whole of which were furnished to the Admiralty in duplicate. In the course of our service, we were called upon in numerous instances to correct the errors of former navigators, and fix the latitudes and longitudes of places that had not before been determined.

At the Cape of Good Hope we were first required to exercise that precision and care upon which the whole value of our future work was to depend. This point was made the first meridian, from which to date all our longitudes. But even here, perhaps, the most frequented and prominent cape in the world, considerable discrepancies were found to exist in its reputed situation. Some of the most established authorities had placed it in a longitude from 11′ to 8′ eastward of our observations. The most critical remarks of the late astronomer, the Reverend F. Fallowes, had however reduced that difference to three miles and a half of longitude; but, as our observations agree in every particular with those of the indefatigable Maskelyne and De la Caille, there is still much reason to place full confidence in our

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results, as published by the Admiralty, in a table of latitudes and longitudes determined by Captains Owen and Vidal.

During the present expedition, whilst at the Cape of Good Hope, Captain Owen was induced to make some remarks upon the comparative merits of chain-cables and hempen cables, which, although transmitted to the Navy Board, may perhaps be valuable here. Chain-cables are to be preferred for anchoring in every situation where the bottom is either foul or rocky, and in all places where anchorage is usually sought. But, under any circumstances where the ship is exposed to the ocean-swell and heavy winds from seaward, hempen cables are decidedly preferable, for then a vessel's only security is to veer two or four cables on on end, and these, by their length, lightness, (being nearly of the same specific gravity as water,) and elasticity, enable her to rise over the sea with buoyancy; whereas, if riding by a chain, it is of no benefit to veer a long range of cable, as the chain will lie upon the ground, and not being elastic, but of great weight, it will operate against the rise of the vessel with the swelling wave, and she will be subject to the most sudden and violent shocks from the strokes of the sea, which either breaks over her, or causes her to plunge through the waves, instead of riding over them. No ship liable to be so exposed should, therefore, be without two hempen cables, or, what is far better, coir, which is so much lighter than hemp that it floats upon the water. It is also strongly recom-

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mended to all vessels to use some few links of chain near the anchor. In the Leven a method was adopted for splicing chain and hempen cables together, the advantages derived from which are obvious, especially where the bottom is rocky, as the links of chain may lie over any sharp or projecting fragment without danger of being cut in two by the friction. By this combination the cable, if well spliced, loses none of its strength, while, by the suspended but not excessive weight at the end, it obtains a greater degree of pliability, which makes the ship ride with more ease and safety.

Many of the numerous shipwrecks in Table Bay may be attributed to the indiscriminate use of chain-cables; their nature and management being ill understood: and several examples are on record where vessels have been obliged (even in the midst of a gale of wind) to slip their chains, and let go an anchor with hempen cables, the necessity for doing so being pointed out by the danger of their situation.

As in the foregoing narrative but few observations have been introduced respecting the currents, and as (at least to those connected with navigation) it is a subject of much speculation and interest, the following remarks from Captain Owen's Journal may be considered worthy of publicity.

It is a well known fact, as regards the African seas, that there is a perennial current, which sets into the Atlantic Ocean, round the entire southern

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extreme of that continent included under the general name of the Cape of Good Hope; this current varies in its velocity in different situations and at different periods, from five miles to one mile an hour. Some writers have supposed, that, with reference to the great ocean, the Atlantic may be considered as a kind of mediterranean sea, the evaporation from which, together with winter frosts to the northward, must be supplied from the Southern Ocean in like manner as the Mediterranean is fed from the Atlantic; and this hypothesis is borne out by the strong perennial currents about the shores of Cape Horn, and through the islands in its vicinity. But it is remarkable that these currents never appear to extend more than twenty leagues beyond the common deep sea soundings, while their velocity is much decreased when near the shore; from which it may be understood that the depth is much diminished, and the stream broken by projections of bank or land.

Ships are frequently carried to the westward, quite round the Cape of Good Hope, even against the strongest north-west gales, by this current; when the sea breaks so short, that is, the waves are so high and close to each other, as to occasion much strain upon the vessel, which when she is deeply laden is always dangerous and frequently fatal, as the public records too clearly prove. But there are two ways of avoiding the disagreeable effects of a strong weather current and high wind upon the southern coast of Africa: the first is to

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push boldly in for the land, where the wind is generally found much less violent, and the sea comparatively smooth; but in doing this, if to the eastward of Cape Reciffe, a ship should not attempt, during the night, or in a fog, to approach the shore nearer than sixty fathoms of soundings, unless her pilots are perfectly acquainted with the coast. During the day, however, there is no danger, and the land may be approached with perfect safety to within a reasonable distance, using of course proper judgment, and keeping a strict watch; while to the westward of Cape Reciffe, even at night, ships may stand in to forty fathoms of soundings without any apprehension. The other mode of avoiding the heavy north-west wind is to make a course to the southward, beyond the influence of the currents, until the return of fine weather; but, as much ground is thus lost, the first proceeding is strongly recommended, as being equally certain, and not attended with any additional danger.

When sailing along the shores of the Cape colony, perhaps the most diversified and fertile in the world, with a climate unequalled, abundantly watered by extensive rivers, and the soil already fit for the plough, we could not but wonder that the people of Great Britain should prefer emigrating to the almost barren sands of Swan river, to resting at one half the distance upon such a land of promise as this.

It appears by Captain Owen's correspondence with Lord Charles Somerset, the then Governor

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of the Cape of Good Hope, that he represented to that nobleman the fertility and advantages of the country alluded to, but no attempt was made to form any establishment upon the coast, excepting by an individual, Lieutenant Farewell, R.N. whose name is occasionally mentioned in the course of this narrative, and after him a Mr. King, with a few others. These enterprising people attempted to establish themselves at Port Natal, but their numbers were so few, and their means so inadequate for such an undertaking, that, as a necessary consequence, it failed.

