RECORD: Southey, Robert. 1810-19. History of Brazil. 3 vols. London: Longman, Hurst, Rees and Orme, vol. 3 [1819]

REVISION HISTORY: Transcribed (single key) by AEL Data 4.2013. RN1

NOTE: This work formed part of the Beagle library. The Beagle Library project has been generously supported by a Singapore Ministry of Education Academic Research Fund Tier 1 grant and Charles Darwin University and the Charles Darwin University Foundation, Northern Territory, Australia.


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History of Brazil:

by

Robert Southey.

Part the Third.

LONDON:

Printed for Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, and Brown,
Paternoster-Row.

1819.

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PREFACE.

IT was my intention, that the concluding part of the History of Brazil should have contained a Critical Account of all the Documents, printed or in manuscript, from which it has been compiled; but this would have considerably enlarged a volume, which already far exceeds the usual size. I must therefore reserve the materials, which have been prepared for this purpose, till some future time; when, if I live to complete that full series of Portugueze history, upon which I have been employed during almost twenty years, they may form part of a Bibliotheca Historica Lusitana.

I have many acknowledgements to make for assistance afforded me in the progress of the present volume: to Mr. John May, for the use of a Manuscript Journal in his possession, and for procuring for me the third and last volume of the Patriota from Rio de Janeiro, when it was not to be obtained

167544

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at Lisbon; to Mr. Neville White, for the Dean of Cordoba's History of Buenos Ayres, printed in that city; to Mr. Kenyon, for the delightful work of Dobrizhoffer, which I had, during many years, vainly sought for, .. not in England alone, but in many parts of the continent; to Mr. Henry Koster, for various communications from Pernambuco, and especially for a Narrative of the Insurrection in that Captaincy, in 1710-11, transcribed from the original manuscript; to Mr. March, for the Recordacoens de Jacome Ratton, .. a book printed for private distribution; and to Mr. Murray of Albemarle Street, for a volume of singular rarity and value, containing accounts of various provinces of South America, as published during a series of many years in the Lima Almanach.

Nor is it to my friends alone, that I have been thus beholden: Mr. Walpole has entrusted me with the papers of his late father, many years Envoy at the Court of Lisbon, in which station he proved himself worthy of his distinguished name. I am obliged to Mr. Greenough, for the use of Montoya's Guarani Grammar, and of a Guarani Dictionary, both printed in the Reduction of S. Maria Mayor; to Dr. Nott, for the loan of Lozano's History of Paraguay; and to Archdeacon Coxe, for the communication of some

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valuable papers from the great collection of Diplomatic Correspondence, which has enabled him to make such important additions to the English Historical Library. To Mr. Walpole, indeed, I hardly consider myself a stranger, connected as I am with the Lisbonians of old times, and consequently known to his family and friends; but to Mr. Greenough I am known only as a man of letters; and to Dr. Nott and Mr. Coxe, no otherwise than as their fellow labourer in the fields of literature: and I am performing therefore a public duty, in thus acknowledging their obliging liberality.

One more acknowledgement I must be allowed to make: the proof sheets of this long work have passed through the hands of Mr. Rickman, who, amidst laborious occupations, still found time to peruse them, and to accompany them with occasional remarks, .. one of the many acts of kindness which I have received from him during an intimacy of two and twenty years. The remarks thus timely communicated, sometimes led me to reconsider what I had written; and sometimes opened for me views which I had failed to perceive. And had I been of a temper which required to be cheered, in the prosecution of a great and worthy undertaking, I should have desired no better present encouragement,

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and no surer presage of the favourable judgement of posterity, than his approbation.

Of the information which this work contains (and more particularly the present volume), very little, till now, has been within the reach of English readers; and a great portion has never before been accessible to the public in any shape. The printed documents are (for the most part) of extreme rarity in this country, and many of them not easily to be obtained elsewhere: and the collection of manuscripts which I possess, is such, as could only have been formed in Portugal, during a residence of many years; and then only by persevering and well-directed diligence. It has been stated in the Preface to the first volume, that that collection was formed by my maternal Uncle, Mr. Hill, to whom this work is not more affectionately than gratefully inscribed. And now, when I have accomplished it, I will not refrain from saying, that no applause, which might be bestowed by my contemporaries, and no anticipation, however confident, of future praise, could be so gratifying to me, as the thought, that in completing this History from the materials which he had prepared, I have shown that the benefits which he conferred upon me in my youth were not ill bestowed; and that in thus em-

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bodying his labours with mine, I have been erecting a monument to him, as well as to myself.

The documents which Mr. Hill accumulated, concerning Portugal and her other dependencies, are of proportionate extent and value to the Brazilian materials; and the present work is but the first fruits of that collection, .. so judiciously and liberally made. It will be followed, as soon as I shall have completed the great history of the Peninsular War, by the History of Portugal, of Portugueze India, and the other conquests, and of Portugueze Literature. Considerable progress has been made in each of these undertakings; and they will be steadily pursued, in due order, to their completion, if it please God to favour me with the continued blessings of health and leisure.

It only remains to say, that the equitable Reader will forgive such errors and oversights as he may detect in a work, upon which neither time, labour, diligence, nor expense, has been spared; and that if it should be republished during the Author's life, whatever corrections or improvements I may be enabled to make, from such materials as I may hereafter obtain, shall be printed separately, for those who may possess it in its present form.

VOL. III. b

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CONTENTS.

Page
CHAPTER XXXI.
Measures of Gomes Freyre at Maranham 1
The Monopoly abolished 2
General distress in Maranham 3
Expedition against the savages on the Meary ib.
The way from Maranham to Bahia explored 5
Gomes Freyre reforms the abuses of his predecessors ib.
He goes to Belem ib.
He convinces the Bishop of his imprudence 6
The Orellana infested by hostile tribes ib.
An expedition sent against them from Belem 7
Success of the enterprize 9
Attempts of various nations to colonize in Guiana 11
The French establish themselves at Cayenne 14
They trespass upon the Portugueze territory 15
Gomes Freyre superseded 16
Mathias da Cunha Governor General 17
Execution of a Fidalgo 18
Seara cleared finally of the savages ib.
Defenceless state of Brazil ib.
Sickness of the Governor 19
The soldiers at Bahia mutiny while he is dying ib.
Antonio Luiz Governor 20
Order restored in Porto Seguro ib.
Increase of trade 21
State of the coinage 22
Money coined in Brazil ib.
Salt mines opened and abandoned 23
Negroes of the Palmares ib.
Their government and institutions 24
The Pernambucan Government resolves to subdue them 25
A regiment of Paulistas employed ib.
Chief settlement of the Negroes 26
They compel the Paulistas to retire 27
The Pernambucans besiege them ib.
Capture of the place 28
Miserable fate of the prisoners 29
Disputes with the Governor of Cayenne ib.
The French seize the fort at Cabo do Norte 30
The Portugueze retake it 31
Reply of Gomes Freyre to the French Ambassador ib.
Arrangement concerning the limits, with France and Spain 32
Municipal Alterations ib.
Improved condition of the Indians 33
Death of Vieyra 34
Troubles in Maranham with the Bishop 35
He excommunicates the Ouvidor ib.
The matter is referred to Portugal 36
Death of the Ouvidor ib.
Decision of the Court 37
Insolence of the Bishop ib.

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He returns to Lisbon and is disgraced 39
CHAPTER XXXII.
First laws of the Mines 40
Marcos de Azevedo's discovery 45
He conceals it, and dies in prison 46
Agostinho Barbalho and Fernando Diaz directed to pursue the search ib.
Fernando Diaz explores the country 47
His services and death ib.
Antonio Rodriguez Arzam exhibits the first gold 49
Bertolomeu Bueno inherits his papers 50
Gold exhibited at the Rio 51
Smelting-house established at Taboate ib.
Discovery of the Mines not injurious to the Indians in Brazil ib.
First method of mining 53
Rivalry between the Paulistas and the men of Taboate 54
Garcia Rodriguez Paez appointed Guarda Mor ib.
First settlements called Camps 55
Origin of the city of Mariana ib.
Villa Rica 56
Sabara ib.
Caethé, S. Joam, and S. José 58
Second Code of Laws ib.
Effects of mining upon the people 63
They flock from all parts to the Mines ib.
Decay of the Sugar Trade, and depopulation of the settlements on the coast 64
Government attempts in vain to prevent the emigration 65
D. Rodrigo da Costa Governor 66
Disputes concerning Nova Colonia ib.
War with Spain, and siege of Nova Colonia 67
The Portugueze evacuate the place 68
Luiz Cesar de Menezes Governor 69
Exemplary conduct of the Archbishop of Bahia 70
Fernam Carrilho Governor pro tempore at Para 71
D. Manoel Rolim Governor of Maranham ib.
Disputes with the Ouvidor ib.
Misconduct of the Capitam Mor 72
Jealousy in the Mines between the Paulistas and the Forasteiros 73
The Forasteiros chuse Manoel Nunes Viana for their head 74
War between them 76
Bento de Amaral sent to the Rio das Mortes 77
He massacres a party of Paulistas 78
The Governor of the Rio goes to the Mines 79
The people refuse to admit him ib.
Manoel Nunes persuades him to retire 80
Manoel Nunes prepares the way for the restoration of order 81
Antonio de Albuquerque goes to the Mines 82
The Paulistas invade the Mines 83
They attack the Rio das Mortes, and are repulsed 84
S. Paulo and the Mines formed into a new Captaincy ib.
D. Lourenço de Almada Governor General 85
State of Pernambuco ib.
Recife made a Town 86
This measure is opposed by the people of Olinda ib.
Arrest of some Pernambucan Nobles 88
Orders to disarm the people ib.
Attempt to assassinate the Governor ib.
Arrest of Andre Diaz de Figueiredo 89
The Bishop takes part with the discontented ib.
Insurrection of the Pernambucans 90
The Governor is induced to fly 91
The insurgents enter Recife ib.
Measures of the insurgents 93
The Bishop assumes the Government 95
Bernardo Vieira comes to Recife 96
Case of jealousy in his family, and deliberate murder ib.
Bernardo Vieira acts as leader of the republican party 97
The loyalists are roused by his designs 98
A counter-revolution effected in Recife 99
Arrest of Bernardo Vieira 100
The Bishop assents to the measures of the loyalists ib.
He goes upon false pretences to Olinda 102
He takes part with the insurgents, against Recife and the loyalists 103
Resolute conduct of the loyalists 105
The Bishop resigns the Government ib.
A new Governor arrives 106
Order is restored ib.
CHAPTER XXXIII.
Alarm of invasion at the Rio 108
The French land, and advance without opposition 109

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They enter the city 110
The Portugueze overpower them 111
Cruel usage of the prisoners 112
The French prepare a second expedition, under Du Guay Trouin 114
The English arrive off Brest too late to blockade it 115
Negligence of the Portugueze commanders ib.
The French enter the harbour 116
Wretched conduct of the Governor 117
The Portugueze abandon the city 119
The city taken and pillaged 120
Critical situation of the French 121
The city is ransomed 122
Fate of the French squadron 123
Alarm of the Portugueze cabinet 125
Pedro de Vasconcellos Governor 126
Impost of ten per cent. ib.
Insurrection at Bahia ib.
The Governor yields to the demands of the mob 128
They assemble again for the relief of the Rio ib.
Office of the Juiz do Povo abolished at Bahia 130
Marquez de Angeja Viceroy ib.
Fear of a second expedition from France 131
Designs of England upon South America apprehended ib.
Negociations with France at Utrecht 132
Difficulty respecting the commerce of Brazil 133
The Assiento 135
The Portugueze jealous of this treaty 137
Negociations with Spain ib.
The Portugueze eject the Spanish Missionaries upon the Orellana 142
Measures of Albuquerque in the Mines 143
Misconduct of the Friars and Clergy 144
Foreigners expelled from the Mines 145
S. Paulo made a city ib.
Regulations concerning grants of land 146
All Religioners banished from the Mines ib.
Manners of the Clergy 147
Regulation respecting arms 148
Distillation of spirits 149
Mines of Jacoabina discovered 150
New coinage ib.
Commutation for the fifths ib.
A Recolhimento founded at Bahia 151
Conde de Vimieiro Governor General ib.
Expedition against the Indians in Piauhy 153
Piauhy made a Captaincy 154
Progress of the Mines ib.
The Commutation Tax raised 156
Order for collecting the fifths 157
Insurrection in consequence ib.
The Conde do Assumar temporizes with the insurgents 158
He seizes the ringleaders 159
Second insurrection ib.
Severity of the Governor 160
Order is restored ib.
Minas Geraes made a separate Captaincy 161
CHAPTER XXXIV.
Foundation of the town of Tarija 162
The Chiriguanas 163
This tribe is reclaimed from cannibalism 163
F. Arce advised to go among the Chiquitos 167
Opposition made by the slave traders 168
Province of the Chiquitos 169
Arce arrives in time of pestilence 171
The Paulistas approach these settlements ib.
They are defeated by the Spaniards of Santa Cruz 172
The Chiriguana Missions abandoned 173
Attempt to communicate between the Guarani and Chiquito Reductions by the Paraguay 173
Navigation of the Paraguay 174
The party attacked by the Payaguas 175
Failure of the attempt 176
Peace made with the Payaguas, and broken 177
Second attempt, from the side of the Chiquitos 178
Success of the Missions 179
F. Cavallero goes among the Manacicas 180
The Manacicas ib.
Their mythology, as described by the Jesuits 181
Extravagant falsehoods of the Jesuits 184
Journey to the Land of the Departed 186
Cavallero's miraculous adventures 188
His martyrdom 191
A second expedition up the Paraguay 193
Arce reaches the Chiquitos 194
Martyrdom of Blende and Arce 195
Attempt to communicate by the Pilcomayo ib.
The Pilcomayo 196
The expedition is frustrated 197
Missions among the Moxos 198
Province of the Moxos ib.
Rivers which form the Madeira ib.
Baraza forms the first Reduction 199
Manners of the Moxo tribes 200

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Report of Amazons in the country 204
Baraza explores a way across the mountains to Peru 205
He goes among the Baures 206
The Great Paytiti 207
Martyrdom of Baraza 208
Flourishing state of the Moxo Missions at his death ib.
Uncertain boundary between the Spanish and Portugueze possessions in this part of the country 210
CHAPTER XXXV.
Antequera sent to Asumpcion as Judge 211
He takes upon himself the Government 212
The lawful Governor, D. Diego, is compelled to fly ib.
Antequera threatens the Reductions 213
He disobeys the Viceroy 215
Garcia Ros is instructed to re-establish D. Diego ib.
D. Diego seized at Corrientes and put in irons 216
Garcia Ros returns to Buenos Ayres 217
Disputes concerning the territory of Colonia ib.
The Portugueze determine to occupy the north bank of the Plata 219
They begin to fortify Monte Video ib.
The Spaniards compel them to withdraw 220
Montevideo founded by the Spaniards 222
Garcia Ros marches against Asumpcion 223
Antiquera prepares to oppose him 224
The Jesuits are expelled from Asumpcion ib.
Antiquera marches against Garcia Ros 225
He deceives and slaughters the Guaranies 226
He advances to the Parana Reductions 227
He returns to Asumpcion 228
The Coadjutor arrives at Asumpcion 229
Antequera flies 230
Barua appointed Governor ad interim 230
His misconduct 231
The Jesuits are restored 232
Antequera sent prisoner to Lima ib.
Faction of the Commons begun by Mompo 233
Barua resigns his office 234
Soroeta arrives at Asumpcion, and is compelled to withdraw 236
Barreyro protects the Jesuits ib.
He arrests Mompo 237
Is compelled to fly ib.
Antequera condemned and put to death 238
The people of Asumpcion are incensed at his death, and expel the Jesuits 239
Intrigues of the Bishop of Buenos Ayres with the Commons 240
Ruiloba appointed Governor 242
He is murdered by the insurgents 243
Subjugation of the insurgents ib.
CHAPTER XXXVI.
D. Lourenço de Almeida Governor of Minas Geraes 246
Fifths reestablished ib.
Danger from the Negroes 247
Laws respecting fugitive slaves 248
Jealousy concerning the people of colour 250
Improved method of mining ib.
Laws respecting water 251
Advance of salaries 252
Restrictions upon emigration to Brazil 254
Discovery of the Mines of Cuyaba ib.
Journey from S. Paulo to Cuyaba 255
The Tieté 255
The Rio Pardo 256
Danger from the Payaguas 257
Settlement of Cuyaba 260
A way by land opened ib.
Tyranny of the Lemes 261
They are put to death ib.
Restraints upon mining 262
Relaxation of the Laws of the Mines 263
Coiners and false mints 264
Capitation again attempted 265
Gomes Freyre Governor of Minas Geraes 268
The King's Letter to him ib.
Capitation and Shop Tax 271
Discovery of Diamonds 274
Consequences of this discovery 275
Plans for regulating the extraction 276
Opinion of Dr. Joam Mendes 278
Contract for extracting diamonds 280
Effect upon the diamond trade 281
Description of Minas Geraes 282
The Forbidden District of the Diamonds 284
Disputes between Portugal and Spain 286
Prosperity of Nova Colonia ib.
Salcedo attacks it 287
Activity of the Portugueze Governor 289
Progress of the siege ib.
The siege converted into a blockade 291
The siege is raised 293
Cessation of hostilities ib.
Conduct of the Spaniards 294
France proposes to Spain a partition of the Portugueze dominions 296