The early part of our voyage was, as has already been related, clouded by the melancholy effects of the Delagoa fever, to which so many fell victims. It was always the firm persuasion of Captain Owen, that the mind was the most active and fatal enemy in predisposing the body to receive this complaint; and it is more than probable that had we been without any medical advice or assistance the mortality would not have been greater, for medicine seldom appeared to produce any beneficial effects when once the body was actually under the influence of the fever. Good clothing, food, and moderate exertion, without exposure, were always found the best physical, while religious faith, a fearless reliance on the mercy of God, and a mind beyond the reach of fear, were the best moral, preservatives. It may in fact be questioned, whether our very severe losses were not in some measure attributable to European medical practice, bleeding and calomel being de-

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cidedly the most deadly enemies in a tropical climate. During the whole time of the prevalence of the fever, we had not one instance of perfect recovery after a liberal application either of the lancet or of medicine. Captain Owen was the first attacked by this fatal disorder, but he preferred trusting to the strength of his constitution and his former experience to placing himself in the hands of the doctor; he recovered without medicine, and he was afterwards too much occupied by his anxious care for those around him to allow any reflections upon his own liability to exist in his mind. He has since suffered still greater losses than those recorded in this narrative; yet he lives to hear them recounted, and to impress upon all tropical navigators his advice, always to avoid bleeding and calomel when the fever has actually taken possession of the frame; at the same time, the lancet, when used with discretion, may be had recourse to as a preventive, and the calomel as a restorative, but when the complaint exists, they are more deadly, if possible, than the disease itself.

It may probably be expected, before concluding these remarks, that some observations should be made respecting the state and progress of civilization in the countries which we visited. Had we been required to enter into this inquiry, we might have done so to a considerable extent, and probably have thrown much valuable light upon a subject with which we are at present but little acquainted. The opportunities offered to us in the course of our extensive voyage, of judging

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of the effects produced upon savage life by the introduction of civilised society, were numerous and varied. In the progress of this narrative, it has been shown how the Portuguese obtained possession of some places upon the east coast of Africa. At the period when they thus grafted themselves upon this soil, it is only reasonable to suppose that they found the natives, if not in a state of utter barbarism, at least but slowly emerging from the darkness by which they were surrounded. The Portuguese were then, perhaps, as civilised a people as any in the world, and the question was thus fairly put to proof, while the lapse of three centuries may certainly be considered sufficient for its determination; and it may now be asked, has savage life benefited by so long an intercourse with civilized man? From the observations we had an opportunity of making, we should say decidedly, "No!" It appeared to us that, in every instance, the Portuguese had destroyed what little civilization they found, and in its place introduced their own vices and follies, without at the same time imparting the controlling principles of honour and religion, if they had any to impart.

The effect of this system is apparent at the present day upon the natives inhabiting the neighbourhood of the Portuguese settlements. Dishonesty and a petty cunning foreign to the character of the savage there met with, but these qualities are never to be feared far from the influence of the Portuguese. It more frequently

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happened, instead of the natives continuing to dwell in the settlements of that people, that, goaded to desperation by their cruelties and arbitrary exactions, they quitted the coast, and sought in the interior the rude but free life to which they had so long been accustomed; and it is probable that the Galla and many other savage tribes were thus driven from the sea-coast, with an unconquerable aversion to white men, or, as mentioned in this narrative, to any other people with straight hair. But it was not only the natives that suffered by the Portuguese establishing themselves upon the eastern coast of Africa, for the Arabs became equally the objects of their persecution; the former for their wealth, and the latter for their faith, which they in vain attempted to make them relinquish. The Mahommedan doctrines were, however, too firmly fixed in the principles and passions of the Mussulman to be rooted out either by violence or persuasion; so, finding they could not make them change their religion, they compelled them by tyranny and imposition to quit the country, at least where the power of the Arabs was inferior to that of their oppressors.

It must however be understood, that the Portuguese who leave their native land to fill situations on this coast have but one object, and that is to enrich themselves in as short a time as possible, without any consideration of the means employed to obtain this wealth, by which they draw largely from the happiness and prosperity of the

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country, and leave behind them nothing but the curses of the oppressed and plundered natives.

But after all it is doubtful whether civilization can be imported, whether it is not a spontaneous growth which must first be planted by the hand of an all-just and wise Creator. The mind of the savage must be prepared by a modification of the fiery passions of his nature, before he changes his state; he cannot at once see the advantages of a civilized, over his own wild, life, and must therefore by a gentle and well-directed hand be subdued to reason; for to try at once to introduce civilization into the mind of the savage, is like breaking the shell of the chrysalis in order to extract the dormant moth. It is one of the operations of nature which time alone can accomplish, and which any hasty or premature attempt serves only to destroy.

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APPENDIX.

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APPENDIX.

MR. FAREWELL'S ACCOUNT OF CHAKA, THE KING OF NATAL, AND OF THE HOLLONTONTES.

CHAKA is one of the most monstrous characters that ever existed; Attila himself was hardly his fellow. In his wars, he murders his opponents whether they resist or not, immolating every man, and every infant of both sexes, and sometimes the women. If any of these are saved, they are ranged before him for his examination. Such as he approves he commands to be preserved for his future will, for, although about forty years of age, he affects to be a mere boy. He has now above twelve hundred women, who reside by themselves in Kralls, with people to serve and attend them. If one woman in any of these kralls (as may be supposed sometimes to have occurred) should become pregnant, the whole krall is murdered without sparing a soul. Those women whom he no longer admires he distributes according to his pleasure amongst his officers.

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None of his people are suffered to see Chaka eat or drink; his chiefs, and even subject kings, approach him crawling, and the slightest failure or error in omitting or performing this ceremony is instant death. To laugh, to smile, to cough, to sneeze, in his presence, is followed by immediate execution. Observing one day some boys of his krall peeping into his house, he ordered them to be killed, but they could not be found, as they were not known; he therefore ordered all the boys of the krall to be slain without distinction. One of his people in his presence happened, upon one occasion, to have something in his countenance, perhaps of the ridiculous, which had a tendency to disturb the serenity of the king's features. "Take that man away and kill him, he makes me laugh," said Chaka.

Like another Blue-beard, his embraces are a sentence of death. He says he wishes to live for ever, and his affectation of being so many years in acquiring the full maturity of a man seemed to be founded upon a hope of being able to deceive time as well as himself. He permits none of his people to have any sexual intercourse before the age of twenty-five: a known transgression in this respect is punished with death, not only to the parties, but their families, and even their kralls. The country south of that which he inhabits was very populous, but he has destroyed every krall and every human creature he could find alive. Those who have escaped his butchery are driven to the summits of the hill,

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and live in the bushes, thence termed Bush Caffres. These kralls, in all the country of Natal, still exist as the sepulchres of the uninterred bones of their former inhabitants.

It may naturally be asked if Chaka has not one virtue to redeem him from such an insatiable thirst of human blood; the only one which I could discover is, that a stranger in his country is sure of protection even against himself.

Chaka seems so confident that his workmen surpass all others in the arts, that he wishes to send some of his people to build a house for the King of England. Showing me his house, he asked if the King of England could boast of so good a one? I answered, "Yes, much larger." "Ay, perhaps as large," said Chaka; "but so good?" "Oh! yes, much better." "You have not looked at mine," said Chaka; "look again; your king may have as large a house, and seemingly as good, but not with so many conveniences." I still however insisted that the house of my king was in every thing superior, when Chaka desired me, in a serious and displeased tone, to look again, and again, and in short repeated this command six times before I saw the danger of my adhering to the opinion which I had formed. At length, therefore, I concurred with Chaka, by observing that I had not before looked with sufficient attention, and that his house was certainly the most comfortable. A tyrant unused to the slightest contradiction, and habituated to a belief that he is the most powerful as well as

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the most wealthy king in the world, cuts off the first head that would undeceive him, and I was only safe because I was a stranger. It is, however, not improbable that, had I persisted much longer in not seeing all the advantages of Chaka's dwelling, even that protection would not have saved my head.

Among the Africans the Hollontontes are the bravest of warriors, being quite fearless of death, at least when inflicted by the assagaye; but they have much dread of fire-arms. This, however, they soon conquer; and, after having seen their effect for some time, they will stand to be shot at with as much heroism as the best trained soldiers of Europe. If these people were governed by a civilized prince, they might be brought into a state of much improvement. Their domestic habits I could learn but little about; but, whenever an animal is killed, they are more like wolves, or rather hogs used to flesh, than men. No part of the blood or entrails is lost; and if the former is suffered to run out on the earth, they gather it up in their hand, and eat the earth with which it is mixed.

In their wars they never spare, on the principle that dead men can do no harm, but if suffered to live they may. This is the plea always used by Chaka; and few of the tribes have possessed their lands for three or four generations, as they are alternately exterminated and repeopled from the interior.

During my residence here, whilst travelling

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along the coast, I found the wreck of the Grosvenor East Indiaman, upwards of two hundred miles nearer to our colony than was imagined, the situation of the wreck being a little to the northward of the St. John's or Kye river. Her ballast and guns had been thrown over some rocks, probably by the force of the sea, together with some part of the hull. A carpenter and armourer had lived near this place until lately, the son of the latter being at this time in my employment. There were also two women, who had lived on the spot some time; but, upon an irruption of the natives from the westward, all the tribes that then inhabited that part of the coast were killed, when these women fled, hid themselves in the bush, and were there starved to death.

The negroes of this coast generally believe in a supreme being, whom they style Malumgo, who created the "heavens and the earth and every thing that therein is," and that by his power they are governed. They have no idea of the rewards or punishments of a future life, nor of the existence of a spirit distinct from matter. They think that man was born to be immortal, and that when he deserves punishment the Supreme Being causes a famine; that only those who die by this means are punished through a divine agency; but all who die from any other cause are supposed to be sent out of the world through the machinations of evil spirits, whom they call Vagino, either out of personal revenge or being bought by their enemies; and as they imagine these spirits live upon

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the bodies of their victims, they only are buried, while those who die of famine or leprosy are left exposed. The latter they believe to be transformed into hippopotami.

There are many people who pretend to cure diseases, yet none who can tell them by their symptoms, but they have recourse to divination with cowries. Before they throw these shells, the sick person's body is touched with one of them, to which they attach the name of some disease; the shells are then shaken up in the hand and let fall upon the ground, when, if the one marked does not fall as is desired, they try the conjuration over again, until the wishes of the performers are complied with. By the same means they apply the cure; and if any know what medicines to use for such complaints as coughs or fevers, they throw the shells to discover how the remedies are to be applied, and how prepared. If the patient does not soon get well, the shells are again made use of, to ascertain if he is possessed with an evil spirit; if this notion is confirmed, the patient is conveyed secretly to some other habitation, and, continuing unwell, he is finally secreted in some obscure wood unknown to any one but his near relations, and no person is permitted to see him but these pretended surgeons. If the spirit, called Sossera, does not vanish, they have recourse to the Inhamacango, to whose hut the patient is carried to have it expelled; after which he is again secretly conveyed to the wood. If the patient is a rich man and has a numerous progeny, an endeavour

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is made to divine by the magona who it is that incites the evil spirit; and if any one in the village is suspected, they seize him, and threaten all kinds of punishment unless the sick man recovers, which if he fail to do he is sacrificed.