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CHAPTER XXXVII.
Growing importance of Montevideo 299
The French East India Company occupy the isle of Fernam de Noronha 300
They are expelled from it 301
Present state of the island 303
Goyaz first explored by Manoel Correa 305
Bartholomeu Bueno the second explorer ib.
Bueno the son makes the first settlement ib.
The colony flourishes 306
Goyaz made a Captaincy 308
Mines discovered at Mato Grosso ib.
Sufferings of the first adventurers 309
Communication opened with Goyaz ib.
The Bororos ib.
Expedition of Manoel Felix de Lima down the rivers 310
The Campos dos Parecis 311
Fourteen of the party turn back 312
Voyage down the Guapore 313
They rashly provoke the natives 316
They meet some converted Indians 317
One of these undertake to guide them 318
They come to the Reduction of S. Miguel 319
State of that Mission 322
Precarious condition of the Missionary 323
Departure of the Portugueze 325
They ascend the river Ubay 326
Their reception at S. Maria Magdalena 327
Flourishing state of this Reduction 328
The Jesuit makes a display of his force 329
Some of the party proceed to the Missions on the Mamore 331
Manoel Felix is sent away from Magdalena 332
Voyage down the Madeira 333
The canoe wrecked 335
They find a canoe 337
They narrowly escape the Muras 338
Distress for food 339
They reach a Jesuit settlement 340
Former navigation of the Madeira ib.
Manoel Felix sent to Lisbon 341
His extravagant demands and miserable fate 342
Return of his companions from Exaltacion 343
Their second expedition to the Missions 344
The Spaniards push their settlements on the side of Mato Grosso 347
Portugueze in Ilha Grande on the Guapore 348
Expedition from Para to Mato Grosso 350
They come to S. Rosa 353
State of S. Rosa ib.
They touch at S. Miguel 354
Misfortunes at Ilha Grande 356
Distress of the party 358
Intercourse between Para and Mato Grosso 359
Drought in Mato Grosso 360
Discovery of salt 361
Progress of the Portugueze from Para 362
Course of Savage emigration from South to North 363
State of Para 364
State of the Aldeas ib.
Disputes between the Jesuits and Carmelites 366
Unpopularity of the Jesuits ib.
System of the Aldeas 368
Manner in which they were supported 369
Exemptions from servitude 370
Intercourse of the Portugueze with the Aldeas 371
Prevalence of the Tupi language 372
Chain of Missions throughout Brazil and the adjoining countries ib.
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
First cattle introduced into Paraguay 374
Their rapid increase 376
The natives become beef-eaters and horsemen 377
The Mbayas obtain horses ib.
Their mode of fighting 379
Alliance between the Guaycurus and Payaguas 380
They fall upon the Portugueze 381
The Portugueze fit out flotillas against them ib.
The Portugueze seek for peace 383
Treachery of the Savages ib.
Practice of abortion among the Mbayas and Guaycurus 384
Fashions and habitations of the Mbayas 385
Their degrees of rank 387
Female boxing-matches 388
Different languages for the married and single 389
Haughtiness of this nation 390
Their funerals 391
The Lenguas 392
The Calchaquis 394
The Mocobios, Tobas, and Abipones 397
Language of the Abipones ib.
Its capricious mutations 399
Their worship and their jugglers 400
Their superstition and longevity 401
Customs at marriage 402

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Infanticide and abortion 402
Their dread of death 403
Funeral customs 404
Mourning ib.
Mode of travelling 406
Weapons 407
Distinctions of rank 409
Ceremonies at the birth of a Chief 410
Industry of the women ib.
Deliberate madness 411
Notions respecting food 412
Tobacco used for the teeth 413
Leathern boats ib.
Their success against the Spaniards 414
Southern Equestrian Tribes 415
Their mourning customs 417
Wild horses 419
Manners of the Spanish herdsmen 421
Their furniture and food 423
Their employments 424
Their children, how bred up 425
Drinking houses ib.
State of religion 426
Freebooters 427
State of the agricultural population ib.
Schools 429
Medical practice ib.
State of the towns in the interior 430
Guarani more spoken than Spanish 431
Smoking 432
Education 433
Decay of military spirit 434
Defenceless state of the people 436
Ravages of the equestrian tribes 437
People of Santiago del Estero 438
The Jesuits pacify the Abipones 440
CHAPTER XXXIX.
Characters of Ferdinand VI and his Queen 442
Treaty of Limits 443
Seven Reductions ceded in this Treaty by Spain 448
Reasons for ordering the inhabitants to remove 449
This part of the treaty imputed, with little probability, to Gomes Freyre 450
The Jesuits remonstrate against the stipulation 451
Sullen acquiescence of the inhabitants 452
The country reconnoitred in search of places for the new settlements ib.
The Spanish Commissioners precipitate the migration 454
Insurrection at S. Nicholas 455
The emigration from S. Miguel is begun 456
The people revolt, and recall the emigrants ib.
The other Reductions determine on resistance 457
Their appeal to the Spanish Governor 458
Perilous situation of the Jesuits 460
The Guaranies compel a party of the Commissioners to retire 461
War declared against the Seven Reductions 462
The Jesuits offer to resign their authority in all the Reductions 463
Commencement of hostilities upon the Rio Pardo 464
Capture and escape of Sepe Tyarayu 466
Entrance and retreat of the Spaniards 467
Proceedings at Yapeyu 468
Advance of the Portugueze to the Jacuy 469
Gomes Freyre makes a truce and retires 471
Hopes of the Jesuits 472
Efforts of their enemies 473
Fable of King Nicolas ib.
Second campaign 475
Danger of the Portugueze army from fire 477
Junction of the Spaniards and Portugueze ib.
Inactivity of the Guaranies 478
Death of Sepe Tyarayu ib.
Letters found after his death 480
Slaughter of the Guaranies at Caaibata 482
Pass of Monte Grande 485
Letter from the Reductions to the Spanish General 488
Passage of the Chiriaby abandoned 491
The armies come in sight of S. Miguels 492
Destruction of that town 493
The Guaranies submit 495
The greater number take to the woods 496
Expulsion of those who submit ib.
Gomes Freyre refuses to take possession of the ceded country 497
Zeballos arrives at the Reductions 498
He inquires into the conduct of the Jesuits 499
Entire acquittal of the Jesuits 500
Delays in executing, and final annulment of the Treaty 501
CHAPTER XL.
Character of Pombal 505
His brother is made Governor of Maranham and Para 506

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Injudicious conduct on his arrival 507
He visits the Jesuit Aldeas 508
Accusations against the Jesuits 509
Falshood of those accusations 510
Publication of the Bull Immensa Pastorum 511
Pombal's views with respect to the Indians 512
Law for the abolishment of Indian slavery 513
Law for depriving the Missionaries of their temporal power 514
The Aldeas converted into Towns and Townlets 515
Mutiny of the troops on the Rio Negro 516
Fresh accusations against the Jesuits 517
They send home a memorial against the Governor 518
Regulations concerning the Indians 522
Charges against the Jesuits presented to the Pope 536
A Visitor and Reformer of the Company appointed 537
Mandate of the Visitor concerning the trade of the Jesuits ib.
Attempt to assassinate the King of Portugal 540
The Jesuits condemned as accomplices 541
They are deported from Para and Maranham ib.
Conduct of the Archbishop of Bahia 543
Different conduct of the Bishop of the Rio 545
Fate of the Brazilian Jesuits 546
CHAPTER XLI.
Companies of Maranham and Pernambuco established 548
The British Factory affected by these monopolies 550
The Maranham Company produces a good effect 551
Whaling Company 553
Salt contract 554
The Donatories extinguished 555
The laws enforced in Goyaz 556
War with France and Spain 557
Colonia besieged and taken by Zeballos 558
Defeat of an English and Portugueze squadron before Colonia 560
Zeballos advances against Rio Grande 563
Rio Grande de S. Pedro, and the Lagoa dos Patos 564
The Carijos 565
First occupation of Rio Grande by the Portugueze 568
The Spaniards expel them from S. Pedro 569
The Commander of S. Teresa put to death 570
Proceedings on the Mato Grosso and Moxo frontiers 571
Villa Bella founded 572
Disputes with the Jesuits of the Baures Missions 573
The Portugueze occupy the Sitio das Pedras ib.
They take possession of the site of S. Rosa, 574
and give it the name of Conceiçam 575
The Governor of S. Cruz de la Sierra remonstrates ib.
D. Antonio goes to Conceiçam 577
Appearance of a Spanish force, and notice of the war in Europe 578
D. Antonio surrenders the command to N. Senhora da Conceiçam 579
Activity and confidence of the Portugueze 581
They attack and plunder S. Miguels 583
Retreat of the Spaniards 584
Peace of Paris ib.
Rio Grande forcibly retained by the Spaniards ib.
Seat of Government removed to the Rio 585
Conde da Cunha, Viceroy ib.
The Brazilians forbidden to send their daughters to nunneries in Portugal 586
Laws respecting the New Christians 587
The trade opened for single ships 589
Inhabitants of Mazagam removed to Para ib.
Colonists sent to Brazil 590
Laws against vagabonds 591
The Capitation abolished, and the fifths resumed 592
Commencement of the decay of the Mines 593
Gold fraudulently debased 594
Law against the Goldsmiths 595
Affairs of Goyaz 596
War with the Cayapos 597
Peace with the Goaitacazes 599
Reappearance of the Aymores 600
Great Britain appealed to concerning Rio Grande ib.
Bucarelli, Governor of Buenos Ayres 601
The Portugueze repossess themselves of Rio Grande by force ib.
CHAPTER XLII.
Zeballos recalled from the Plata 603
State of the Reductions 604
Improvements introduced by the Jesuits 606
Outcry against the Company 607
Orders for their expulsion 608
The Jesuits seized in the College of Cordoba 609
Destruction of their papers 610

VOL. III. C

[page] xviii

Page
Cruel treatment of the Jesuits 611
The Reductions delivered up to the Viceroy 612
The American Jesuits banished into Italy 613
New system of government in the Reductions 614
Ruin of these establishments 616
Some of the Guaranies fly into Brazil ib.
Rupture between the Guaycurus and Payaguas 617
The Payaguas settle at Asumpcion ib.
Their arts and customs 618
Annual ceremony which they practise at Asumpcion 620
Foundation of Praça dos Prazeres 622
Ravages of the Guaycurus ib.
Nova Coimbra founded 623
Forte do Principe de Beira founded 624
The Diamond Contract ib.
Diamond Demarcation in Goyaz 625
Ruin of the Contractors ib.
Pombal's Regulations for the Forbidden District 626
Effect of these Laws 637
Manner of working the Diamond Mines 639
Effect of the system 642
Conde de Azambuja, Viceroy 643
Marquez de Lavradio, Viceroy ib.
Inhospitable treatment of ships in distress ib.
Academy of Natural History instituted ib.
The Spaniards send an armament against Brazil 644
Island of S. Catharina 646
The island vilely surrendered 648
Zeballos proceeds against Colonia 649
Capture of Colonia 650
Ill treatment of the prisoners 651
Second Treaty of Limits 652
Death of King Jozé, and disgrace of Pombal 654
Extinction of the Companies of Maranham and Pernambuco 655
CHAPTER XLIII.
Praça dos Prazeres destroyed 657
Encroachment of the Spaniards 658
Treachery of the Guaycurus ib.
The Guaycurus make peace with the Spaniards of Paraguay 661
They attack the Chiquito Missions ib.
They make peace with the Portugueze 662
Present state of the Guaycurus 664
The Cayapos reduced 674
Attempt to reduce the Chavantes 675
Route explored by the Araguaya from Goyaz to Para 676
Expedition against the Canoeiros 677
Conde de Rezende, Viceroy 678
Conspiracy in Minas Geraes 679
Cause of discontent ib.
Plans of the conspirators 681
Discovery of the conspiracy 683
Sentence of the conspirators 684
Abolition of the Salt Contract 686
War with Spain 687
State of the Guarani Reductions ib.
Expedition against the Seven Reductions 688
The Portugueze retain them after the Peace 690
Treaty of Madrid 691
Conde dos Arcos, Viceroy 692
Expedition down the Rio Pardo ib.
Removal of the Court of Portugal to Brazil 694
CHAPTER XLIV.
View of the state of Brazil 696
Captaincy General of Gram Para 697
Effect of Pombal's regulations concerning the Indians ib.
Ill consequences of the Demarcation to the Indians 698
Their miserable state in many places 700
Their number kept up by fugitive hordes 701
Province of the Solimoens ib.
Fort Tabatinga 702
S. Jozé ib.
Olivenca ib.
Remains of the Omagua nation 703
Nogueira ib.
Ega 704
Mode of debauching with the leaves of the Ipadu 705
Alvellos ib.
Spotted Indians 706
Crato 707
Extent and natural advantages of this province ib.
Captaincy of the Rio Negro 709
Fort S. Jozé ib.
Communication with the Orinoco ib.
Lamalonga ib.
Ajuricaba, the Slave Hunter 710
Thomar 711
Moreira 712
Insurrection of the Indians in 1757 ib.
Barcellos 714
Poyares 715

[page] xix

Carvoeiro 715
Rio Branco 716
Moura 717
Town of Rio Negro 718
Settlements on the Japura 719
S. Mathias 720
The Yucunas ib.
S. Antonio 721
The Xomanes and the Passés 722
Copernican system, and chivalry of the Passés ib.
The Muras 723
Town of Borba 725
The Muras take shelter there from the Mundrucus ib.
Serpa 727
The Guarani drink 728
Sylves ib.
Faro 730
Obidos ib.
Alemquer 731
Montalegre ib.
Outeiro 732
Almeirim 733
Mazagam ib.
Villa Vistoza ib.
Macapa 734
Santarem, on the Tapajoz ib.
Villa Franca 735
Aldea of the Mundrucus ib.
Towns on the Xingu ib.
Gurupa 736
Melgaço ib.
Portel ib.
Oeyras ib.
Cameta, on the Tocantins 737
Country between the Tocantins and the Sea 738
Villa Nova ib.
Cintra ib.
Vigia ib.
Gurupy 739
Cayte, or Braganza ib.
Ilha dos Joanes ib.
City of Para 741
People of Para 742
Cruel treatment of the slaves 743
Happy condition of the better colonists 744
Captaincy of Maranham ib.
City of S. Luiz 745
Trib s in the interior 746
Internal trade of Maranham 747
River Itapicurú 748
Aldeias Altas ib.
Arrayal do Principe 749
Communication by the Tocantins 749
River Meary 750
Difficult communication with the South by sea 751
Captaincy of Piauhy 752
City of Oeyras ib.
Town of Parnaiba 753
Indians in Piauhy 754
State of the Fazendas 755
Trade in cattle 757
Captaincy of Seara 758
Town of Seara 759
Aracaty ib.
Crato 760
Villa Viçoza ib.
State of the Indians ib.
Productions of Seara 763
Captaincy of Rio Grande do Norte 764
City of Natal 765
Assió ib.
Portalegre ib.
Captaincy of Paraiba 766
City of Paraiba 767
Captaincy General of Pernambuco 768
Recife ib.
Olinda 771
Iguarassú 772
Goiana ib.
The Lagoas ib.
Inhabitants of the interior 773
Trade of the interior 775
Itinerant Priests 776
Improvement of manners 777
Valentoens, a base kind of knight-errantry ib.
Great families in Pernambuco 779
Condition of the slaves upon the great estates 780
Slaves upon the conventual estates ib.
Slaves of the small proprietors 782
Usual state of the slaves
Mitigations of slavery in Brazil 784
Frequent emancipations 785
Difficulty of escaping from slavery 786
Free Creole Negroes 787
Free people of colour ib.
Mamalucos ib.
Gypsies in Pernambuco ib.
Reductions of the last wild Indians 788
Improvement in horticulture ib.
Plants which afford a substitute for hemp and flax 789
River S. Francisco 790
Salt Trade from Pilam Arcado 791

[page] xx

Villa da Barra do Rio Grande 791
Town of O Penedo 792
Province of Seregipe d'El Rey 793
City of Seregipe ib.
Lawless state of the people 794
Captaincy of Bahia ib.
City of Bahia ib.
Cultivation of pepper 797
Internal trade of the Bay 799
Engenhos in Bahia 800
Town of Cachoeira 801
Sertoens of Bahia 802
Town of Jacobina ib.
Villa do Rio de Contas 803
Captaincy of Ilheos ib.
Interior still possessed by savages 804
The Mongoyos ib.
Town of Ilheos 805
Captaincy of Porto Seguro 807
The Botocudos ib.
Town of Porto Seguro 808
Villa Verde 809
Caravellas ib.
Belmonto 810
Captaincy of Espiritu Santo ib.
Porto de Sousa ib.
Villa Velha 811
Villa de Victoria ib.
Villa Nova d'Almeida 812
Captaincy General of Rio de Janeiro 813
City of the Rio ib.
Climate 815
Slaves 816
Population of the Captaincy 817
Cochineal ib.
Ilha Grande 818
River Paraiba do Sul ib.
Town of S. Salvador ib.
Captaincy of Minas Geraes 819
Villa Rica 820
Effect of the Mines ib.
Marianna 821
S. Joam d'El Rey 822
Sabara 823
Caeté ib.
Sucurys and Sucuriús ib.
Villa do Principe 824
Tejuco ib.
Destruction of the woods 825
State of the Mines 826
State of Society 828
Improvement in Minas Geraes 831
Captaincy General of Goyaz 833
Villa Boa 834
Meiafronte ib.
State of the Mines 835
Forbidden District in Goyaz 836
Revenues 837
Captaincy General of Mato Grosso 838
Villa Bella ib.
Decline of the Trade with Para ib.
Villa Real de Cuyaba 839
S. Pedro d' El Rey 840
Villa Maria ib.
Forbidden District in Mato Grosso 841
Forte do Principe de Beira ib.
Moxo Missions ib.
Settlement on the Madeira 843
State of the Indians ib.
Captaincy General of Paulo 845
City of S. Paulo ib.
Bahia de Santos 849
Road to S. Paulo ib.
Santos 850
S. Vicente ib.
Island of S. Sebastian 851
Cananea ib.
Paranagua 852
Curytiba ib.
Thaubaté 853
Sorocaba ib.
Hitú 854
Savages in the Captaincy of S. Paulo ib.
Manner of travelling 855
Small-pox 856
Revenues 857
Population ib.
Province of S. Catharina 858
Island of S. Catharina ib.
N. Senhora de Desterro 859
Slaves 861
Climate and Diseases ib.
Island of S. Francisco 862
Inhabitants on the main land ib.
Whale Fishery 863
Population ib.
Province of Rio Grande do Sul 864
Portalegre 865
S. Pedro ib.
Population 866
Destruction of cattle ib.
State of the grazing farms 867
Mules 868
Sheep ib.
Shepherd's Dogs 869
Conclusion ib.