The magonas are horns of the buffalo, filled with amber-oil mixed with various herbs; the natives think that the magona makes them invulnerable and proof against disease. Their surgeons are well provided with these, and tell the poor credulous negroes that whoever is anointed with the oil of the magona will be prosperous in all his undertakings, and many other such fabulous stories. A man who has had criminal intercourse with a sick person's wife is prohibited from visiting the sick-chamber; and, if the sick person is a woman, any female who has committed adultery with her husband must not visit her. They say that, if these visits ever take place, the patient is immediately oppressed with a cold perspiration and dies. This prohibition was thought of to find out the infidelities of the women and to make them fear discovery. They also have an idea that any woman having been unfaithful to her husband, and touching any of his furniture without first eating certain herbs, will cause him to be seized with a fit of coughing, of which he soon dies.

Before going to the chace, to fish, or to make any traffic, they throw the shells; and after the seed is sown in the earth, they throw on it certain herbs to make it produce abundantly; and when

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the produce of the lands is in store, other herbs are also thrown in to prevent it from rotting, or being taken away by witches. If they have been unsuccessful in undertakings to which they attach great importance, recourse is had to witchcraft, in order to prevent an increase of ill-luck; if their misfortunes are multiplied, the village is abandoned for some other spot, which constant change of abode accounts in some degree for the few fruittrees which are cultivated.

The Sossoros are imagined to live with lions, tigers, and other ferocious animals, and partake with them of the bodies which they kill. The negroes are very credulous, which makes them fit objects of imposition for any of their more designing brethren, who profess to cure diseases and discover witchcraft. It is prohibited in many families to eat certain animals' flesh, such as in some beef, in others elephant's, in others hippopotamus.'—It is said, that provided any family transgress this rule, and eat the forbidden flesh, their teeth will drop out, which is termed motupo. The forbidden flesh to all the royal family is the hearts of animals. All children must follow the motupo of their father, which causes much difference in families. On the first evening of the new moon they assemble and welcome its appearance with beating of drums and other demonstrations of joy—they give no reason for this, except its being a custom handed down to them. On the day after the moon's appearance they abstain from all labour, thinking if anything is sown on those

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days they can never reap the benefits thereof; neither will they work on the day that any one has died in the village, for the reasons above stated.

When any king dies, they abstain from work for six months. They say that, wherever there is a whirlpool, a bird called jungo has its habitation; and they believe that its wings extend twenty or thirty fathoms from tip to tip. If a boat should happen to be capsized and any one lost, it is affirmed that jungo has taken them down to instruct them in the science of surgery. Some of these practitioners have affirmed that the above event has happened to them, by which they have imposed upon the credulity of the blacks, and therefore obtained much credit.

On the death of any person, all the women in the village assemble inside the hut, and the men, standing outside, all begin to weep in concert. If the person is of distinction, these ceremonies are accompanied by the beating of drums. As soon as all the relations are assembled, the body is wrapped in white cloth, round which are placed two mats—they then send to the Inhamasango of the district, that he may order a piece of ground to be appropriated to deposit the corpse. Frequently tobacco and millet are buried with the corpse. As soon as the body has been put into the earth and covered up, the women arrive and throw water on the grave, and beat the earth quite smooth. On returning home, before entering the

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village, they eat some preparation of herbs which the surgeons have made, that the spirit of the deceased may not plague them; they then proceed again to the house which the dead man inhabited, and lament till the close of day. The culinary utensils are broken, and nine days afterwards the relations of the deceased assemble together round a fire, and place the spade with which the deceased worked in it. When it is red-hot, it is dipped in a large bowl of pombe, out of which all the relations must drink, which secures them from infection; their mourning is a piece of white cloth round the head, and threads of the machevo tree on the ankles and wrists.

After the burial, the relations try to discover the evil spirit that has caused their misfortune, for which purpose they have recourse to the professors of magonas. There are three qualities of magonas,—motindirinde, chependo, and chicale, Motindirinde is a horn with oil, and in it is a stick longer than the horn, which at the lower end is made to fit tight into the bottom by a slight pressure, when the quack has occasion to do so. On being called upon to point out the person who has caused the death of the deceased, he generally fixes upon some one whom he knows the relations bear enmity to. The mode of proceeding is this:—the whole of the inhabitants of the village are assembled, when, placing himself in the middle of the circle, the quack turns round two or three times, and, before the person that he is instructed to accuse, he pretends that the

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stick in the horn remains so fast as to resist his attempts to extract it.

The chicale is a small pot which is brought with a little water, and some powders are put on the fire, with two small pieces of straw, which, when the water boils, are made to flow over or not, just as the quack wishes; and by these means they either acquit or condemn the culprit. When the guilt of the accused is thus confirmed, he is confined from that moment, and next morning has a mixture made from the bark of the moave tree and certain powders given him to swallow; of this they make three balls, each of the size of a lemon, which the prisoner must swallow before sunrise, on the day after his condemnation.

Before taking the poison he is stripped of every thing, under the apprehension that he might conceal something to counteract the effects of the potion; he is then made to kneel before the man who is to give him the fatal dose, and his hands are crossed. The relations both of the deceased and the culprit commence beating in concert with small pieces of wood. One of them cries out,—"If this man or woman, has communication with evil spirits, may the moave burst him!" All answer, "Matime," which means, burst him. He then adds,—"If this man or woman who has been the death of —, has been falsely accused, and has not communication with evil spirits, then may the moave spare him!" To which they answer, "Missique," spare him. And they continue repeating the above, until the person accused vomits, a cir-

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cumstance which happens only through the roguery of the man who administers the dose being paid by the relations of the culprit to lessen the dose. The poor deluded victims seldom wish to take anything to counteract the poison, because they are confident of their innocence, and are taught by these impostors that it will only have effect upon those who really have converse with evil spirits, and that the innocent will always escape.

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APPENDIX No. II.

ACCOUNT OF THE PORTUGUESE POSSESSIONS WITHIN THE CAPTAINCY OF RIOS DE SENNA.

THE following is the conclusion of the manuscript memoir of Signor Ferāo, literally translated by Captain Owen, from which some extracts have already been made in the course of the narrative. Being the only account of this country in the English language, it possesses an interest which the mere statistical nature of its details would not otherwise excite.

"To the east-south-east of Sofala, at about four hundred yards' distance, is situated the Moorish town, where the number of females is much greater than males, in consequence of the latter being merchants principally engaged at Mozambique, whither they carry all their male children, to be initiated into their several occupations. Moorish town is two hundred yards long by eighty broad. The women manufacture earthenware, on the produce of which they subsist, as also by cultivating small patches of rice; but some, who have not the means of purchasing rice from the interior, when their own stock fails, are

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obliged with their slaves to live on herbs until their next harvest. The only circumstance that distinguishes them from the other inhabitants is, refraining from pork, and rejecting all sorts of meat that is not killed by the hands of one of their sect. In their habits, customs, language, superstitions, songs, and dances, they imitate the natives; many, however, speak a corrupt Portuguese.

The character of all the national inhabitants is proud, treacherous, idle, and crafty. The most part are soldiers, and live on their pay; they are, however, bad soldiers, and never wipe off the character I have given of them. The manner in which they are brought up from children among the negroes makes them forget all obedience or subjection to their parents; they are Christians only in name, being ignorant of the first rudiments of their religion, only conforming to the rules of that faith as long as they are soldiers: On purchasing their discharge, they retire to the interior and live with the negresses, even after having been regularly married in the town to Christians. Many Europeans and Asiatics have also followed the same system, in consequence of which the Portuguese race has greatly degenerated.

I cannot well ascertain what quantity of grain is collected annually from the plantations, because few of the inhabitants have any idea themselves of what their ground produces, for, as soon as the grain springs up, they are continually making use of it, which causes a great waste, and

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many in consequence are driven to the necessity of subsisting one-third of the year on wild herbs. The slaves have no certain allowance, but live as they can, which is often by robbing their masters. For the purchase of grain in the interior it is necessary every season to send goods in advance, and the prices vary according to the produce. In years of great abundance, the blue dungaree is valued at fourteen cruzados the piece, and other articles at various prices; when the season has not produced very plentifully, they give one quitundo less. The quitundo is different according to the quality of the grain and the productiveness of the harvest; the largest quitundo of maize is two panjas, and the smallest one and a half; of rice, one and a half the largest, and one panja and a quarter the smallest; but the quitundo of wheat never exceeds one panja and a half. There is also some millet, which is gathered in March, and beans; but these last are much more abundant to the southward of this town, as is also millet and amendoim.

The carriage of these articles from the interior is by hired slaves, who are paid one panno for every day's journey. The nearest place from Sofala for the purchase of rice is Chuparo, distant half a day's journey; the next is Rios or Mugova, one day's journey, and the cheapest way to have goods conveyed thence is through Xironde, by the river Bazi; there is, however, more risk, and oftentimes the canoes are lost. If, when this is the case, any of the men perish, their chief

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immediately commences a lawsuit against the person to whom the goods belonged, by which much expense and trouble is frequently incurred.

The limits of the town do not exceed one league in circumference; and most of the neighbouring country is covered with salt water, which flows not only by the coast, but also by the rivers that surround it. The only ground in the vicinity that is capable of being cultivated is Inhacambe, situated about four hundred yards from the town; but the intermediate country is constantly inundated. The land of Inhacambe is divided into five districts, which the senate has granted to five inhabitants of the town. Near Inhacambe is Bellangane, and between these two places runs the river Zamboe, which empties itself upon the coast into the sea. Bellangane is three hundred and fifty fathoms long, and is nearly the same breadth; it is the property of the Dominican friars. Here are several low pieces of land which are cropped with rice, and very good water, procured from caverns. Beyond Bellangane is the place called Poco, from which it is divided by one of the small rivers that surround the town of Sofala, which there meets the sea. At Poco there are quarries, whence the stones for the repair of the fort are conveyed in boats by the river Poco. From the entrance of this river the coast runs in a northerly direction as far as Macanzane, which is about six leagues. Beyond Poco is the territory of Pongoe, which belongs to Francisco de Aravjo.

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The territory of Dendira follows next, which extends about three leagues up the coast; then comes Chuparo, which extends three leagues north and south, whence comes the best rice on this coast. At these places there are some slaves; but, owing to the total want of energy in the colonists, the latter are little obeyed. The soil is good, and on it grow all sorts of fruit and trees, amongst which are the palm, mango, banana, pine-apple, &c. as well as all kinds of pulse and grain, and the woods have timber of various sorts and sizes; but, owing to the want of industry in the colonists, the productions are barely sufficient for their sustenance. At some distance on the coast, near the entrance of the river Bari on the southern side, is the territory of Macanjane, the productions of which are the same as those of Chuparo.

About a league from the palms is Chirara, where all the canoes going up the Bazi stop. On the other side of the river is the eastern point of the territory of Chironda, called Massique; and round the point is a bay, at the bottom of which is another river of fresh water, called Urema. On the other side is seen the territory of Bangoe, in the jurisdiction of Senna, which is divided from Chironde by the said river Urema: so that here is formed an extensive bay, Dandire and Chuparo being to the southward, and the coast of Bangoe to the northward. The point of Massique, at the bottom of the bay, has on one side the river Bazi, and on the other the Urema.

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The river Bazi or Zero has its source in the mountains of Quissanga, and, after winding through many leagues of the country of Quiteve, it empties itself at Chironde and Massique. It is about one hundred and twenty yards broad; and six leagues up, at low water, is almost dry. Three days' journey is as far as it is navigable, in consequence of a rock stretching right across, which has an arch, through which the water passes; from this place, called Inhamaliamue, no canoes can pass. The river Urema has its rise at Macaia; it, however, receives the waters of the Ruvoe, which runs through Quiteve, and is a branch of the Zambizi, the Ruvoe also joining the Bazi.