[page 1]

HISTORY OF BRAZIL.

CHAPTER XXXI.

Measures of Gomes Freyre at Maranham. Expedition against the tribes on the Orellana. Settlement of the French at Cayene. Mathias da Cunha Governor General. Mutiny at Bahia. Antonio Luiz Goncalez da Camara Coutinho. D. Joam de Lancastro. Money coined in Brazil. War against the Negroes of the Palmares. Disputes with France concerning the boundary. Death of Vieyra. Troubles excited by the Bishop of Maranham.

CHAP. XXXI. 1686.

Measures of Gomes Freyre at Maranham.

After Gomes Freyre had seized the ringleaders of the rebellion in Maranham, his first business was to restore all those persons to their offices who had been deprived of them by the usurping government. He re-established the monopoly, rightly perceiving, that if its abolition should be deemed expedient, the measure ought to proceed from the legitimate authority; and he recalled the exiled Jesuits from Para. The good policy of bringing out persons connected by ties of relationship with the inhabitants of S. Luiz was now experienced; through their means the disaffected were conciliated, and he obtained full information concerning the public feeling and the characters of individuals. He appointed the most useful of these persons to such

VOL. III. B

[page] 2

CHAP. XXXI. 1686.

posts of honour and emolument as were vacant, and rewarded others with grants of land on the coast, or in the interior, .. sparing thus a treasury which was not in a condition to answer the demands upon it, and improving the colony. In order the better to regulate the affairs of this turbulent State, he desired the Camara of Belem to come to S. Luiz, not thinking it proper as yet to leave Maranham himself: on their arrival he entertained the senates of the two cities with a feast, in which every article was the produce of the mother country; America, it is said, having furnished nothing more than the wood and water for dressing it. The dinner was the worse for this; but it displayed the character of the man: for on all former occasions, when there was any surplus from a Governor's sea stores, it had been sold at a high price.

Domingos Teyxeyra. 2. 2. § 212—220. Berredo. § 1345.

The monopoly abolished.

Having convened the two Camaras for business, and received them with as much ceremony as the circumstances of the place permitted, he addressed them upon the state of the country. The necessity of agricultural labourers, he said, was manifest, and means therefore must be taken for introducing slaves from Africa. The Indians were to be reserved for a more important service; that some being domesticated might induce others to subjection, and all when properly instructed contribute to the increase of Christendom in these wide regions; .. an object which would be frustrated, if the Portugueze should persist in wrongfully enslaving men, who although rude by nature and fierce by custom, were nevertheless by inheritance owners of the land, and had enjoyed an uninterrupted possession of it till the Portugueze arrived. To promote this holy end, the appointments of the clergy should be doubled, and the number of missionaries increased. He then requested that the Chambers would deliberate concerning the continuance of the monopoly, and the means of importing Negroes in a manner less expensive to the

[page] 3

CHAP. XXXI. 1686.

Teyxeyra. 2. 2. § 220—226. Berredo. § 1345.

inhabitants; whose interest, he said, the King considered more than any augmentation of revenue. They were desired to deliver their opinions in writing by a certain day: the result was a conviction in his mind, that the monopoly must be abolished, on account of the scandalous frauds which the agents of the Company had practised.

General distress in Maranham.

He now made up his dispatches for Portugal. Among the principal causes of the late troubles, he pointed out the vile conduct of some of the clergy, who, neglecting their duties and unmindful of their profession, had upon the plea of necessity, betaken themselves to trade, and had been foremost in exciting discontent, sedition, and rebellion. The state of the people, he said, was deplorably bad; and should the debts for food and raiment which they had unavoidably incurred for want of slaves, be rigidly exacted, they would have no alternative but to beg their bread, or seek their fortune elsewhere. The Engenhos were in ruins. It deserved consideration, that the same principle which was admitted as authorizing the Portugueze in purchasing Negroes from the Cape de Verds, Angola, Mozambique, and other parts of Africa, applied with equal force to the natives of America. The manners of the Tapuyas were as savage, their wars with each other were as bloody, their religion was not better: and when the Portugueze were at war with them, it was found that no lives were spared now that slavery had been abolished. He advised that the King should take upon himself the business of ransoming cord-Indians by means of the Missionaries, neither the Governor nor any other person interfering; .. a system which would have differed little from Vieyra's, if one Order had been exclusively employed.

Teyxeyra. 2. 2. § 226—229.

Expedition against the savages on the Meary.

He proposed also to relieve the distress at S. Luiz, by drafting from its population for a new settlement. For this purpose a party was sent to examine the coast toward the South:

[page] 4

CHAP. XXXI. 1686.

they fixed upon the country between the rivers Itacú and Mony, there being so good a landing place near the mouth of the former stream, that a plank might be laid from the canoe to the shore. These rivers approach so nearly in the interior as almost to form a Delta: and it was thought that two forts at the neck of this peninsula might secure it against the savages: for many tribes had retired into this part of the country, flying from the adventurers in Piauhi, on one side, and on the other from the Paulistas who descended the Tocantins. Having proposed this plan to the Court, Gomes Freyre sent an expedition against the savages who infested the Meary, where there had been formerly so many Engenhos that the state was supplied from thence with sugar and produce of various kinds, and there remained a considerable surplus for exportation. All these had been destroyed, or were fallen to decay, and some runaway slaves who had taken possession of a deserted establishment had been massacred by the Indians. A considerable force for such warfare was appointed, consisting of one hundred Portugueze troops, and two hundred and thirty Tapuyas, under Joam Sarayva. He advanced some days' journey up the river, discovered an ambuscade which had been skilfully laid for him, defeated the savages, with considerable loss on their part and only that of one soldier on his, and then returned; for which he was censured by the people, and put under arrest by Gomes Freyre, his error of judgement being thought injurious to the reputation of the Portugueze arms. The Governor determined to erect a fort upon this river. A party was sent to chuse a good situation; and upon an eminence well suited to their purpose, they found a Nossa Senhora dressed in silk, lying upon the ground, uninjured by exposure to the weather. It was immediately inferred, that the savages had brought it there from some church or chapel which they had destroyed: the preservation

[page] 5

CHAP. XXXI. 1686.

The way from Maranham to Bahia explored.

of the dress was imputed to the virtue of the image: so a fort and settlement were established here under the name and patronage of S. Maria, and the river Meary was thought secure under the care of so powerful a protectress. Gomes Freyre was desirous that a way should be explored to Bahia through the interior. Joam Velho do Valle undertook to make the attempt: he made peace as he went with some tribes upon the Mony, the Itapicuru, and the Parnaiba; some Portugueze had settled upon the latter river, and it was desirable to secure their communication with Seara. The adventurer continued his perilous journey, and made a map of his route; but the fatigue and hardships which he underwent proved fatal, and he reached Bahia in a dying state.

Teyxeyra. 2. 2. § 246—269. 280—285. Do. 2. 3. § 2.

Gomes Freyre reforms the abuses of his predecessors.

Teyxeyra. 2. 2. § 277—278.

Teyxeyra. § 286—7.

Gomes Freyre's predecessors had arrogated to themselves the power of giving commissions in the Ordenança, a right which properly appertained to the Camara and they had abused it, to the great detriment of the state; .. giving them to persons who held them only two or three months, and becoming noble in consequence, were exempted from public duties and certain public burthens. The Camara complained to him of this; he saw the evil of thus multiplying a privileged class by illicit means, and gave orders, that in future the right of nominating to the vacant commissions should be exercised throughout the state by the Chambers of the respective towns. After waiting some time at S. Luiz in expectation of being relieved by a successor, or at least that some person would arrive from the Kingdom to whom he might transfer the Captaincy of Maranham while he proceeded to Para, where his presence was daily becoming more desirable, he appointed to the command Balthazar de Seyxas Coutinho, who had retired into the interior during the rebellion. This done, he departed for Belem; and coasting the whole way, made a chart of the perilous course. No Governor had ever

[page] 6

CHAP. XXXI. 1686.

He convinces the Bishop of his imprudence.

been received at Belem with more display of honour, nor with such real joy: he had made himself respected by his firmness; and his conduct toward the widow and daughters of Beckman had won for him the love of the people. A delicate task awaited him here, and the more painful because of his religious feelings. The Bishop was at variance with the civil authorities; accusations had been preferred against him at Court, which although exaggerated, were not without some ground; and Gomes Freyre was instructed to examine into the affair, and if it were necessary, send him to Portugal. It was not necessary to proceed so far; but the Prelate's deportment had not been irreprehensible, and Gomes Freyre had to represent to him the faults which he had committed. That this might be done in the tenderest manner, he paid him a private visit, late in the evening and without attendants; entered into conversation with him till he perceived that the Bishop had recovered from the surprise which such a visit occasioned, and then kneeling at his feet, solicited a hearing. The Bishop naturally supposed that he came for ghostly counsel; and was not a little astonished, instead of the confession which he expected, to hear a recapitulation of his own offences: but this representation was made so kindly, so gently, so wisely, as well as so forcibly, that the old man was completely overcome by it, and wept like a child: he saw his error and acknowledged it, and promised to amend it. This promise he fulfilled so well, that the remainder of his life was useful and acceptable to the people, and honourable to himself.

Teyxeyra. 2.3. § 1—35.

The Orellana infested by hostile tribes.

Para no longer enjoyed that state of peace which Vieyra and his zealous comrades had established with the Indians far and near. Under the government of Francisco de Sa, Gonçalo Paes de Araujo went with an expedition up the river to treat with the Caravares, a tribe who desired to place themselves under the

[page] 7

CHAP. XXXI. 1686.

protection of the Portugueze. Ground was chosen where they should establish their village, and a small party under Gonçalo Paes himself went forward to begin to clear the land. They came to the country of the Taquanhapes and 1 Gerunas, who inhabited the banks and the islands of the Xingu. These tribes had long been upon good terms with the Portugueze; but now, in the hope of cutting off this detachment, (enmity to the Caravares being perhaps their motive) they offered to shew them a place near at hand which abounded with wild cinnamon, and thus decoyed them into an ambush. One of the Portugueze was killed. The domestic Indians fought bravely, and perished to a man; thirty of the Caravares fell also, displaying the most undaunted courage, and a sense of honour which had seldom been found among these people. Gonçalo Paes, being severely wounded, was carried by these faithful Indians from the field, while their companions kept up a desultory fight, falling back continually upon the Portugueze, who retired in a compact body, and protected them with their fire-arms. In this manner they effected their retreat to the country of the Caravares, where Paes was hospitably entertained, and cured of his wound. Other tribes were emboldened by this successful outrage to take arms; the Aroaquizes and Caripatenas cut off many trading parties, and the Portugueze could no longer navigate the Orellana without imminent danger. The Gerunas manned a flotilla of more than thirty canoes, and carried as a standard in the Cacique's boat, the head of one Antonio Rodriguez, a serjeant whom they had slain.

Teyxeyra. 2. 3. § 36—62.

An expedition sent against them from Belem.

To chastise these savages was not merely justifiable in itself, it was necessary for the well being, and even the existence of the

1 Probably the Juruunas, who are described, Vol. 2, p. 510.

[page] 8

CHAP. XXXI. 1686.

Vol. 2. p. 614.

Portugueze: but the State was ill able to fit out an expedition. Men, stores, and vessels were wanting; the treasury was empty, and the Aldeas were not as Vieyra had left them: some had been forsaken, others nearly depopulated by disease, by ill treatment, or by the losses which they had suffered during these harrassing hostilities. It was now perceived of what importance it is that the Governor should possess the confidence of the people. Gomes Freyre asked the inhabitants to come forward in this emergency, and lend the government as many canoes as they could spare. He might have demanded them; the people, thankful for this moderation, and sensible of the necessity of the measure, gave him at once all that were in the port, contributed five hundred alqueires of farinha, offered slaves to supply the want of boatmen, and volunteered themselves for the expedition. The Capitam Mor, Hilario de Sousa, took the command, .. better employed now than on his bootless mission to Beckman. Forty Portugueze were drafted from the garrison of Maranham; Belem furnished fourscore: one hundred and twenty Indians were all that could be collected there. They sailed at the close of the year, and coming to Camutá, found a reinforcement of canoes and Indians made ready for them by Antonio de Albuquerque Coelho. A village of Nheengaibas on the banks of the Aracuru, where they touched, was nearly deserted, the greater part of the inhabitants having removed to the Cabo do Norte, allured there by the French at Cayenne, from whom they obtained fire-arms, and set the Portugueze at defiance. Sousa threatened them for this contraband intercourse, but had neither time nor instructions to do more. He proceeded to Curupá, a place so dilapidated and neglected, notwithstanding the importance of this post, that its almost dismantled fort had no better garrison than two officers and fifteen invalids. Here therefore he left a reinforcement, and here he

[page] 9

CHAP. XXXI. 1687.

ordered stores to be collected from Xingú, an Aldea three days' journey distant, upon the river of the same name, that on his return he might punish the Taquanhapes. The flotilla now entered the great river. The first place where it anchored was in a port called Jagacará: the adjoining Aldea was deserted, and when the Chief was found, it appeared that the inhabitants were afraid of military service, being so unwarlike a tribe that it was said many of them would not make a soldier. Leaving them therefore to enjoy the benefit of their unwarlike habits, the expedition took a supply of fiercer allies from Cassary, an Aldea of the Aratus, where all the men eagerly volunteered; .. they were a people who loved war for its own sake, and disdained the spoils.

Teyxeyra. 2. 3. § 63. 88.

Success of the enterprize.

The expedition now crost to the left bank, to some Aldeas of the Tapajozes, and Aruryucuzes, .. warlike tribes who would gladly have joined it, but were reserved for nearer operations against the Taquanhapes; a few only were received under Sebastian Orucurá, the baptized Chief of Curupatubá. Having proceeded some way further, and touched at all the Aldeas upon the way, Sousa detached a party in light canoes to reconnoitre the river of the Aroaquizes, and take a prisoner if possible. They came up with some canoes; the men on board fought when they found it useless to fly, and the Portugueze Indians in their ferocity gave no quarter, but put every man to death; frustrating thus the purpose for which they were sent. The flotilla now entered this labyrinth of waters, and captured three Indians in a small canoe; they belonged to an Aldea which the Carapitenas had laid waste, and these persons were embassadors to solicit aid from their allies for revenging the wrongs they had sustained. The Portugueze accompanied them to their Aldea, and found it as they had affirmed, in ruins. By this time the news of the armament had spread far and wide. The war-

VOL. III. C

[page] 10

CHAP. XXXI. 1687.

riors who had committed this last aggression, knew their danger and fled; but Sousa, knowing the nature of these savages, sent messengers up the rivers Negro and Amatary offering rewards to those who would deliver up the offenders; so they perished by the hands of those from whom they sought protection. Having well examined the islands in the river which they were now navigating; taken observations, and laid down its shoals, they proceeded to a rapid1 in the Orellana, which was navigable when the waters were full: at this time it was necessary to land, open a way through the thicket, and tow up sixty of the lighter canoes, leaving the rest behind. Having arrived at the first Taba, or town of the Carapitenas, Sousa landed and surprized the place. Sharp stakes had been concealed in the pathway to lame or impale their enemies: this however availed them little, and after slight opposition they abandoned the town, leaving many prisoners in the conquerors' hands. Many other of their settlements were destroyed, and all their canoes taken; and Sousa intrenching himself on the banks of the river, sent Braz de Barros with two hundred men, chiefly Indians of the Aldeas, to pursue the fugitives by land. He followed them eight days before he overtook and defeated them. While the expedition was rejoicing for this success, their spies brought intelligence that the main strength of the enemy was collecting in Caysáva, a place two days' journey

2 Chegaram os nossos à primeyra cachoeyra ou catadupa, em que todo o pezo das aguas do Rio das Amazonas se despeuha; e como se achasse demasiadamente deminuido fazia quasi impraticavel a passage das embarcaçoens. (Teyxeyra, 2. 3. § 100.) Teyxeyra is the only author who mentions any interruption of this kind in the navigation of the Orellana; .. it is very possible that he has supposed the expedition to be in that river, when they were engaged in one of its tributary streams.

[page] 11

CHAP. XXXI. 1687.

distant, the largest and strongest of all their towns. Several detachments had been made from the camp, so that it consisted at this time of only seventy Portugueze, and four hundred and seventy Indians; but all these were chosen men, fit for the severest service which could be required from flesh and blood. A guard was left for the canoes, and Sousa marched against Caysáva with the main force. Some skirmishes occurred upon the way, in which the Portugueze Indians spared neither sex nor age. Terrified at the approach of such enemies, the savages forsook the Taba; they were hunted through the woods during fifteen days, many were slain, and many reserved for the worse lot of captivity. Sousa had now compleated his work with the Aroaquizes and Carapitenas. The skulls and the arms and leg bones of Joam Cascalho and another Chief, his comrade in this rebellion as it was termed, were sent him from the river Negro, and the other Chiefs whose death was in like manner thought necessary for securing the navigation of the Orellana, were slain in the Amatary where they had sought refuge. It was found that the French from Cayenne had ascended as high as the Rio dos Tamurás, exchanging fire-arms for produce and slaves: Sousa reprehended the Indians severely for this traffic, yet he admitted their excuse, that since the Portugueze were prohibited from purchasing slaves they had no other means of disposing of their prisoners. The season was now too far advanced for the intended operations against the Taquanhapes; the flotilla therefore returned to Belem, not having lost a single Portugueze during a campaign of six months. More than one thousand Indians had been put to death, and about half as many were brought back in chains.

Teyxeyra. 2. 3. § 89—144.

Attempts of various nations to colonize in Guiana.

The neighbourhood of the French was now becoming an object of serious disquiet in Para. From the Plata to the Wiapoc,

[page] 12

CHAP. XXXI. 1608.