In the rainy season, the Bazi overflows its banks, and inundates all the surrounding country, which is often destructive to the plantations of rice. As soon as the river shows the least appearance of this great rise, the Inhamacangoes sound the alarm, and the inhabitants retire to the high lands, where they subsist for many days upon the animals that the inundation has destroyed. On the left bank of the river Bazi are the crown lands of Cheranda, where is a small fresh water branch of the Urema, called Marenda, which divides Xigangoe from Quiteve. Two thirds of this land are unserviceable, being under water during the spring-tides; but it has a large lake of fresh water called Inhabue, which has very good stone and plenty of fish; the lands that are cultivated produce good maize, rice, and wheat. This territory belonged to Quiteve, and

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it came into the possession of the crown through the following circumstance: In 1735, one of the settlers of Sofala, named Joao Pires, having gone into the interior with goods for traffic, met one of the princes of Quiteve, who was going to wage war upon a chief, through whose territory Pires was to pass; having for some time resisted their attempts to rob him, he was at length abandoned by his slaves, and soon overpowered and killed. As soon as his wife was informed of this tragic event, with the consent of the governor she raised a small army at her own expense, and marched into the country to revenge her husband's death; when, after subduing some of the neighbouring princes, she proceeded towards the Court of Quiteve, at the news of which, the king became so intimidated, that he ordered her husband's murderer to be slain, and sent his head to the injured widow, with an offer of the aforementioned territory of Chironde as a remuneration for her loss.

Near Chironde is the village Xaranga, belonging to Xapuro. Then follows Chupafa village, belonging to the Matire; and again, Inhachango, which belongs to Zingombe, captain of the territory of Bangoe. Finally follows Zomba, which also formerly belonged to Quiteve, and was given by the king, Banderenhé, in 1735, to a settler called Joao da Pinha Soares, and the king's suecessor, Bandahuma, confirmed the grant. The inhabitants of these places are very numerous, in consequence of the richness of the soil, and it has

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the same productions as Chironda; a small river called Inhanconda surrounds it, and divides it from Mugova. All the territory belonging to the captaincy of Sofala on this side of the river Bazi may be walked over from north to south in one day, and from east to west in six hours. The region from Chuparo to Uassingoe and Mandeve is called Rivers, or Mungova, and is divided into four different territories.

In Inhajinga, one of these districts, there is a large lake, and near it runs the fresh water branch of the Bazi. Both in the river and lake are many alligators, hippopotami, and fish. All the lands of Mugova belonged formerly to Quiteve, and Sofala did not possess more district than Inhacambe and Belangane. It is about one hundred and fifty years, according to tradition current in the country, since Joze da Fonseca Coutinho, who had governed Senna, settled at Sofala, and bought from the Quiteve the lands of Chuparo and Dendira. Having afterwards journeyed into the interior with goods for traffic, he was robbed by some of the petty princes, and, returning into the colony, raised a small army to chastise them for the treatment he had received. His successes were so great, that the king of Quiteve, fearing his further incursions, gave him the lands of Mugova and jurisdiction over all the Inhamacangos of Quiteve, as well as the title of May Deca, with all the honours attached to royalty by the Kaffers, which honours and titles have been handed down to all his successors. Mugova means, literally,

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a swampy ground without wood, and such is in reality Mugova.

On a branch of the river Chitasa, which has its mouth in the bay of the Port of Sofala, are situated three villages called Maconde, Gangou, Voa, inhabited by Matire, a descendant of Raimundo Pareira de Barros. These lands belonged to the Quiteve, and were given to Barros as a dowry, with one of the daughters of the king of Quiteve. The Inhacuaras are the daughters of the king, who never marry, but are allowed every other liberty. The King of Quiteve gave Barros the title of Matire, and pre-eminence over the native kings and jurisdiction over the Inhamacangos.

One of the daughters of Raimunda was married to a white man at Sofala, but, owing to the promiscuous intercourse of their descendants, they have so degenerated as to be now known only by the name of Muzembo (white men), being negroes in colour, hair, religion, and habits.

The Matire does not pay any tithes to the treasury for his lands, as do the other inhabitants of Sofala. Barros was made captain of the field, and his descendants to this day inherit the title, their duty being to march before the governor whenever he goes upon any expedition. The owners of the before-mentioned lands, Chuparo, Xironde, and Mugova, received tithes of all that was sown on them, but, in consequence of their extreme indolence, they now collect no more than a supo (about a panja) of grain from every colonist, and that only in plentiful seasons.

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When any murder is committed, the proprietor of the land may demand a slave for the effusion of blood on his lands; he may also require the same penalty for every person that dies of leprosy, and for all children whose lower jaw protrudes before the upper. For any heinous crime the perpetrators are made slaves; the land-owners of all fish caught in lakes are paid a tax in kind. If an elephant dies a natural death, both the tusks belong to the land-owner, who must remunerate the finder, and also give a present to the Inhamacango near whose territory it was found. If the elephant is killed in the chase, the tusk that falls nearest to the earth belongs to the landholder; the other the hunters may dispose of at pleasure. The hunters must, however, be remunerated for their trouble.

These are the possessions that the crown holds to the northward of the town of Sofala. In the port of Sofala there is a great bay, which has many sandbanks and reefs, and in which are several rivers, the most remarkable being the Chitasse, that reaches to Chuparo; one of its branches, the Inhamunho, divides Maconde and Xifaronhe from the land of Chengoe. At the bottom of the bay is the river Donda, from which a stream of fresh water branches off and joins the river Chissamba, which empties itself into the river Bazi. The river Donda has its source in Garrabua, and winds round the country of Emparras, which commences opposite to the fort at the place called Matto Groco, or Como, and is surrounded by the

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small river Inhampapa, which has its entrance to the southward, and empties itself into the same bay. Next to Emparra is Machanga, which extends to the crown-lands of Mambone, on the river Save.