Relation of the Voyage to Guiana. Harl. Misc. vol. 3, p. 196. (8vo edit.)

Do. 184.

About 1631.

Des Marchais, t. 3, p. 75.

Portugal claimed the country by virtue of Pope Alexander's demarcation 3; but all the maritime powers disputed the title. Early in the seventeenth century, Robert Harcourt took possession by turf and twig of all between the Orellana and Orinoco, for England, in the name of James I., with an exception of such parts as might at that time be actually possessed by any other Christian Prince or State: James in return made Harcourt a grant of the whole territory from the former river to the Essequibo; but although no man seems to have been better qualified for conducting a colony than this adventurous gentleman, the scheme was frustrated, .. it is not recorded how. Ralegh's rash enterprize, in which plunder and not colonization was the object, met the ill fortune which it deserved; and of the subsequent attempts made by daring men of different countries to establish themselves about the Cabo do Norte, and up the great river, no other memorials are to be found, than the brief notice of the destruction inflicted on them by the Portugueze. In one of Ralegh's expeditions, Keymiss observed the excellent harbour at Cayenne, and named it Port Howard. Harcourt also reconnoitred it, and remarked its capabilities of defence. Some French adventurers settled here shortly after the first establishment of their countrymen in St. Kitt's; not thinking it prudent to fix themselves nearer the Cabo do Norte, because the determined policy of the Portugueze to root out all interlopers, had been too severely experienced by their predecessors. They had no commission from the Crown, neither were they in the service of any Company: instead of attempting to conciliate the natives, which, as had been shown by Harcourt's example,

3 The map upon which this famous line was drawn, was in the museum of Cardinal Borgia at Veletri, in the year 1797. D. Nicolas de la Cruz. T. 5. p. 4.

[page] 13

CHAP. XXXI. 1631.

might easily have been done, they took part in their disputes, and joined the Galibes against the Caribs: but these Frenchmen were not practised in such warfare, like the Portugueze. Their friends were defeated; the huts which they had constructed were destroyed; many were made prisoners and eaten, and those who survived were glad to shelter themselves among their allies, and become naturalized as savages. A very few escaped, and made exaggerated reports in France of the advantages which the country possessed. A company was formed at Rouen upon their representations, and an expedition was sent out under M. Charles Poncet, Seigneur de Bretigny. The King appointed him Lieutenant General of the Country of the Cabo do Norte, which he largely interpreted to include the rivers Orellana and Orinoco, with all their islands, and the whole intermediate country. He took out between three and four hundred men, with whom he attempted to form settlements at Cayenne, Surinam, and Berbice: but being cruel by nature, and under no restraint, he fell into that 4 madness which the possession of absolute power induces in wicked dispositions; and having escaped one mutiny among his own people, he was deservedly killed by the savages. The enraged natives then attacked the French in their different quarters, and cut them off. About forty made their escape to St. Kitt's, and this unfortunate country was once more forsaken.

Paul Boyer. 137. 231. Du Tertre. 3. 11. Des Marchais. 3. 76—9.

4 He compelled men to tell him their dreams, and then punished them if the dreams were not to his liking. The settlement was surrounded with gallowses, gibbets, and wheels, all garnished up with whole or dismembered bodies! (Paul Boyer, p. 208—9.) He had a particular delight in inventing instruments of torture: .. one of these inventions he called Purgatory; another, Hell! Des Marchais, 3. 77.

[page] 14

CHAP. XXXI. 1631.

The French establish themselves at Cayenne. 1653.

1656.

Notwithstanding this ill success, the Company at Rouen sent out small parties from time to time, and continued to maintain a fortress at Cayenne, till eight years after M. de Bretigny's death; at which time a new Company was formed, upon the plea that the existing one had failed in its engagements with the Crown. This was effected through the influence of the Sieur de Royville, a Norman gentleman, who went out at the head of about seven hundred adventurers 5 of all ages. Twelve of the associates accompanied him, as Lords of the Colony. On the voyage these persons conspired against Royville, and murdered him in the night; and in the same spirit, as soon as they arrived they began to intrigue against each other. One of them was beheaded by his ferocious comrades; three others were sent to a desert island. The savages 6 soon fell upon these wretches: disease carried off some of the colony; others perished by hunger; many were brought to the boucan, and the few survivors were glad to seek protection from the English, who were at that time in possession of Surinam. A few years afterward, the Dutch, finding Cayenne thus forsaken, occupied it for the West India Company. Guerin Spranger had the command, .. a man admirably qualified for such a situa-

5 Among the rest there was a Doctor of Theology, whose death Labat laments as the first misfortune of the expedition, because "il etoit comme l'ame de la Colonie par la profondeur de sa science dans les matieres Theologiques et Canoniques." Is this grave hypocrisy in the professional character of Pere Labat, de l'Ordre des Freres Precheurs, or irony in the natural character of this adroit and unprincipled Frenchman?

6 Labat ascribes the conduct of the Indians to the instigation of the Dutch at Berbice; but to what could he impute the murders and madness of the French among themselves?

[page] 15

CHAP. XXXI. 1664.

tion: he kept upon good terms with the natives, whom he taught to respect him; fortified the island against them, made sugar and indigo plantations, and had already begun a profitable commerce with Holland, when Louis XIV established a new Company of Equinoctial France, gave them all the country between the two great rivers, and appointed M. le Fevre de la Barré Commander in Chief, and Governor of Cayenne. Holland was not at this time in a state of war with France; .. but such considerations have never been allowed much weight in a French cabinet. Five vessels were sent out, with more than a thousand persons on board, settlers as well as soldiers included. Spranger had no alternative but to capitulate upon the best terms he could; and the French, profiting by the successful labours of the Dutch, found themselves masters of a colony, of which the foundations were now fairly laid. Two years afterward it was taken and laid waste by the English: the French reoccupied it immediately, and during the peace of Breda it began to flourish. In the succeeding war the Dutch captured this unlucky settlement; and the inhabitants, weary of so many changes, were glad to compound with the conquerors, and retain possession of their plantations as subjects of Holland. Shortly afterward the French colonies were taken from the Company, and annexed to the Crown: the Comte d'Estrees then sailed against Cayenne with a fleet of fourteen sail, and landed eight hundred troops to attack the place, which had now been so far fortified, and was so well defended, that the conquest cost him a hundred and fifty men.

1666.

1673.

1676.

Aitzema. v. 5. p. 275. Des Marchais. 3. p. 88—96.

The French trespass upon the Portugueze territory.

The French were no sooner in undisturbed possession of this long disputed colony, than they began to trespass upon their neighbours. They attempted to enter the Orellana, and were forbidden by the Captain of Curupa. Five Frenchmen were found by the Jesuits far in the interior, trading for slaves, and

[page] 16

CHAP. XXXI. 1687.

were sent back with letters to the Governor, and to the Superior of the French Missions, remonstrating against the intrusion into the Portugueze dominions, and against the wickedness of the trade in which they were engaged. Gomes Freyre, in like manner, sent back two others who had been taken in the same vocation, and wrote to assert the claims of the Portugueze Crown. The King commended him for this, and instructed him to send Antonio de Albuquerque, with an engineer, and other persons acquainted with that part of the country, to mark out such fortifications in the Captaincy of the Cabo do Norte as he should think expedient. The Aldeas had now been once more divided among the different Orders: those in this Captaincy belonged to the Capuchos de S. Antonio, .. a branch of the Franciscan family; and the Governor was directed to avail himself of their services, and also of the Jesuits, who were establishing a new Mission on that side. By their help it was hoped that the French missionaries might be prevented from communicating with the Aruans; .. for so jealous was the Portugueze Court of its dominion in America, that this feeling prevailed over its zeal for the salvation of souls.

Teyxeyra. 2. 3. § 221. Do. § 147. Berredo. § 1356.

Gomes Freyre is superseded.

The dispatches which conveyed these instructions, informed the Governor that Artur de Sa de Menezes was appointed to relieve him; and as a mark of peculiar honour to Gomes Freyre, his successor was ordered not to assume the government till the moment of his departure. Artur de Sa, not finding him at Maranham, committed an error of which he afterwards repented; for he left his credentials on board, as if by accident, and took possession without presenting them. When they were subsequently produced, it appeared that if the Chamber had behaved incorrectly in acknowledging him, because they had not seen the proper instrument, he had wilfully acted in opposition to his orders; being sensible of this, he took upon himself no farther act of

[page] 17

CHAP. XXXI. 1687.

authority. When he arrived at Belem, Gomes Freyre received with displeasure the excuses of the Chamber, who accompanied him, but entertained his successor with courtesy and magnificence, dissembling all resentment till a proper season. He drew up for him, by the King's command, a full account of the colony, even to the characters of the principal inhabitants, observing what men were worthy to be employed and trusted, and noting others upon whom it would be prudent to keep a watchful eye. Having dispatched the commission under Antonio de Albuquerque, and discharged all his public business, he resigned the government, and then manifested his sense of his successor's conduct by refusing to walk with him under the canopy when he assumed his powers, as had been customary, and taking his place instead among the nobles in the procession. The few days which intervened before his departure he past in taking leave of individuals, and in retirement with his confessor, that he might set his spiritual affairs in order before he committed himself to the uncertain seas. He had little baggage to embark, .. for he had parted with his own plate to assist the soldiers, and fit out the expeditions for the interior. No Governor before him had been so generally regretted. The Chamber of Para addressed a letter to the King, saying that if they had ever any cause of complaint against his Majesty, it was now, when he had sent out a successor to supersede Gomes Freyre: and the Procurador at Lisbon was instructed to procure two portraits of this distinguished man, for the Senate-houses of Belem and S. Luiz.

Teyxeyra. 2. 3. § 148—163. Berredo. § 1348—54. 1357—8.

Mathias da Cunha Governor General.

Mathias da Cunha had now succeeded the Marquez das Minas as Governor and Captain General of Brazil. The pestilence had not wholly subsided; and fortunate it was that it was not of a nature to be transported to Europe, .. for the Marquis's eldest son died of this disease upon the passage home.

VOL. III. D

[page] 18

CHAP. XXXI. 1687.

Execution of a fidalgo.

The new administration is remarkable for an act of justice; .. such things being rare enough under the Portugueze government to excite admiration when they occur. Fernam Bezerra Barbalho, a Pernambucan fidalgo, and a colonel in the army, murdered his wife and three daughters, and would have murdered a fourth, if the child had not been secreted by a faithful female slave. The cause of this shocking act was not madness, but a false sense of honour arising out of some blind suspicion, and acting upon a wicked heart; and to render it more shocking, the eldest son assisted in the murder of his mother and his sisters. This monster escaped from earthly vengeance: the circumstance however was so atrocious, that even in Brazil it was not suffered to pass with impunity. Bezerra was arrested, carried to Bahia, and beheaded there, and his head sent to his Engenho in the Varzea, to be exposed in the place where he had committed the crime.

Rocha Pitta. 7. § 47. 51. Vieyra Cartas. t. 2. p. 366.

Seara cleared of the savages.

Seara was infested at this time by savages from the interior of that Captaincy. Their aggressions were pronounced by a Junta civil, military, and theological, at Bahia, to be a just cause for making war upon them, and adjudging the prisoners to slavery, pursuant to the law of Joam IV; and accordingly an expedition was sent against them from Pernambuco, Paraiba, and the Potengi. The war was pursued with vigor and great success, and the country in consequence so cleared, that Seara was not afterwards infested; the settlement of the Portugueze in Piauhi contributing, no doubt, to this security. It was fortunate for Brazil that Portugal was at this time in peace; for never had the country been in so defenceless a state. Bahia was open to any invader, without fortifications, without arms, without stores, the population greatly reduced by the pestilence, the garrison not half its allotted number, and consisting almost wholly of undisciplined boys. Meantime the coasts

Rocha Pitta. 7. § 52—3.

Defenceless state of Brazil.

Vieyra Cartas. t. 2. p. 249.

[page] 19

CHAP. XXXI. 1687.

Vieyra Cartas. t. 3. p. 321.

Do. t. 2. p. 363.

Do. t. 2. p. 347.

were infested by pirates, and it is said that this race of desperate criminals attempted now to establish themselves at the mouth of the Plata, on the southern shore. The place was ill chosen, and therefore the attempt failed. They were principally Frenchmen; and some of the same nation, who appeared to be of higher rank, were found sounding the ports in Brazil, and instructing the savages in the use of fire-arms. The defenceless state of these colonies was repeatedly represented to the Court, and earnest demands were made for arms and ammunition: but the same ministers who exacted the duties with rigour, seemed to forget that there was on their side the obligation of affording protection. "Thus, (says Vieyra,) all is not merely going to ruin, but wellnigh ruined; .. this Brazil, which is all that we have, we shall have no longer than till any one chuses to take it; and I no longer grieve that the kingdom should be without heirs, for if we had them, there would be nothing to inherit." "In this emergency, (he says elsewhere,) prudent men advise us to wear cotton, eat mandioc, and take to bows and arrows for lack of other arms, so that we shall shortly relapse into the savage state, and become Brazilians instead of Portugueze."

Do. t. 2. p. 382.

1688. Death of Mathias da Cunha.

Mutiny of the soldiers at Bahia.

Mathias da Cunha had not held the government many months before he sickened of the pestilence; and finding his case hopeless, summoned the Senate to his chamber that they might elect a successor. They named the Archbishop D. Fr. Manoel da Resurreiçam, for the political and military department, and for the juridical, Dr. Manoel Carneiro de Sa, Chancellor of the Relaçom. The pay of the soldiers was now nine months in arrears; and the men, knowing that the Governor was on his death-bed, took a barbarous advantage of his situation, to mutiny and demand their due. They declared, that unless they were paid in the course of the day, they would sack the city; and they began to plunder such persons as were carrying pro-

[page] 20

CHAP. XXXI. 1688.

visions through the streets, in proof that the threat would be executed. The members of the Camara were more particularly threatened, being at that time paymasters. The officers having used all means of persuasion in vain, remonstrated with no better effect against the detestable inhumanity of thus disquieting their dying General. Humanity finds no access to the ears or hearts of a tumultuous assembly. The Vereadores were obliged to borrow the money as they could, and satisfy the demand without delay; but none of the officers would receive their share; .. they all protested against what was done, and declared their willingness to wait till the government could pay them with convenience to itself. The men, when they had thus obtained their object, refused to separate or return to their duty, till they should have a written pardon for their mutiny, signed by the Governor while he was yet living, and by the Archbishop who was to succeed him. Mathias da Cunha, as the last act of his life, was compelled to sign this paper: he expired immediately afterwards; and the men who thus brutally disturbed his dying moments, entered the city to attend his funeral.

Rocha Pitta. 7. § 55—60.

1690.

Order restored in Porto Seguro.

The Crown soon appointed Antonio Luiz Gonçalez da Camera Coutinho to the vacant government, promoting him from Pernambuco. This Governor of many names continued the good example of his predecessor, in executing the laws. Five men of good family in Porto Seguro had collected a set of ruffians, at whose head they tyrannized over the Captaincy, and perpetrated outrages and crimes of every kind with impunity, even in the town itself, and in open defiance of all authority. No man's property, wife, daughter, or existence, was secure from these daring villains. The civil and military officers could scarcely defend themselves, and they applied for aid to the Governor General, as against a public enemy. A Judge was sent against them, with a chosen detachment of fifty soldiers. Having con-

[page] 21

CHAP. XXXI. 1690.

Rocha Pitta. 7. § 71—6.

Do. § 67—70.

Increase of trade.

Vieyra Cartas. t. 2. 374.

Do. 2. 477.

1693.

sulted with the Capitam Mor and the Juiz Ordinario before he entered the port, he landed during the night; a party of the inhabitants joined him, and guided him so well that the five ringleaders were surprized; and though they made a desperate resistance, they were taken alive. Their followers had been dispatched upon some nefarious errand; and hearing of the capture of their Chiefs, fled into the Certam and were never heard of more. The prisoners were carried to Bahia, where they were hanged and quartered, and their heads sent back to be exposed in the scene of their enormities. This wholesome example produced good effect. Nor was this administration of justice the only improvement which took place in Brazil. The Jesuit F. Alexandre de Gusman, a man of high character, and in great esteem for learning, succeeded by perseverance and the aid of charitable contributions, in forming a seminary at N. Senhora do Rosario da Cachoeira, fourteen leagues from Bahia, upon a river of that name. It soon grew into a large establishment, to which children were sent from all parts of Brazil. The trade, meantime, was rapidly increasing in extent and importance. In 1688, the fleet from Bahia was the largest which had ever sailed from that port; yet there was not sufficient tonnage for the produce. The consequence of this was a glut in the Lisbon market, and prices fell so much that in the ensuing year many Engenhos stopt. Excess of enterprize, however, shows that the spirit by which nations become prosperous is at work. Vieyra lamented at this time, as a melancholy proof of the loss of the conquests, that the India House at Lisbon was converted into the Brazil House: the alteration proved, indeed, to what the Indian empire of the Portugueze was reduced; but it proved also the growing importance of a country which could not in the same manner be wrested from them. So great a traffic was now carried on between Buenos Ayres and Brazil, that when by

[page] 22

CHAP. XXXI. 1693.

Vieyra Cartas. 2. 449.

1694. State of the coin.

the mistaken policy of both Courts, the intercourse was with common consent prohibited, goods to the amount of 300,000 cruzados were left dead upon the merchants' hands at Nova Colonia, and of double that amount at the Rio.

Papel de Antonio Luiz Coutinho, M. S. Vieyra Cartas. t. 3. 399.

Antonio Luiz was succeeded by D. Joam de Lancastro. The representations which had repeatedly been made of the defenceless state of Bahia were at length regarded, and under this Governor the forts were put in repair. Three more settlements in the Reconcave were now large enough to be formed into towns: one of these had grown round the seminary and church of F. Alexandre de Gusman. The currency in Brazil was at this time in a state 7 which required immediate attention; the practice of clipping had been carried to a great extent, but had been finally put a stop to, when penal statutes were found ineffectual, by permitting only such pieces as were milled to pass. But the piece which passed for 640 reis in Brazil, was worth 750: many therefore were melted down, and more were exported to Portugal, to which country all remittances were made in specie by those who had law-suits depending there, or were purchasing preferment civil or ecclesiastical, or sending their daughters to a nunnery. This could not continue long without occasioning a want of the circulating medium. To remove the cause of the evil, an order was issued that money should pass by weight; but many of the clipt coins then appeared in circulation, and the inconvenience of weighing silver money was found intolerable. At length, on the representations of the Governor Antonio Luiz, the earnest petition of the Senate

7 Money fell in one day at the Rio in the proportion of four parts in nine, and the loss sustained at Bahia in consequence, was computed at half a million of cruzados. Vieyra. Cartas. T. 2. p. 418.

[page] 23

CHAP. XXXI. 1694.

of Bahia, and in spite of the opposition made in Portugal to the measure, the King sent over persons to coin colonial money, which should circulate only in Brazil. Three gold pieces were struck, the moeda or moidore of four milreis, the half moidore, and the quarter; six in silver, of two patacas, one pataca, and half a pataca, one, two, and four vintems. It was thought too hazardous to coin the money for the Rio and Pernambuco at Bahia, and transport it by sea; and therefore when Bahia was supplied, the mint was removed to those Captaincies in succession. After four years the establishment, having completed its object, was broken up.

Rocha Pitta. 8. § 4—18.

Salt mines opened, and abandoned.

The new Governor was instructed to inspect some mines of saltpetre in the interior of Bahia, which it was hoped might render it unnecessary to import that article from Asia. In confident expectation of success, he took with him a full establishment of persons for extracting it; and landing at the town of Cachoeira, in the Reconcave, they began their land journey from the Seminary near that place. The mines lay far inland2 and roads were to be opened, to make them accessible. They were assayed at four different places; works were formed there, and the nitre was sent in leathern sacks to Bahia: but the expence and inconvenience of land carriage for nearly three hundred miles were soon discovered, and the injudicious project was abandoned.

Rocha Pitta. 8. § 19—23.

Negroes of the palmares.

Vol. 1. p. 495.

Caetano de Mello de Castro was at this time Governor of Pernambuco. The Negroes of the Palmares, or Palm Forests, in the interior of that Captaincy, who escaping from slavery had established themselves there in the early part of the Dutch war, had now, during the course of more than threescore years, acquired strength and audacity. Not being attacked themselves by the Portugueze, they acted upon the offensive; they infested the districts of Porto Calvo, of the Alagoas and S. Francisco do

[page] 24

CHAP. XXXI. 1695.

Penedo; and even places nearer the seat of government were not secure from their incursions. Their numbers were continually increased by slaves who sought for freedom, and men of colour who fled from justice. A community which was thus recruited, needed a proportionate supply of women; and like the first Romans, these Negroes had no other means of obtaining them than by force. Wherever they made an inroad, they carried off the negresses and mulattoes, and the Portugueze were compelled to pay a ransom for their wives and daughters, in arms, money, or whatever else the enemy demanded. The only account which exists of their short but memorable history, comes from the people who exterminated them; but it renders them full justice, and will not be perused without some feeling of respect for their character and compassion for their fate.

Their government and institutions.

They were under the government of an elective Chief, who was chosen for his justice as well as his valour, and held the office for life: all men of experience and good repute had access to him as counsellors: he was obeyed with perfect loyalty; and it is said that no conspiracies or struggles for power had ever been known among them. Perhaps a feeling of religion contributed to this obedience; for Zombi, the title whereby he was called, is the name for the Deity, in the Angolan 8 tongue. They retained the use of the cross, some half-remembered prayers, and a few ceremonies which they had mingled with superstitions of their own, either what they preserved of their

8 Rocha Pitta says the word means Devil in their language. This appeared to me so unlikely, that I examined a book of religious instructions in the Portugueze and Angolan languages, to ascertain the fact; and there I found that NZambi is the word for Deity; .. Cariapemba is the Devil. It is not used in the sense of Lord, which might explain its application here without any religious import, .. but of Deity.

[page] 25

CHAP. XXXI. 1695.

African idolatry, or had invented in their present state of freedom. They had their officers and magistrates. Robbery, adultery, and murder, were punished uniformly with death; and the slave, who having joined them, was detected in attempting to desert, underwent the same penalty; but those whom they captured were considered as slaves, and were treated with less severity if they endeavoured to escape. The chief persons of both sexes attired themselves in the spoils of the Portugueze: and indeed a regular trade was carried on with some of the Pernambucans, who for the double advantage of securing and enriching themselves, supplied them in defiance of the law, with arms, ammunition, and European commodities of every kind, in exchange for the produce which they raised, and the gold, silver, and money which they acquired in their incursions. The slaves were the agents in this forbidden and criminal traffic.

Rocha Pitta. 8. § 24—32.

The Pernambucan government resolves at last to subdue them.

The evil had become very great. Some of those slaves who succeeded in escaping from the Palmares to rejoin masters whom they loved, described them as formidable equally for their numbers, their courage, their organization, and the strength of their city; so that the Governors of Pernambuco for many years considered it too hazardous an undertaking to attack them; and contenting themselves with the enactment of laws which it was impossible to enforce, left the evil and the responsibility to their successors. Caetano de Mello determined to make a vigorous effort for extirpating them before they became too powerful; and he applied to the Governor General, soliciting the aid of Domingos Jorge, Camp-master of a regiment of Paulistas which was stationed at that time at Pinhanco in the interior of Bahia. This officer accordingly was directed to repair to Porto Calvo, and there form a junction with the troops from Olinda and Recife, and the Ordenanza of the

VOL. III. E

[page] 26

CHAP. XXXI. 1695.

Rocha Pitta. 8. § 33—35.

Chief settlement of the Negroes.

Rocha Pitta. 8. § 38—9.

country. He began his march with a thousand men, the greater part undoubtedly being Indians; and he resolved to look at the Palmares on the way, thinking himself strong enough to accomplish the object without farther force or preparation. This presumption arose from the nature of the wars in which he had hitherto been engaged; and he did not consider the difference between the Indian and the Negro character. The sight of their city, for so it may be called, might have convinced him of his error. A double palisade of the hardest wood which the forests of Brazil produce, enclosed within a circuit of four or five miles a population of more than 20,000 persons. The fortification was strengthened by many bulwarks: there were only three gates, which were placed at equal distances; each had its platform of defence, and was at all times under the charge of one of their best officers. The palace of the Zombi was spacious, and not without a kind of rude magnificence; and the houses of individuals were, after their fashion, commodious and splendid. There was a lake within the circuit, abounding with fish, and there were also running streams, .. but the water seems to have been brackish or salt, for the inhabitants sunk wells, or rather those shallow pits that are called cacimbas, which implies that it was only rendered potable by filtration. There was also a high rock within the enclosure, which served them for a watch-post, and from whence some of the Pernambucan towns and settlements were visible in the distance: Porto Calvo was the nearest. The place was called The Palmares, from the number of cocoa groves which they had planted round about. Besides this, their chief city, they had many smaller settlements or garrisons, called Mocambos, in which chosen men were stationed for the defence of the plantations. Their weapons were of all kinds, and they were equally skilled in using the bow and arrow and the spear, or the sword and the firelock.

[page] 27

CHAP. XXXI. 1695.

They compel the Paulista division to retire.

In front of this place the Paulista pitched his camp, with the carelessness of a man who regarded his enemies as an inferior race. During two days he remained there unmolested; for the Negroes, as well as himself, were watching an opportunity when they might act with effect. On the third, while his men were plundering a banana plantation, they sallied in great force. Domingos Jorge collected his people as well as he could, and fought with his accustomed intrepidity: so fierce a conflict ensued, that more than eight hundred persons on both sides were killed and wounded. Each party was taught by such an action to respect its antagonist; and Jorge was fain to draw off, and make his way in good order to Porto Calvo. A force of six thousand men was assembled there, under Bernardo Vieira de Mello, who for his success in having defeated and cut off a large detachment of these Negroes, had been appointed to the command. Olinda, Recife, and the towns on that side of the country, had raised three thousand men, including two regiments of regulars: many of the wealthiest settlers had volunteered upon the occasion. The Alagoas, S. Francisco do Penedo, S. Miguel, and the Alagoas do Norte, furnished fifteen hundred; Porto Calvo, and the Paulista division, made up the rest. The Negroes meantime, having learnt their danger by the first premature attempt, were on the alert: they abandoned all their Mocambos, destroyed every thing without the circuit which could afford subsistence to the enemy, and collected their whole strength within the city; .. it is said to have amounted to ten thousand men.

Rocha Pitta 8. § 35—7.

The portugueze besiege them.

The Portugueze army being thus collected, made no delay, and encamped in front of the fortifications, Bernardo Vieira taking his station before the middle gate, the Paulista against the one on his right, and the Sargento Mor, Sebastiam Dias, who commanded the division from the Alagoas, on the left.

[page] 28

CHAP. XXXI. 1695.

Capture of the place.

They were provided with ladders, and attempted to enter the place by escalade: .. arrows, boiling water, fire-arms, and firebrands, were employed in its defence, and the assailants were repulsed with considerable loss. Many days had not elapsed before the powder of the Negroes was exhausted: they had not apprehended so serious an attack, .. nor, if the whole danger had been foreseen, could they by their contraband trade have procured a supply in any degree equal to the emergency. On the other hand, the Portugueze had come without artillery: their attempts to hew down the gates, and cut a way through the palisade, were always successfully resisted: considerable loss was sustained, and they dispatched messengers to the Governor soliciting a reinforcement, and saying, that without cannon it would be impossible to enter the place. It was now a trial of endurance between the two parties. The Negroes began to feel a want of missile weapons, and of provisions also; but the Portugueze were upon short allowance: this generation was wholly unaccustomed to the privations and habits of war, and the Negroes were daily in hope that in their impatience of disease and hunger they would break up the siege. Cruelly was this hope disappointed when, from the rock which served them for a watch-tower, they beheld large convoys of cattle, laden horses and carts, advancing from the Penedo, on the river S. Francisco, from the Alagoas and from S. Miguel. At this sight they lost their only remaining hope; and it seems that famine had now in a great degree deprived them of their strength: for when the Portugueze, encouraged by this arrival, and by the small succour which joined them at the same time, renewed their attempt to force an entrance with the axe, little resistance was opposed. The three gates were hewn down, and the Zombi and the most resolute of his followers retired to the summit of the rock; and preferring death to slavery, threw

[page] 29

CHAP. XXXI. 1695.

themselves from the precipice … men worthy of a better fate for their courage and their cause. The Governor was on the point of setting out from Recife with a reinforcement of two thousand men and six pieces of artillery, when tidings of the conquest reached him; and it was deemed of such importance, that money was thrown to the populace from the Government-House, and a solemn procession appointed for thanksgiving. In its consequences to the vanquished, this conquest resembles the inhuman wars of antiquity. The survivors, of all ages, and of either sex, were brought away as slaves. A fifth of the men were selected for the Crown; the rest were divided among the captors as their booty, and all who were thought likely to fly, or capable of vindicating their freedom, were transported to distant parts of Brazil, or to Portugal. The women and children remained in Pernambuco, being thus separated for ever, without remorse, the one from their fathers, the others from their husbands. The necessity of rooting out such enemies from their own border is clear and indisputable; but that necessity originated in the nefarious system of slavery, .. and surely the victory might have been more humanely used.

Rocha Pitta. 8. § 38—48.

Dispute with the Governor of Cayenne.

1691.

Meantime Artur de Sa had been succeeded in the government of Maranham and Para by Antonio de Albuquerque. M. de Ferrol was at this time Governor of the French colony at Cayenne; and he, in conformity to the all-aspiring views of Louis XIV, wrote to Albuquerque, desiring that the limits of the two countries might be definitively settled, and claiming for France the whole northern side of the Orellana. The Portugueze made answer, that as to the demarcation of the limits, it was a matter which must be left to their respective Courts; but his duty was to maintain the whole which had been entrusted to him, as it had to his predecessors, and which without doubt included both banks of the river, and the whole of the interior.

[page] 30

CHAP. XXXI. 1691.

The French seize the fort at Cabo do Norte.

1697.

M. de Ferrol did not feel himself strong enough to venture upon an immediate contest, but he retained his purpose. A fort had lately been erected by Albuquerque at the Cabo do Norte; it was built upon the ruins of Camaú, which his uncle Feliciano Coelho had taken from the English; and having been dedicated to S. Antonio de Macapa, was known by the Indian name. M. de Ferrol after a while sent an expedition against this place, and it was surrendered without resistance: then, according to the policy of his nation, carrying on negociations and hostilities at the same time, he dispatched a long memorial to Albuquerque, justifying the aggression, upon the plea that the place was within the limits of the French colony. Albuquerque replied, that if M. de Ferrol attempted to maintain the fort he had thus unjustly seized, he would go in person and demand its restitution with those arguments of war, which, being the most summary, always commanded the best attention: and immediately he dispatched a hundred and sixty troops and a hundred and fifty chosen Indians, under Francisco de Sousa Fundam, to recover the place. This officer was a man of more courage than discretion: he occupied an island in front of the fortress, and within cannon-shot, and there took up a position under cover of the wood, .. but in such disorder that a handful of men might have surprized and destroyed him. The French, however, were few in number, and were too much alarmed for their own safety to profit by his imprudence. There was a small fishing canoe in the bay, upon which they depended in some degree for provisions. Sousa was desirous of getting it into his possession, lest they should dispatch advices to Cayenne by this only means, and so obtain a reinforcement; but when he proposed the attempt to his men, they were silent, because of the imminent and evident danger. He then singled out one, Miguel da Silva: this man observed, that he

[page] 31

CHAP. XXXI. 1697.

The Portugueze retake it.

had not volunteered upon the service, because he considered obedience to be his duty; and when the Captain told him to select a companion, he declared that he would risk no life except his own, and immediately leapt into the water. In broad day light, and under a shower of musquetry, he swam for the canoe, succeeded in loosening it, and brought it off unhurt. Sousa had been charged with a letter for M. de Ferrol, which he was to deliver to the commander of the fortress before he commenced operations; .. this he never remembered, in his eagerness to recover the place: he landed upon the main, posted his men under cover of a pottery within pistol-shot of the fort, and having being joined by a small reinforcement under Joam Moniz de Mendoza, ordered them precipitately to the assault. The first difficulty checked this impatient spirit; and he would have retreated with as little prudence as he had shewn in the advance, but Joam Moniz refused to obey, saying that though the attack had been rashly begun it was too late to withdraw from it, their honour being engaged: he therefore persisted and carried the place, more than a fourth part of its garrison falling in the action. Albuquerque lost no time in strengthening and securing the fort: and the question which an appeal to the sword had left as it found it, was now referred to the cabinets in Europe. The French Ambassador at Lisbon was loud in his demands. Gomes Freyre was called to Court upon the business: he happened to meet the French Minister in private company; the conversation turned upon the respective rights of the two countries, and the Frenchman, growing warm in argument, observed that his master had at that time no occupation for his arms; that if these possessions were refused to reason and courtesy, they must be yielded to force; and that the whole of Maranham would be only a breakfast for France. Gomes Freyre with true Portugueze spirit replied,

[page] 32

CHAP. XXXI. 1697.

Arrangement concerning the limits with France and Spain. Berredo. § 1363. 138.

Teyxeyra. 2. 3. § 207—212. Do. 215—224.

Municipal alterations.

that if the French meant to breakfast there, he should request leave of the King his master to go and prepare the entertainment for them. The more momentous interests of European politics suspended the dispute. Upon the succession of Philip V to contested throne, he and his grandfather were glad to purchase the neutrality of Portugal by ceding these claims 9 on the part of France, and on the part of Spain resigning all title to Nova Colonia and the Isles of S. Gabriel.

Some changes took place about this time in the judicial and municipal establishments of Brazil. It was deemed indecorous that the Chamber of Bahia should only have Juizes Ordinarios of the Red Wand belonging to it, like the other Camaras, seeing that the same privileges as those of the cities of Porto and Lisbon had long since been extended to it; and that the wealth and importance of the seat of government deserved and required

9 I have not been able to find the Treaty. Rousset's Supplement to the Corps Diplomatique of Du Mont, (T. 2. Part. 2. p. 1.) contains only a summary of it from the Lettres Historiques for December 1701, and from Lamberti's Memoirs. "Le Roi de Portugal demeurera maitre absolu des Isles de S. Gabriel, & Nova Colonia dans la forme qu'il le pretendit en 1681. La France lui remet toutes les pretensions qu'elle avoit sur Maranon." The article respecting Nova Colonia is thus extracted in one of the manuscripts in my possession. "Y para conservar la firme amistad y aliança que se procura conseguir con este Tratado, y quitar todos los motivos que pueden ser contrarios a este effeito. S. M. C. cede y renuncia todo y qualquiera derecho que pueda tener en las tierras sobre que se hizo el Tratado Provisional entre ambao las Coronas, en 7 de Mayo de 1681. Y en que se halla situada la Colonia del Sacramento: el qual Tratado quedara sin effeto, y el dominio de la dicha Colonia, y uso de dicha campaña a la Corona de Portugal, como al presente ta tiene." Teyxeyra (2. 3. § 221,) would make it appear, that Portugal was induced on this occasion to ally itself with France rather than England by religious motives, preferring thei nterests of Catholicism to its own.

[page] 33

CHAP. XXXI. 1696.

magistrates of a higher rank. Accordingly a Juiz de Fora and an Ouvidor de Comarca were now appointed. Juizes de Fora were also introduced at Pernambuco and the Rio; and because of the distance of these cities from the seat of justice at Bahia, the Governor, with the Juiz de Fora and the Ouvidor Literario, were authorized to settle yearly the affairs of the Camara, and appoint the officers. Hitherto the Chambers appear to have chosen their own officers; three persons were nominated for each office, and their names were enclosed each in a pellet of wax; and these being drawn by lot, chance determined the succession for three successive years. The power of nomination in the capital was now transferred to the Desembargo do Paço, which may with sufficient propriety be rendered the Court of King's Bench. The population of Pernambuco had at this time increased so much, that at the petition of the inhabitants, that province was divided into two Comarcas, the Villa das Alagoas being the capital of the new district.