Four leagues down the coast from this fort, is situated the Island of Buene, which belongs to the territory of Machanger, on which there is a small grove of palm-trees, planted by the Moors, when they were expelled from Sofala in 1765. From this island to the southward, five leagues distant, is situated the island Chiluanes, which, in 1806, was dismembered from the territory of Mambone by General Franco de Paulo de Albuquerque. The island extends about six leagues north and south, and the same east and west. It has few inhabitants; but is well supplied with fish. There are two bars north and south, the northern having the most water; it has a deep bay, well sheltered, and a man's voice may be heard from the island to the main land, which is called Ampeta and Xirinda. In a small wood near the northern bar are the remains of a stone house, which the natives affirm to have been the habitation of two Moors, who lived many years on the island and were buried there. A small river runs across the island, and has an entrance at both bars.

With respect to the territories southward of Sofala, by accounts which have been ascertained from tradition among the natives, it appears that of the numerous progeny of Monopotapa, Xangamere, being born of a slave, was looked on with

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contempt, in consequence of which he left his father's kingdom with some followers, and founded the kingdom of Chinjamira, which is supposed to be forty days' journey from the town of Sofala. It is also affirmed that white men carry goods for traffic there, which leads me to suppose they are merchants from Angola; these accounts are, however, very confused, and as no travellers have been there from hence, we have not been able to confirm them. On the death of Monopotapa, two of his sons, who were dissatisfied with his successor, left the kingdom with some followers, and proceeded to the kingdom of Chinjamira, to beg assistance in settling themselves, when one settled in Quiteve, the other in Madanda, to the southward of Sofala. Xangamere made Materna king of Quissanga, whose court is at Gaonhé, fifteen days' journey from Sofala.

In Quissanga adultery is punished by depriving the man of both his eyes and confiscating all his property. The people possess much cattle, which is the currency of the country. The men cover themselves with goat-skins, which they tan; their arms are bows and arrows; they have blacksmiths, who make their implements for agriculture, knives, &c.; they possess copper-mines, out of the produce of which they work rings and bangles. Their chief food is nachiny, and it is only near the river Savé that rice is cultivated. The country of Quissanga is mountainous, consequently there are few elephants. The kings of Quissanga arc buried on the mountains of Mugoma, their corpses being

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shrouded in two pieces of samater, and conveyed to the cave on the top of the mountain, where they are deposited with great solemnity. The cave is surrounded by a wood, and at a little distance there is a town, where live the guards of the dead. Every year the reigning king is obliged to make the accustomed offerings at the cave of spice and pomba. Upon the death of any of his subjects, they are buried in the house which they inhabited, without any ceremony being observed, or any apparent demonstrations of grief.

The kingdom of Quiteve is bounded on the north by Chichanja and Manica, on the south by Madondo, on the east by Macai, and on the west by Quissanga. It extends from north to south twenty days' journey, and from east to west twelve. The court was at Ussomes formerly, which is three days' journey from Sofala, and the Zamboe* is still kept there. The last king, called Fica, died in 1803, since which the kingdom has been without a ruler. Ningomanhe is the title given to the first wife, who must be of royal descent, as also the second, who is styled Nemaunga. Both have their Zamboe at Hanganhé, which is in high Quiteve, three days' journey from Ussema and seven from Sofala.

Quiteve has gold mines in the territory of Bandirre, and of the rivers, Mumhingi, Tovas, Massapa, and Missangaji, which is of superior quality; but in Inhamanga the gold, although not so fine,

* Zamboe is the place appropriated for the kings, queens, and princes.

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is more abundant. Topazes and rubies have been found on the borders of the rivers Ruvoe and Mapura; and on the mountains of Hanganhe, stones, which on being broken appeared to contain small transparent crystalline stones with pointed edges. There is rock crystal, and it may be inferred that diamonds and other precious stones are to be found there, as also silver. There are iron mines, from which they extract iron to make spades, hatchets, &c. and a species of chalk which the natives call jew; there is also a sort of slate, and red ochre is to be found.

In the kingdom of Quissanga are coppermines, and, from the soil in some places having been reduced to a cinder, I imagine it possesses sulphur. In Madanda there are many plains abounding in saltpetre; indigo grows well, and of good quality, especially at Mambone; there are also many pearl-oysters on the shores of Vuhoca, opposite to the Bazaruta Islands, and there they also collect ambergris.

Pitch is made in the following manner by the natives, to sell to the white people: From April to June they collect the resin from the trees, and with some of the bark put it into a kettle, perforated at the bottom, and dig a small hole of the thickness they intend the pitch-sticks to be; they then set fire to it, and it melts into the earth. Honey and wax are collected from the bee-hives, which the natives place on trees in the months of March and April; the wax they make into small cakes about fifteen inches in circumference, and half

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an inch thick, ten of which are sold for one panno and two flagons of honey for the same. From the bar of Mumbone to Vuhoca there are many manna-trees of good quality.

In the woods are various trees, amongst which may be mentioned ebony, box, iron-wood, and a species of white sandal-wood, called maquissite.

The gold dug from the earth is never more than at the depth of four or six feet. As the natives are ignorant of the art of mining, the earth is washed in the rivers, by which means collecting the dust is very laborious. They do not know how to work this metal, and never apply it to any purpose, but it is sold to the whites for four pannos the maticol, which is one eighth and a half, or three sixteenths, of an ounce. They make their own scales and weights, the former of brass or iron, and the latter of seixos, or hard stones, graduated to one dogado, or three maticols.

Copper is taken from the mines with the earth, and by being melted is soon separated; it is then again melted and cast into any shape wished, by making holes in the earth. The pearls are not procured by diving, but the natives wade up to the waist in water, and injure the jewel much by roasting the oyster.