Rocha Pitta. 8. § 50—53.

Improved condition of the Indians.

The laws had now done much in favour of the Indians; and more perhaps had been effected in behalf of this long injured people, by introducing in greater number a hardier, and if possible a more injured race, from Africa. Throughout all the old Captaincies, with the single exception of S. Paulo, an Indian was declared free if he demanded his freedom, even though he might have served from his cradle, and his parents before him, provided there was no wooliness in the hair, to indicate a mixture of Negro blood. The evil indeed was only transferred from one race to another, and perhaps in no inconsiderable degree augmented by the transfer; yet there was a step taken toward amendment: a principle had been established, and sooner or later the inconsistency of continuing slavery in any shape would be perceived. After so long a contest between good and evil, this was no slight improvement: in other respects

VOL. III. F

[page] 34

CHAP. XXXI. 1696.

Vieyra Cartas. 2. 476. Death of Vieyra.

Rocha Pitta. 8. § 54. 57. A. de Barros. 4. § 234. 271.

Vieyra describes Brazil as presenting a lively image of the mother country. .. It resembled it, he says, in preparations for war, without men or money; in full harvests of vice, without reformation; in unbounded luxury without capital; and in all other contradictions of the human mind. The genial climate of Bahia had relieved Vieyra from all maladies, except the incurable one of old age; it prolonged his mortal existence to the extraordinary term of fourscore and ten: the latter years were indeed sorrow and pain; .. his sight was almost extinct, his hearing dull, and he had to endure slow fever, and long nights of sleeplessness and suffering. The last pleasures which he was capable of enjoying were those of reading, and contemplating the sacrament, in which, according to the doctrine of the Romish Church, he believed that his God and his Redeemer was present: but he was now no longer able to remain in the Chapel, [or beguile with books the wearying and painful sense of time.] He had been seventy-five years a member of the Company when the long desired hour of his release arrived, and he fell asleep in the Lord: .. his brother Gonçalo survived him only one day, the same disease proving fatal to both. Vieyra had outlived the vexations as well as the enjoyments of life; .. his enemies were gone before him to their account, and his virtues and talents were acknowledged and respected as they deserved. His portrait was taken as he lay upon his bier. The Governor and the dignitaries of the Clergy, secular and regular, bore him to the grave; his funeral was followed by the heads and chief members of all the religious orders; exequies were performed for him at Lisbon, at the expence of the Conde de Ericeyra, in the Church of S. Roque, with all possible solemnity of music, tapers, torches, and decorations; the Court attended, and the Cortes also, which was at that time assembled for the purpose of taking the oaths to the Prince of Brazil.

[page] 35

CHAP. XXXI. 1697.

Troubles in Maranham with the Bishop.

He excommunicates the Ouvidor.

The State of Maranham, which had been the scene of Vieyra's Christian labours, and of his struggles with the civil authorities, was now disturbed by ecclesiastical disputes of a very different nature. Fr. Timotheo do Sacramento, a Friar of the order of S. Paul the Hermit, had been appointed to this diocese, and Cardenas himself did not enter upon his office with more extravagant notions of episcopal jurisdiction. Without instituting any process, or admitting any exculpation, he threw men into prison for living in a state of concubinage, and punished them by excessive fines. The inhabitants of S. Luiz complained to the Governor, Antonio de Albuquerque; and he having remonstrated without effect, found it necessary to appeal to the laws, and send the Ouvidor Geral Mattheus Dias da Costa to that city, that if he could not convince the Bishop of the unfitness of such proceedings, he might afford the people the means of legal redress. This Magistrate being also a Judge of the Tribunal da Coroa, under whose cognizance offences properly fell, requested the Bishop in three successive letters, and with all due respect, to release the persons whom he had committed to prison for their first offence, or remit the process against them to the competent tribunal, conformably to law. These applications being haughtily answered, and set at defiance, the Ouvidor gave orders to set at liberty the individuals who were thus illegally confined. The Bishop was a man whose spirit would have qualified him for the papacy in the days of the Guelphs and Ghibelines: he menaced the Ouvidor with the censures of the Church, unless by a certain time he should annul the proceedings; .. the term elapsed, and then he excommunicated him. But in the interval the Ouvidor had appealed against his censures before P. Fr. Antonio do Calvario, who held, it seems, some ecclesiastical office which enabled him to suspend them. This so exasperated the Bishop that he pronounced a

[page] 36

CHAP. XXXI. 1697.

The matter is referred to Portugal.

Berredo. § 1390—1397.

general and local interdict. The Ouvidor called upon the Chief Captain Joam Duarte Franco, for military assistance, and besieged the Bishop. … What had passed in Paraguay might have taught him the danger as well as the inutility of such measures: he perceived that the soldiers acted with reluctance and manifest fear, so on the second day he had recourse to the starving system, and nailed up the Bishop's doors. The Bishop had not stored his house for a blockade; he agreed that the whole matter should be referred to the home government, .. upon which the interdict was taken off, and the siege was raised.

Death of the Ouvidor.

Decision of the Court. 1699.

After this compromise the Ouvidor returned to Belem, and conceiving himself under no ecclesiastical censures, frequented the sacrament as he was wont. Shortly afterwards he fell ill, and knowing that the disease was mortal, he protested at the time of receiving the viaticum, that he fully expected a favourable opinion upon his conduct from Portugal; but if the Priest of his parish, from whose hands he now communicated, was of opinion that he had acted wrongly, and that any private or public atonement was required, he authorized him to make it in his name; and if a pecuniary satisfaction were necessary, he desired that his whole property might be charged with it. On the following day he received extreme unction, and died with every catholic demonstration of true repentance. Some little scruple was felt by the Vicar who administered the viaticum, whether the deceased under these circumstances might receive Christian burial: on the whole however it was thought that no sufficient reason existed for withholding it, and the body being drest in the habit of the Order of Christ, was deposited in the Carmo Church, the Religioners of that Order, the Mercenarios, and some of the Clergy attending. The next dispatches brought out the resolution of the Court. The King reprimanded the Bishop in severe terms for the violence and ille-

[page] 37

CHAP. XXXI. 1699.

gality of his proceedings, for having usurped the royal authority in the first instance, and resisted it afterwards by refusing an appeal to the tribunal which had been instituted in his kingdoms for the purpose of protecting the people against the vexations of the Clergy. His Majesty therefore reproved him for having given occasion to such scandals, admonished him not to exceed in future the jurisdiction of the sacred Canons, Councils, and Concordats, and commanded him to release the persons forthwith whom he held in confinement. But at the same time a more severe reproof was addressed to the Ouvidor, and all who had cooperated with him: the Governor was ordered to summon them before him, and declare to them his Majesty's high displeasure; .. the temporal laws, it was said, allowed of no such harsh proceedings against a simple Priest, much less against a consecrated Prelate; and they were commanded to go before the Bishop, beg absolution with all humility from his hands, and in the same humble spirit accept whatever penance he might impose. The same dispatches admonished the Bishop to proceed in this point with moderation and prudence, like a shepherd applying to his flock that spiritual medicine which was necessary for their health, and not inflicting punishment to gratify an angry and vindictive mind.

Berredo. § 1398—1405.

Insolence of the Bishop.

The Bishop attended only to that part of the dispatch which accorded with his wishes. His censures were allowed by this decision to be valid, and the Ouvidor, though dead and buried, was still within reach of ecclesiastical vengeance. He sent off a boat immediately for Para with a pastoral letter to be read in the Mother Church, giving notice to the Prior and Brethren of the Carmo, that within three days they should abstain from celebrating divine service in their Church, and should fasten its doors, because it was polluted by the body of one who had died under sentence of excommunication. The Prior obeyed with-

[page] 38

CHAP. XXXI. 1699.

out delay; but at the same time that he notified his obedience to the imperious Prelate, he submitted the reasons upon which they had acted, and petitioned him to relieve them from this undeserved indignity, or at least that he would let them see the process against them, and suspend the measure, which was notoriously informal, as they had not been previously cited. The Prior of the Carmelite Convent at S. Luiz was instructed to act in behalf of his brethren. Twice he attempted to see the Bishop, and was refused admittance; he then presented a memorial, which after some days was returned with a simple superscription that the petition must be made in form. To point out the informality, the epithet Most Reverend was erased that the word Sir might stand alone, this being the most respectful of all forms of address, and such as was used to the Sovereign. A second petition was presented in this form, but no answer was vouchsafed. The Prior then appealed to the Juizo da Coroa, as a competent tribunal; upon which the Bishop notified to him, that unless the appeal were withdrawn within three quarters of an hour he would excommunicate him and the community for which he acted, .. a threat which was punctually fulfilled. The Prior now had recourse to the Juiz Conservador of his Order, who required the Bishop to desist from these vexatious proceedings: the Bishop demurred to his authority, objecting some informality in his appointment; the Juiz Conservador proceeded in form to interdict the Bishop; the Bishop replied by excommunicating him; and every step in this contest afforded a case for the Canonists. Orders arrived from Portugal that the Prelate should suspend the censure, and take off the interdict from the Carmelite Church: he disregarded them; and the Carmelites, having waited a month after the receipt of these dispatches, opened their doors for service in defiance of the unjust and irregular prohibition. More and more

[page] 39

CHAP. XXXI. 1699.

He returns to Lisbon, and is disgraced.

Berredo. § 1406—1417. 1427—8.

irritated, and therefore acting more and more imprudently, the Bishop issued a fresh interdict, and declared that the King had no power to interpose in an affair which was purely ecclesiastical. He then embarked hastily for Lisbon. There he was received with the marked displeasure which he so well deserved; so that he retired from Court sullen and ashamed to a poor Quinta near Setubal, and being summoned to appear either in person or by his Procurador at the decision of the cause, refused to do either. He was therefore declared contumacious: and the affair terminated by his signing a declaration that all his excommunications had been null and void.

[page] 40

CHAPTER XXXII.

Discovery of the Minas Geraes. First code of regulations. Discovery and fate of Marcos de Azevedo. Gold exhibited at Espirito Santo by Antonio Rodriguez Arzam. Bertolomeu Bueno inherits his papers and prosecutes his researches. Growth of Settlements. Second code. Influx of adventurers to the Minas. Decay of commerce in consequence at Bahia. D. Rodrigo da Costa Governor General. Siege of Nova Colonia, which is evacuated by the Portugueze. Luiz Cesar de Menezes Governor. Affairs of Maranham. Civil war in the Minas. Disturbances at Pernambuco.

CHAP. XXXII.

While these disputes in the spirit of the twelfth century were disturbing the northern Captaincies, the hopes which the Portugueze Government had cherished from the first settlement of America were at length realized, and the golden age of Brazil arrived. It brought with it no moral melioration, no increase of happiness, and it may be doubted whether it promoted or retarded the progress of the colonies; but it produced a great change in the system of administration, and in the condition and pursuits of the people.

First laws of the mines.

Vol. 1. p. 358.

Santuario Mariano. t. 10. p. 149.

It had long been known that the precious metals existed in the Captaincy of S. Paulo. In the last year of the sixteenth century, D. Francisco de Sousa, after his unsuccessful search for the mines of Roberio Diaz, sent to Philip III a rosary com-

[page] 41

CHAP. XXXII.

Regimento das Minas. MS. c. 1. 2.

posed of native grains of gold; and in the year 1618 that King issued a code of regulations. Being informed that mines had been discovered, and that farther discoveries might easily be made, the King, it was said, in order to shew favour to his vassals, and for other respects which behoved his service, held it good to confer such mines upon the discoverers, that they might work them at their own cost, reserving to himself a fifth of the refined produce, to be delivered at his treasury free of all expence. Any person therefore who adventured to discover a mine was to give, notice to the Provedor whom the King appointed in those parts, and bind himself to pay the royal fifths: his declaration was to be registered and signed by himself. After these preliminaries had been observed, all persons in authority were bound to afford him the necessary assistance; and when he should have succeeded in his search, the time and place of the discovery were to be entered, with all proper particulars, in the same book. He was to present a sample of the metal to the Provedor within thirty days after the discovery, and make oath that it had been extracted from the place which was registered on his account. If it should afterwards be proved that he had sworn falsely, he was amenable for all the expences which other persons might incur by working at that place in consequence of his deceit, and to be punished also; and if the manifestation were delayed beyond the time appointed, unless a sufficient reason could be adduced for the delay, his privileges as a discoverer were forfeited.

C. 3.

The privileges of the discoverer, according to the original code, were, that he should have one mine, as it was then called, of eighty Portugueze varas by forty, allotted him; and a second allotment of sixty by thirty, upon the same beta or vein: both were to be at his own choice; but an hundred and twenty varas, being the space which two such smaller grants would occupy,

VOL. III. G

[page] 42

CHAP. XXXII.

C. 4.

C. 41. 43.

C. 44. 45.

were to intervene between his two portions. He had thus the first choice, and a second allotment, which was permitted to no other person. In running waters, and in ravines whether wet or dry, the discoverer's portion was sixty varas in length, and twelve in width, measuring from the middle of the water or ravine; that of the other adventurers was less by one third in length; but if the stream were large the discoverer was then entitled to eighty varas, and the other persons to threescore. In what were called Minas Menores, lesser mines, which were in the plain country, upon little hills, or by the side of rivers, the allotment of the discoverer was to be thirty square varas, others having a square of twenty: but if the ground was not extensive enough for the number of claimants, the allotments were to be reduced in proportion by the Provedor. No new discovery could be allowed in such places, within half a league.

C. 7.

C. 10.

C. 16.

C. 21. 22.

Any adventurer might demand a mine, but he could only have one which was to be of the same extent as the discoverer's first portion: two days were given him to chuse for himself, and the choice having once been made might not be altered. Boundaries were to be raised, either of stone, or earth well compacted and beaten down, a covado high, and made in a durable manner: the person who neglected to raise his boundary forfeited his grant, and was subject to the same penalty if he removed it: and if any one had more than a lawful allotment, all beyond that measure might be taken by any person who should think proper to claim it. No one, except the discoverer, might have more than one allotment within the distance of a league and half, unless he purchased another person's; but he who possessed a mine upon a rich vein, was allowed to hold another upon a poorer, though it might be within these limits, because rich silver ore melted better for being mixed with some of poorer quality. If more persons than one undertook the dis-

[page] 43

CHAP. XXXII.

C. 4.

covery, he who first found the ore was to be accounted the discoverer; and an adventurer might seek and work a mine upon private property, because it was for the King's service; but he was bound to indemnify the owner of the land for any injury which might be sustained.

C. 20.

C. 30. 33.

C. 28.

C. 47.

C. 36.

Mines might be granted to such persons only as possessed the means of working and peopling them, seeing it was a disservice to the State if they were not worked and settled. If therefore a grant were not taken possession of within fifty days, it was forfeited, unless the delay had been caused by the want of tools, in which case the Provedor might extend the term at discretion: and it was not to be deemed settled (povoado) unless two labourers at least were constantly employed upon it. It might sometimes happen, when the vein lay deep, that the discoverer could not get at it because of poverty, and that others who possessed allotments there would not work to extract ore for his benefit: but this was injurious to the King's service, and therefore all other adventurers were bound to assist him in digging to the depth of ten braças, upon payment of a fourth part of the value of their labour: when they should reach the true vein, then they might demand the full price. By another provision, every person seeking for gold was required to continue the search till he came to the rock. It had been shown by experience in Peru and Mexico, that where the veins were certain and lay deep, it was easier to reach them by horizontal shafts, than by sinking; an entrance therefore might be made wherever it seemed best, even though it should prove to be from the open mine of another adventurer; and in such cases he was bound to allow entrance during fifty days, in which time a pit might be sunk for the service of the mine. Every miner was expected to lay his rubbish upon his own ground; he was not to annoy his neighbours with it, and should he cast it into

[page] 44

CHAP. XXXII.

C. 46.

a stream he was responsible for any damage which it might occasion: the same law applied to the trees which he might cut down.

C. 49. 50.

In order that the mines might prosper, and that Engenhos and dwelling houses might be erected in the mining country, adventurers were admitted to all common rights of the district. They might turn their cattle into the lands of the Conselho, upon the public ground, and even upon private estates if it were necessary; in this case they were to pay the value of the pasturage, but the owner had no power to forbid them. No man could be arrested for debt while he was engaged in mining, neither might distress be levied upon his slaves, tools, provisions, or any thing needful for the work: the public interest, which was paramount to all other, being concerned in facilitating such operations.

C. 52.

C. 53.

The superintendance of the mines was vested in a Provedor; he and his secretary were to visit them as often as they could, to see that all was in order; and they should not allow any idlers or vagabonds to remain there. Neither they nor the Treasurer were to hold any share directly or indirectly, nor to trade in the metal, on pain of losing their offices and having their whole property confiscated, .. a like confiscation attaching to those who traded with them. The Provedor's decision was final in all disputes to the amount of sixty milreis: an appeal lay to the Provedor Mor da Real Fazenda in causes of greater value. A refining house was to be erected at the expence of the Treasury, and no person be allowed to enter it without just cause. Here all the ore was to be melted; it was to be weighed and registered at entering, and after it had been melted and refined, registered again and stamped. The fifth was then to be taken, and deposited in a chest under three locks, the keys of which were to be kept by the Treasurer, the Secretary, and the Pro-

[page] 45

CHAP. XXXII.

C. 56.

vedor. The stamping iron was to be kept in this chest, which was never to be opened except in presence of these three persons. The punishment for selling, exchanging, giving, embarking, or possessing unstamped gold, was declared to be death and confiscation of property, two thirds being forfeited to the Crown, and the remainder assigned to the informer as his reward. A yearly account was to be returned of all the discoveries and produce. It was added, that if copper or pearls should be found, the King was to have his fifth, and would purchase the best at an equitable price 10.