Ambergris is found on the beach after storms, in pieces of different magnitude; the natives sell it at about two oxen for a pound weight, which may be valued at twelve pannos. Butter is also made from the month of March to September. The natives make canoes of all sizes, and those

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that live on the sea-shore make nets from the tree called mulambeira, and mats from the palm-leaves, and manufacture all sorts of earthenware.

Their lands are dug in October, and never later than November, with small iron spades, about eight inches long by five broad. After the soil is well cleared, and the rubbish burnt on it for manure, the seed is thrown on, and they again dig it over to cover the seed. About two or three months after this the ground is weeded, and where the seed has sprung up too thick, they transplant it to another more convenient space. There are various qualities of rice, called jamuna, which ripens in February; mungon and anaty, in March; chicombe, choneca, and cherozo, in May; and anacuro in June. Of all grain rice is the most difficult to cultivate, because it requires a particular soil; if too damp it rots, and if too dry it will not grow. There is another risk attending the cultivation, which is, the probability of all the ears, as soon as they shoot out, being eaten by locusts. Fine maize ripens in June; naxinhy is gathered with common maize in February and March, the seed of the former resembling mustard. Amendoim which is sown in December, is a creeper, the nuts growing underground; each root contains about sixty or seventy nuts: gerzelim is also gathered at the same time, out of which oil is extracted, as also from amendoim.

Gold-dust from the territory of Bandire is always preferred, as being of the finest quality.

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This place formerly belonged to the crown, and it was there that our merchants made an annual fair for the purchase of articles from the interior; but since Quiteve has been agitated with civil wars, which caused our merchants to be robbed, that practice has been discontinued. The queens of Quiteve, Ningomanhe and Nemaunga, who govern the empire on the demise of the king, have been requested to restore the territory again to the crown, which they complied with. I myself was intrusted with this commission; but, owing to the want of energy of the inhabitants, who have not spirit to expend six or eight bars of cloth to form a small corps for the protection of the establishment against any unforeseen insults, and escort the goods down to Sofala, nothing has been determined. If the establishment had been formed a second time, and the agents, if any could have been found trustworthy, had animated and instructed the negroes in the working of the mines, I am confident great advantages would have been derived from it.

There are only three persons in this town who have any credit at Mozambique, and that is very limited. Slaves are not abundant, the greatest number that has been sent in one year from this district being one hundred, or one hundred and twenty, while twelve years back it did not exceed fifty; the price is twelve pannos, male or female, and children from two to four pannos each. When the Butongas possessed the territory called Vuhoca, great quantities of pearls and ambergris were ex-

VOL. II. 2 E

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ported from this port. Since they have been driven from the coast by the Lindeens of Inhamban, not a pearl or a piece of amber has appeared here. The goods that are best adapted for trade are dungarees and assorted small beads, which will only be received for the purchase of gold and to pay expenses, brandy, and false coral.

There are three noted mountains in Quiteve, which are — Magomo, where is the burial-place of the kings and queens of Quiteve, Gembe, and Dombo. In Quiteve they have three titles of distinction; Mambo corresponds with our Highness; Muriga with our Infante; and Mateve, Hidalgo or Lord. The queens of Quiteve name the person who is to accompany the remains of the deceased king to Magomo, who is looked upon as the successor. On being named, he proceeds to the house where the corpse is deposited, and takes charge of it from the hands of some of the grandees. It is then finally wrapped up in a black bull's hide, and is carried in full procession by two men, who must be very careful in not falling, for on the least slip they are instantly slaughtered. Anything that has come from the mouth of the deceased is carefully preserved, and carried in the procession by the queens. The successor or chief mourner follows the procession at some miles' distance, accompanied by a number of the chief men, all armed as for war, preceded by warlike instruments, &c.; every one must shave his head. If, in passing through a village, any of the inhabitants should show themselves,

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they are killed forthwith. The procession is generally conducted through those towns which are best provided with grain, where the followers cause great destruction, and steal every thing valuable. They proceed in this way until their arrival at the Magomo. The successor approaches, and makes a visit to the cave to see the bones of the former kings; they then kill some of the most esteemed women of the king, his xicundo or secretary, and some of the great people, and then deposit the king's body in the cave appointed for that purpose.

The successor, on being appointed, has a white cloth placed round his head. He fixes a day to distribute a sort of paste to his princes and grandees; after he has eaten some himself, he proceeds home with the Nangamanhe. On the following days, the chiefs come from all quarters to Inhamatar or do homage to the new king, each bringing a present of gold-dust, slaves, oxen, &c.; and in proportion to what they bring the king gives them a dress. This being done, they secretly give orders to some of their principal men to be ready for a march, and before sunrise they suddenly decamp, and exact on their way all the ivory that they meet with, giving a trifling re turn; and with this they approach the borders of our government, and send word to the governor that, having been crowned, they have come with the accustomed bingo or present. Bingo is a tribute that the kings of Quiteve formerly paid to the crown of Portugal: it consists of gold, ivory,

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slaves, and productions of industry. It was generally brought by one of the king's sons, to whom in return was given cloth for the king, and some for himself in proportion to his rank.

For nearly eighty years this tribute has not been paid, since which the power of the Quiteves has much decreased, and is now only obeyed by those Inhumasangos that are close to their dominions."

The fate of the manuscript of which the foregoing is a literal version, is rather singular. It was written by Signor Ferāo at Sofala, when Governor of the Rios de Senna, with the intention of being published at Lisbon; but, in consequence of his assassination, it remained untouched until the arrival of this expedition, when Captain Owen obtained possession of it, and its details are now first given to the world in London, and in the English tongue.

THE END.

LONDON;

PRINTED BY SAMUEL BENTLEY,

Dorset Street, Fleet Street.


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Citation: John van Wyhe, editor. 2002-. The Complete Work of Charles Darwin Online. (http://darwin-online.org.uk/)

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