C. 59.

Marcos de Azevedo's discovery.

This was the first code of the mines in Brazil. Soon after its promulgation the Dutch war began; the home government then bestowed but little thought upon increasing the resources of a country which they found it so difficult to defend; and the Paulistas carried on at that time their hostilities against the Reductions with so much passion in the pursuit of their execrable slave trade, or so much profit in its results, that while it

10 This Alvara was issued at Valladolid, August 15, 1618, and registered at Lisbon January 30, 1619. The copy in the Casa da Fundiçam of S. Paulo, from which my manuscript is transcribed, gives the first date 1603; but a marginal note observes that the Alvara of December 3, 1750, in referring to it, makes the date 1618; and this correction is proved to be right by the time when it was registered. The copy at the Rio bears date May 29, 1652, and is signed by Salvador Correa de Sa Benavides, then Governor. This is the only paper in which I have found the name of the country so written as if the plural form were in use: partes dos Brazíz:—the form is frequently used in England, but is certainly improper. There is an Alvara dated at Lisbon Aug. 8, 1618, which also throws the mines open to all adventurers, reserving to the King a fifth: the reason for this measure is fairly declared; .. many years had elapsed and great search been made, particularly by D. Francisco de Sousa when he was Governor, and by Salvador Correa de Sa, and yet nothing had been ascertained respecting the mines, and no benefit whatever had accrued to the Treasury.

[page] 46

CHAP. XXXII.

He conceals it and dies in prison.

Memorias. MSS.

continued at its height the enterprizing spirit of this active community took no other direction. Specimens of gold however were found about the middle of the century in the Serras of Geragua and Pernagua, and an adventurer by name Marcos de Azevedo went up the Rio Doce and the Rio das Caravellas, with one companion, and brought back samples of silver and of emeralds. This in its consequences proved a most disastrous expedition for the discoverers; it appears as if they had wished to enhance their importance with the government, and keep the scene of their fortunate search secret, till they could make terms which might secure to them the profit as well as the merit of the discovery. On the other hand, the Government remembered the affair of Roberio Diaz, and insisted upon a disclosure: this the adventurers refused to make, acting first upon a mistaken view of self-interest, and afterwards from that stubbornness which the sense of oppression provokes. The result was, that these unhappy but obstinate men were thrown into prison at Bahia, and detained there as long as they lived, .. so absolute was the Government, so tenacious of its sovereignty, when the precious metals were in view, and so tyranical in its proceedings.

Agostinho Barbalho and Fernando Diaz, directed to pursue the search.

Carta d' El Rey D. Affonso 6. MS. 27th Sept. 1664.

Agostinho Barbalho Bezerra, who held the rank of Campmaster at Bahia, was instructed to search for these mines, upon such vague notices as were remembered after some lapse of time; and Fernando Diaz Paez Leme was desired by a letter from Affonso VI, to assist him in the enterprize. Disputes arose concerning their respective powers, between Bezerra, the Governor Salvador Correa, and the Capitam de Mar e Guerra. Bezerra died before the question was decided, and Fernando Diaz, at the age of eighty, solicited and obtained permission to undertake the service at his own charge. So many instances of high public spirit are found in Portugueze history, that such an offer would not be remarkable if it were not for the great age

[page] 47

CHAP. XXXII.

Fernando Dias explores the country. Pedro Diaz Paez Leme. Memorias. MSS.

His services and death.

of the adventurer. A commission was given him, with the command of all the troops who might be employed; and at his own expence he explored, conquered as it is called, and took possession of the whole country included in the present Captaincy of Minas Geraes, opening roads and forming 11 settlements.

Carta d' El Rey D. Pedro. MS.

1677. Dec. 4,

While Fernando Diaz was thus employed, D. Rodrigo de Castello Branco, and Jorge Soares de Macedo, who had been upon an unsuccessful search for silver and gold in the district of Pernagua, were ordered to join him, and assist in exploring the Serra of Sabara Bussu, from whence he had remitted specimens of chrystals and other stones. The hopes of the Court seem at this time to have been almost exhausted, so many attempts having proved fruitless; and in the letter which the King wrote to Fernando Diaz upon this occasion, it was intimated that if the present mission also should fail, it would be the last. These officers were at the Arrayal de Peraupaba, one of his establishments, when they received tiding of his death in a wilder part of the country far distant. His son Garcia Rodriguez Paez, whom at the age of fifteen he had taken with him upon this severe service, delivered to them according to his last

11 Among the settlements which he formed was one in the Comarca of the Rio das Mortes, called A Vituruna; three in Sabara, .. Peraupeba, the Sumidouro do Rio das Velhas, and Rossa Grande; and others at Tucambira, Itamerendeba, As Esmeraldas, Matto das Pedrarias, and Serra Frio. The memoir from whence these particulars are stated was written about the year 1757, by his grandson Pedro Dias Paez Leme, who had succeeded to the office of Proprietary Guarda-Mor. It is stated in this memoir, that the old man would suffer no person to extract gold while he lived, or even to approach the mines, but that he contented himself with sending to the Court a clear account of his discoveries, and of the riches of the land; and then awaited its pleasure. But it is evident from a letter of K. Pedro, and from the official report of his death, that no mines were found during his life.

[page] 48

CHAP. XXXII.

Vol. 1. p. 314.

instructions, some green transparent stones which he believed to be emeralds, and put them in possession of all his plantations of millet, kidney-beans, and mandioc, and of his herds of swine. It was in search of the emerald mines which Marcos de Azevedo Coutinho had discovered, that Fernando Diaz encountered his last and greatest difficulties. From his head quarters at the Sumidouro (or Swallow, as those places are called where a river sinks into a subterraneous channel) he explored the Serra of Sabara 12 Bussu, and underwent during four years so many hardships in the adventure, that his companions, in despair of persuading him to abandon it, conspired against his life: this danger he escaped; but they forsook him, and he was left alone. The persevering old man persisted in his purpose: he had reason for supposing at this time that the mines lay near Vepabussu, the great lake; and he procured more men and means from S. Paulo, having commanded his wife to execute to their full extent any orders which she might receive from him to this effect. He reached the lake with so large a party, that he was able to detach an hundred men 13 to survey the country and take a prisoner if possible; for it was not doubted but that the natives knew where the green stones were found. They brought back a young savage, who being kindly treated, led them to the spot. But this discovery was obtained at a heavy price: the country was pestilential round about the lake. It

12 Guazu, Ouassu, Wassu, Vasu, and Bussu, are so many different forms of writing the Tupi word which signifies great. B and V are used indiscriminately in common orthography by the Portugueze as well as the Spaniards and both those nations, like those who wrote in Latin, represent the sound of our W by Gu.

13 Bastardos they are called, and the word is explained to mean a kind of light troops.

[page] 49

CHAP. XXXII.

Claudio Manoel da Costa. Patriota. April, 1813. p. 53—5.

required all Fernando's vigilance and exertions to quell repeated mutinies among his people; .. even one of his own illegitimate sons whom he greatly loved, was convicted of a design to murder him, and was hung for the intended parricide by his father's orders. He was on the way to S. Paulo with the green stones which had cost him so dear, when he was seized with a fever; and then perhaps, when the next world was opening upon him, he may have understood the vanity of his pursuits in this. The services of this adventurous old man were reported by D. Rodrigo as they deserved. It was represented that in his old age he had left his family in S. Paulo, of which town he had been one of the wealthiest inhabitants, and had engaged in an enterprize which even the Paulistas at that time thought desperate. No person would assist him with means of any kind; he spent his own property in the pursuit, and was reviled for it as a madman who was wasting the substance of his wife and children. He had hired Indians to accompany him at the price of eight milreis a head: they had all deserted, and not one was sent back from S. Paulo, whither they had returned. He had lost thirty of his own Negroes, some dying before him, others of the infectious malady which proved fatal to their master. No priest was sent to him in his last illness, not even though he had kinsmen in S. Paulo who were in orders; and thus he expired in the midst of the wilderness, without confession, and without human assistance. This representation was not ineffectual, and the services of Fernando Diaz were remembered to the benefit of his posterity. He himself did not live to see the desired end of his labours; but he prepared the way for others, and more than any other individual, facilitated their success.

Attestaçam de D. Rodrigo de Castel Branco. MS.

Antonio Roiz Arzam exhibits the first gold.

The first gold which is certainly known to have been produced from this district was a sample of three oitavas, presented in 1695, to the Capitam Mor of Espirito Santo, by Antonio Ro-

VOL. III. H

[page] 50

CHAP. XXXII.

Bartolomeu Bueno inherits his papers.

1691.

1692.

driguez Arzam, a native of the town of Taboate. He had entered with fifty men by way of the Rio Doce, and brought back this proof that his search had been successful. The Commander supplied him and his people with food and clothing, according to the King's instructions; but Arzam could not raise a party sufficient for a second expedition in that Captaincy. In expectation of succeeding better he went therefore first to the Rio, afterwards to S. Paulo, and he died in the latter town, in consequence of the hardships which he had endured, leaving his papers and his pretensions to Bartolomeu Bueno de Sequeira, his brother-in-law. This person had gambled away all his substance, and hoped now to retrieve his ruined fortunes by an enterprize for which he possessed the qualifications of intrepidity, activity, and bodily strength. He raised a competent party among his kinsmen and friends; and they struck into the woods, following the directions which Arzam had left. The tops of certain mountains were their landmark; and after many difficulties, they came out upon a place called Itaverava, or the glittering stone, about eight leagues from the spot where Villa Rica now stands. Here they sowed half a bushel of maize, and then went toward the Rio das Velhas, to support themselves till their crop should have grown and ripened, .. game being more abundant on that side than in the part of the country which they had traversed. When they returned to gather their maize they found a party of other conquerors, as they are called, under Colonel Salvador Fernandes Furtado, and the Capitam Mor Manoel Garcia Velho. There were now hands enough for mining, for they had brought plenty of slaves from the Caete and the Rio Doce; but they had neither skill, knowledge, nor iron tools, and were fain to open the earth with no better instruments than sharpened stakes. Miguel de Almeida, one of Bartolomeu Bueno's company, proposed to the Colonel

[page] 51

CHAP. XXXII. 1692.

Gold exhibited at the Rio.

1693.

Smelting house established at Taboate.

to change blunderbusses, and as his own piece was much inferior, gave him to boot all the gold which he and his companions possessed, amounting to twelve oitavas. Manoel Garcia, desirous of exhibiting this gold at S. Paulo, offered in exchange for it an Indian woman and her daughter 14: the offer was accepted, and the new possessor, proud of his acquisition, set off for S. Paulo. His way was through Taboate: there he visited a certain Carlos Pedrozo da Silveira; and this person, conceiving the same hopes as his visitor, found means to obtain the gold from him for his own use. He then hastened to the Rio, and presented it to the Governor Antonio Paes Sande; in reward for which he received a commission as Capitam Mor of the town of Taboate, and was appointed Provedor of the royal fifths, with orders to establish a Fundiçam, or smelting house, in that town, being the place where the first conquerors disembarked. The erection of this Fundiçam had the same effect as a proclamation from Government would have had, announcing that there was gold in the land, and inviting all persons to search for it.

Memorias sobre a historia de Minas Geraes. MSS.

The discovery of the mines not injurious to the Indians in Brazil.

Herrera. 7. 2. 4.

No men had ever thirsted for gold so insatiably as the first discoverers of America. The Spanish conquerors sought for mines, and for mines only: they would not settle in Florida because none were found there; .. they had not left their own fair and fertile country, they said, to become tillers of the earth, nor had they forsaken it like the barbarous northern nations of old time, because it was incapable of supporting them. Ava-

14 It proved a happy exchange for these poor women, who thus fell into humane hands. They were instructed in the Catholic faith, and baptized by the name of Teresa and Cecilia; the latter died at a great age in the house of the Colonel's daughter, a short time before the memoir was written from which these circumstances are taken.

[page] 52

CHAP. XXXII.

Ierrera. 3. 15.

rice was so notoriously the ruling passion which led them on, that their great historian attributes the abundance of gold and silver in the New World to an especial provision of Providence, whereby the Castillians might be induced to seek the idolatrous natives, and thus communicate to them a knowledge of the saving faith. But if Herrera had considered the mines to be a lure disposed by the Evil Principle, for the purpose of drawing the Spaniards themselves to perdition, facts would have been more in favour of the assumption; for never was there a more damning tyranny than that to which the discovery of these fatal treasures gave occasion. For it was in great measure by working in the mines that the original inhabitants of the Islands were exterminated, and that Mexico, Peru, and the countries of Bogota and Tunja underwent so rapid and excessive a depopulation as would scarcely be credible, if the evidence were not such as to enforce belief. After all possible allowances have been made for exaggeration, and the utmost weight allowed to every extenuating circumstance arising either from the general spirit of the age, or the inhuman customs and idolatries of the native Americans, the early history of Spanish America must for ever stand prominent in the records of human wickedness. Happily for Portugal, the Brazilian mines were not discovered till humaner principles had been acknowledged. The contest for them had been long and arduous; they who stood foremost in a right cause were exposed to all those calumnies, obloquies, and indignities, which are the weapons of profligate men. But Las Casas and Vieyra had not lived in vain; .. though they saw their hope deferred, the principle for which they contended was at length established, and when gold was found in Brazil the Indians had no cause for lamenting the discovery. That event seems even to have put an end, in this part of the country, to the Indian slave-trade: certain it is,

[page] 53

CHAP. XXXII.

that it came in aid of the laws. A new object was held out to the cupidity of the Paulistas, and every other pursuit was abandoned for one which afforded an excitement strong as gambling, and which was as permanent as it was powerful.

First method of mining. Acosta. l. 4. c. 8.

When the Spanish mines were first discovered, a false theory in this as in other instances led to disastrous consequences. They were regarded as trees, of which the veins are the branches; and it was supposed that the root was the richest part: the root therefore would naturally be sought; and as there was no other expence in the search than that of Indian life, that expence was not spared by the Encomenderos and their remorseless agents. It was happy that no such opinion prevailed in Brazil; the toil of discovering the mines was far more severe than that of working them. The common method at that time was to open a square pit, which they called cata 15, till they came to the cascalho, the hard and gravelly soil in which the ore was imbedded; this they broke up with pickaxes, and placing it in a batea, or wooden vessel broad at the top and narrow at the bottom, exposed it to the action of running water, shaking it from side to side till the earth was washed away, and the metallic particles had all subsided. Lumps of native gold were often found from twenty to an hundred oitavas 16 in weight, .. a few which weighed from two to three hundred, and

Rocha Pitta. 8. § 58—65.

15 Cata, search, pursuit. Catar to seek, to explore. The verb is used to denote the chase of certain "small deer" with the fingers, which is among the favourite enjoyments of low life in the south of Europe, and not always disdained by persons of superior rank. By an easy license, the substantive was used in Brazil for a searching-place.

16 The oitava is the eighth part of an ounce, and passed in Brazil at this time for 1200 reis, .. being the quarter of a moidore; in English money six shillings and nine pence.

[page] 54

CHAP. XXXII.

Memorias. MSS.

one, it is asserted, of thirteen pounds: but these were insulated pieces, and the ground where they were discovered was not rich. All the first workings were in the beds of rivers, or in the taboleiros, the table ground on their sides.

Rivalry between the Paulistas and the men of Taboate.

Garcia Roiz Paes appointed Guarda Mor.

Provizam. Dec. 4. 1702. MS.

Pedro Dias Paes Leme. MS.

The first discovery which Government authenticated and proclaimed, had been made by two parties casually meeting in the search, one from S. Paulo, the other from Taboate. These parties seemed to have coalesced cordially; but when adventurers now crowded from both towns, and their surrounding districts, a jealous emulation was excited, bordering upon enmity, so that the Paulistas would not cooperate with the men of Taboate, nor they with the Paulistas. A wider extent of country therefore was explored, and consequently more veins were discovered than if they had acted in unison. At this time, when circumstances were thus prosperous, and the prospect still more flattering, Garcia Rodriguez Paes was named Guarda Mor, with a salary of two thousand cruzados, with the privilege of appointing deputies in distant parts, and with a special exemption from all fees and formalities at entering upon his office. This was in consideration of his father's services; and when he would have declined it as an invidious charge, the Secretary of State wrote to him in reply, that the favours of the Sovereign were not to be rejected, and that in bestowing this favour upon him, the king believed he was giving him a great thing, and one which in time would be well worth soliciting. Garcia Rodriguez continued the course in which his father had been so usefully employed, and opened a road to the Captaincy of the Rio. The increase of adventurers, and the growth of jarring interests, made them request that a minister might be sent to put the laws civil and criminal in regular course; and a Dezembargador was accordingly appointed.

[page] 55

CHAP. XXXII.

First settlements called Camps.

Origin of the city of Mariana.

1700.

Memorias. MSS.

Mawes' Travels. p. 181.

At this time, and by such means, the foundations were laid of many places which now hold a respectable rank among the towns and cities of Brazil; some settlements still retaining the name of Camps, originally given them from the gypsey-like habitations and habits of the first adventurers, who hutted themselves upon the ground. Thus the city of Mariana had its beginning, notwithstanding the difficulties which were at first encountered in working the rich veins in the Rio do Carmo, upon which it stands. The river was shaded on both sides with woods almost impenetrably thick, and the water in consequence was so intensely cold, that it was not possible to work in it more than four hours during the day; provisions were at an enormous price, till the ground could be cleared and cultivated; the alqueire of maize (about the fifth part of an English bushel) varied in price from thirty to forty oitavas, and the same measure of kidney beans sold for fourscore, which is equal to twenty-seven pounds sterling, .. prices which could only be paid by men who were employed in finding gold, and who found it in abundance. They who destroy cities have their names recorded in history, when those who founded them are forgotten. Such founders indeed as these in the Minas Geraes have nothing interesting in their actions, or ennobling in their motives; yet were they men of undaunted courage and unconquerable endurance. Some local interest may justly be attached to their memory, and families in their own country may trace their origin to them with pleasure, and even with pride. The first discovery on the Rio do Carmo was registered in the name of Miguel Garcia of Taboate; the second, nearly at the same time, for Joam Lopes Lima, a Paulista. The ground where they endured and overcame so many difficulties is now the site of a neat and well built city, containing between six and seven thousand inhabitants, and having a college for the education of the clergy.

[page] 56

CHAP. XXXII.

Villa Rica.

1701.

Mawe. 167. Memorias. MSS.

About eight miles to the west of Mariana stands Villa Rica, the capital of the Captaincy of Minas Geraes, and at one time the richest place in the world, if gold alone were riches. Its population is still estimated at twenty thousand, though it has declined in proportion as the mines have failed, and partakes still of the moral and political evils, which both the habits and the laws of mining produce. It is built upon the side of a mountain, part of a long and lofty chain; the streets form so many steps or terraces, crossed by others which lead up the acclivity; and the manner in which the inhabitants have profited by the situation, may be referred to as proof of their ingenuity and activity, when they perceive an adequate motive for exertion. The water with which the mountain abounds is conducted into almost every house, and for public use there are numerous and well constructed fountains in the streets. The whole side of the mountain is husbanded in a manner not unworthy of the Swiss or the Savoyards: it is cut into level gardens at regular distances, supported by low walls, and on these terraces the finest flowers, and the choicest esculent plants are cultivated. The Bairros, or Wards, into which the town is divided, bear at this day the names of the first adventurers who pitched their tents upon the ground, and formed what was then called, the Arraial do Ouro Preto; they were, Antonio Dias of Taboate, Thomas Lopes de Comargo, and Francisco Bueno da Silva, both Paulistas, the latter a near kinsman of Bartolomeu Bueno.

Sabara. 1700.

The mines of Sabara were registered by the Lieutenant General Borba Gato. Manoel de Borba Gato was son-in-law to Fernando Dias Paez; and the gunpowder, lead, and mining instruments which the old man possessed in this part of the country, were in his charge when D. Rodrigo de Castello Branco, with a party of Paulistas in his company, arrived there on

[page] 57

CHAP. XXXII.

their way to prosecute the discovery of the emeralds. They demanded these materials for the public service; and some of D. Rodrigo's companions, perceiving that Borba was not disposed to give them up, attempted to take them by force. D. Rodrigo interfered to prevent this; but before the resentment which had thus been roused was allayed, he threw out a rash menace, which kindled the anger of Borba's retainers, and they killed him upon the spot. They were the weaker party, but Borba Gato, with great presence of mind, pretended that a 17 large body of his friends were hastening up, and D. Rodrigo's people took flight to save their lives. When they discovered how they had been deceived, it is said that they were ashamed to return to their own country, and therefore struck toward the sources of the river S. Francisco: they were the first persons who established themselves in that part of Brazil; and from the cattle which they took with them, those herds were produced by which the Minas Geraes are at this time supplied. Borba Gato, believing that no efforts would be spared for arresting and punishing him for the murder, withdrew with some Indians into the Sertam of the Rio Doce, and lived there for some years as a Cacique. But he applied for pardon through his kinsmen at S. Paulo; and as the act had not been committed by his orders, the Governor Artur de Sa, with whom he obtained an interview, promised him reward as well as forgiveness, if he would verify the discoveries at Sabara. Borba gladly fulfilled the condition, and was rewarded with the rank of lieutenant

Claxdio Manoel da Costa. Patriota. April, 1813. p. 56—8.

17 He pretended, says Claudio Manoel, that Fernando Dias was unexpectedly arrived. This is certainly erroneous: for the letter to the Government which contains an account of the death and services of Fernando Dias was written by D. Rodrigo.

VOL. III. I

[page] 58

CHAP. XXXII.

Caethé.

S. Joam.

S. José.

Serro Frio.

General. This side of the country was explored before the other parts of the Captaincy, because the first conquerors directed their course toward the Rio das Velhas, where the open country abounded with game, and probably for that reason with Indians, the chase of which they were in pursuit. The Sargento Mor Leandro Vardes, and the Guerras who were natives of Santos, made their discovery in a place called Caethé, which signifies a forest without any intervening glade; and this inappropriate name is still the common appellation of the town into which their settlement has grown, though it was chartered by that of Villa Nova da Rainha. The town of S. Joam owes its foundation to Thomé Cortes d'El Rei, a native of Taboate; that of S. José, to his townsman Josê de Sequeira Affonso; both are upon the Rio das Mortes. Antonio Soares, a Paulista, and Antonio Rodriguez Arzam, a descendant of the first adventurer of that name, explored a wilder region, which the Indians called Hyvituray, because it is exposed to violent and piercing winds: and which for the same reason is now denominated Serro Frio. The former has left his name to one of the Serras in this district, the richest part of all Brazil, in its mineral productions, but the poorest in whatever truly constitutes the wealth, or contributes to the well-being of man.

Memorias. MSS.

Second code.

Regimento das Terras Mineraes. April 19, 1702. MS. § 7.

It was found necessary to alter the existing laws. A greedy desire of gain induced the powerful, (as the new code called them) to solicit so many grants, that none were left for poor adventurers; .. the former code seems therefore to have been disregarded, or to have fallen into disuse; .. these men of influence had not means for working the numerous grants which they monopolized, so they sold them to those whom they had forestalled, or let them lie unopened; in the first case to the injury of the people, and in the second to the detriment of the revenue. Therefore it was enacted, that no second grant should be made

[page] 59

CHAP. XXXII. 1702.

§ 20.

§ 5.

§ 5. 8.

§ 22.

to any person till he had worked the first; and if ground were still remaining after all the adventurers had received their allotments, it should be apportioned among those who possessed more than twelve slaves, a certain quantity being allowed for every additional head. On the other hand, when there were more claimants than could find shares in the extent of ground upon the scale prescribed, the proportions were to be lessened, that all might be satisfied, as well the poor as the powerful, .. though it should be necessary, said the law, to measure the ground by spans instead of fathoms. The allotments were now regulated by the number of slaves which the miner employed, in the ratio of two braças and a half for each. Beside its fifths, the Crown took to itself an allotment, to be marked out in the best place, after the discoverer had taken his first grant, and before he had chosen his second: and if an adventurer did not begin to work his ground within forty days, a third part of it, upon information of the lapse, should be assigned to the informer, and the other two thirds fall to the Crown: but distance, want of provisions, bad weather, and ill health, might be pleaded against the forfeiture; and if this plea were substantiated, it was to be held good. The royal allotments were to be let by auction, after nine days notice; and the law declared, that the powerful should not be suffered to prevent the poor from bidding for them: if the bidding were not thought high enough, the superintendant was then to see them worked for the Treasury by Indians, paying them the same price for their labour which they would have received from private individuals. The inconvenience of this was soon perceived; it was then determined, that if the Crown allotments were not leased, adventurers might work them at their own expence, and take half the produce: the preference, in such cases, was to be given to persons of most conscience and credit; .. a necessary proviso, when these persons were to

[page] 60

CHAP. XXXII. 1702.

Carta Regia. May 7, 1703. MS.

Regimento, § 9.

work for half the produce of the mine, and all other adventurers for four fifths. No officer of the treasury, or of justice, might possess a grant, nor share in one, nor derive from the mines any other emolument than his salary, on pain of loss of office, and forfeiture of all his forbidden gains, with a threefold fine, one third going to the informer. Any person engaging with an officer in such transactions, should forfeit his grant as well as his profits; and a heavy fine was imposed upon the Guarda Mor, or Superintendant, who should connive at these proceedings.

§ 26. 28. 10.

Carta Regia. Mar. 7, 1703. MS.

The salary of the Superintendant was fixed at three thousand five hundred cruzados; the Guarda Mor had two thousand; the Guardas Menores one thousand each, and in that ratio for the time these latter might hold these appointments. The appointment of a Treasurer was vested in the Superintendant. He was to be one of the principal and wealthiest inhabitants, with a salary of three thousand cruzados; and if the funds appointed for these payments fell short, the deficiency in this case was to be supplied from the fifths. As this officer could not be present every where where his services were required, he was to have deputies with salaries of five hundred cruzados each. The law said, that because all these officers were created solely for the advantage of the mines, it was fit that the miners should provide their salaries; each adventurer therefore was taxed in a tenth of the sum for which the royal allotment was let; .. the assessment however being lowered in proportion to the inferior quality of an allotment. This law also was soon revoked, and the privilege of mining was conceded to the officers in lieu of a salary. The prospect of gain must have been very attractive, if this commutation were as agreeable to the officers, as it would be to the miners. Upon the face of this law, it appears to give them nothing but what they might have claimed as simple adven-

[page] 61

CHAP. XXXII. 1702.

turers, and to impose upon them the burden of office without reward.

Regimento. § 11.

§ 18.

§ 24.

§ 23.

Holders were not allowed to sell their grants for the purpose of obtaining others in better situations; this practice was forbidden, on pain of forfeiture of a year's value from both parties; but he who could not work his grant either for want of slaves at first, or afterwards by reason of their death, might in such case obtain a license from the superintendant to sell, that license disqualifying him from receiving another allotment, unless it were proved that he had obtained slaves enough to benefice it. When a discovery was made upon the banks of a river, the artifice was sometimes practised, of asking time to examine the ground, and employing that time in working it, to defraud the government by securing the first fruits. To prevent such frauds, eight days only were to be allowed for examination, and the discoverer if he exceeded that time forfeited his claims. But as it was difficult to lay down a positive law for cases, which might be so greatly varied by circumstances, it was provided, that this term might be enlarged at the discretion of the Superintendant, when the ribeiro, or bank, was extensive, and the catas, or searching places, deep. Allotments on the shore were to be straight, not measured by the course of the water. When gold had been discovered in the bed of a river, claims were sometimes made for new discoveries in the streams which fell into it; these claims were to be allowed or not, according to the magnitude of the streams. This was a point of some importance; for the fortunate adventurer who made four discoveries was entitled to four allotments in the last, instead of two.

§ 5.

The whole ordinary, civil, and military authority, was vested in the Superintendant, as the Juezes de Fora, and the Ouvidores Geraes, possessed it in other parts of Brazil; and because of the dis-

[page] 62

CHAP. XXXII. 1702.

§ 31. 25.

§ 13.

§ 16.

§ 17.

§ 21.

tance of the mines from the capital, definitive powers were allowed him in treasury causes, to the amount of a hundred milreis; for other and graver cases an appeal lay to the Supreme Court at Bahia. Secret information would be received of any frauds committed upon the Government, that proceedings might be instituted against the offenders, conformably to law. Cattle were driven from Bahia to the mines, and gold dust given in payment for them. The drovers were now required to notify their arrival in the mining district, and specify what number of head they imported, on pain of forfeiting the value three-fold of so many as they should attempt to conceal, and suffering the other penalties of smuggling. They were also to inform the Superintendant of the prices which they obtained, in order that if the gold wherewith they were paid had not previously been fifthed, the Treasury might then exact its due. Any person might go from the mines to Bahia for the purpose of purchasing cattle with gold dust; but unless he previously paid the fifth, and provided himself with a certificate, whatever he took with him was confiscable. The ingress was not equally free, no persons being allowed to enter from Bahia, except the drovers. Slaves might not be introduced in this direction, the law not permitting Negroes to come from any other place than the Rio. Nothing but cattle might be imported from Bahia by way of the Certam; it was required that all other commodities should be shipt for the Rio, and introduced by way either of Taboate or S. Paulo. These restrictions were designed to prevent the clandestine extraction of gold dust. And the Superintendant and Guarda Mor were charged especially to look that no idle persons were allowed to remain in the mines; for such persons, it was said, could only serve to consume provisions and smuggle out the gold. No goldsmith was to be tolerated there, nor any settlers suf-

[page] 63

CHAP. XXXII. 1702.

fered to remain, who had a slave capable of exercising this forbidden craft.

Effects of mining upon the people.

The passion for mining is described by those who have witnessed it in Spanish America, to be a sort of madness, .. at once the most acute and chronic form of that disease which the love of gaming produces. Whoever, it is said, has once begun to use the technical language of the miners, ceases to think of any thing else: from the first trial, although he may resolve that it shall be only a trial, the course of his future life receives its unalterable direction. He has tasted of the insane root; he hears and repeats the common saying, that God has deposited the precious ores in the earth for those whom he has predestined to be the happy discoverers; applying this to himself, he determines that he will not be wanting to his own fortune, and he engages the whole of his means in the search. Men who have been noted for prudence, and even for penuriousness, till they have been persuaded to adventure in mining, acquire a new character from that pursuit, and avarice itself is hurried by its own greediness into prodigality. They are led on not only by those mineralogical indications which may reasonably be trusted, but by fantastic correspondences, .. the direction, the form, the magnitude of the hill or mountain, the herbs which it produces. From the hour wherein they commence this enterprize, they live in one continued dream of hope: the gleanings of a wasted property are devoted to the work with more eagerness and keener expectation than the first outlay; one adventure more may bring back all that has gone before it; they are near the vein, wealth will overflow upon them when they hit the spring, and to-morrow repay the labour, and richly realize the hopes of so many patient and painful years.

Ulloa. Entretenimiento. 12. § 9. 14.

People flock to the mines from all parts of Brazil.

The passion was not less vehement in Brazil, but it was less ruinous; and it was far more prevalent, because the ore lay near

[page] 64

CHAP. XXXII. 1702.

Rocha Pitta. 8. § 67.

Regimento. MS. § 30.

Decay of the sugar trade, and depopulation.

the surface, and gold instead of silver was the bait; less labour and less capital were required for the search, the temptation was stronger, the risque less, the reward greater. The gold of the mines became now, says Rocha Pitta, the magnet of the Brazilians. Even the Governor of the Rio, Artur de Sa da Menezes, forgetful of his official character and obligations, went there, made himself the companion of the miners, engaged in the pursuit with equal avidity, and did not return till he carried back with him enough to enrich himself. Such conduct did not escape without the reprehension which it deserved; it was noted in the new laws. Experience, it was there said, had shewn that the Governor could not go to the mines without inconvenience to the public service, his presence being necessary in the seat of his government: he was therefore forbidden to visit this district unless by express orders from the Court, or in case of some unforeseen urgency wherein he would be culpable if he did not immediately repair thither. Adventurers now crouded to the scene of action from the other Captaincies, more especially from Bahia; and not mere adventurers alone, to whom having their fortunes to seek all places were alike, and who with regard to the general good might as well be cast upon one place as another, but men of substance also, who were well settled and beneficially employed for the community and for themselves. Farms were forsaken and left to run waste; the cultivator was not content to wait patiently for the wealth with which the ground repaid him, when he might dig for gold, and had in imagination the prospect of coming at once upon the well-head of riches. For this purpose Negroes were bought up at any price. The owners of the Engenhos could not stand the competition with speculators as eager as they were adventurous; none but the wealthiest proprietors could afford to keep up their stock

[page] 65

CHAP. XXXII. 1702.

Labat. Voyage aux Isles. T. 4. p. 77.

when the price was thus enormously advanced; the greater part soon became distressed for want of hands: they made less sugar in consequence, and as less was made it was naturally made worse, .. that business being usually neglected which is carried on without hope; and the works at length were necessarily abandoned as the slaves dropt off, or as the masters were ruined. Hitherto the European states had been supplied with sugar almost exclusively from Brazil; the exportation now rapidly diminished, and the French and English who were beginning at this time to carry on the culture of the cane with success in their islands, took advantage of the opportunity, and occupied the markets. Commerce of every sort declined when the staple article was thus reduced, and the inevitable consequence of this decline was to increase the spirit of emigration by which it was occasioned. Thus villages and towns and cities were thinned, and the marks of depopulation were plainly visible thirty years afterwards.

Rocha Pitta. 8. § 111—112.

Government attempts to prevent this emigration, but in vain.

Alarmed at the rapid progress of this unforeseen evil, the Government hoped to check it at once by a decisive interposition: it therefore prohibited the passage of slaves from Bahia to the mines, and enacted that all who were apprehended in making the attempt should be confiscated, and shared between the Treasury and the Informer. Troops were employed to cut off this contraband transit, and many seizures were made. But it was impossible to guard all the passes in so extensive and so wild a country; and fiscal vigilance is seldom so ingenious, and never so indefatigable, as individual enterprize. Hope is stronger than fear; and in these cases, and to men who were either desperate in fortune, or full of confidence, the stake was little in comparison with the prize for which it was adventured. By sea as well as by land the game was carried on with equal exertion. Every vessel which sailed for the Rio, or for the ports

VOL. III. K

[page] 66

CHAP. XXXII. 1703.

of Santos, S. Vicente, and Espiritu Santo, was diligently searched at the hour of its departure; .. the schemers evaded this by previously sending off the Negroes to Itapirica, or some other island in the bay, from whence they went off in boats and waited for the ships upon the bar. When this arrangement was discovered guards were embarked in every vessel, with orders not to leave it till they were many leagues out at sea. This state of things did not continue long before Government perceived the impolicy of counteracting the natural course of enterprize, and attempting to turn the stream when it was set so strongly in this direction. Accordingly the prohibition was revoked, .. the fortune of the mines, says Rocha Pitta, prevailing over that of the Engenhos: their produce contributed to the victory, and converted the Court to the opinion of the Brazilians, that it was better to find gold than to cultivate the sugar cane.

Rocha Pitta. 8. § 114—117.

D. Rodrigo da Costa Governor. Disputes concerning Nova Colonia.

These golden discoveries occurred during the administrations of D. Joam de Lancastro, and his successor D. Rodrigo da Costa. In the time of this latter Governor Brazil was again affected by the fluctuation of affairs in Europe. The arrangement which had hitherto been made respecting the territory of Nova Colonia was so indefinite, that it seems as if the terms had been rendered studiously inconclusive, with a view to after litigation. Frequent bickerings occurred. The Portugueze complained of aggressions and murders committed by the Indians from the Reductions. On the other hand, the Jesuits affirmed that the Portugueze had entered into alliance with the Indians who occupied the country between Nova Colonia and their establishments; that they supplied them with fire-arms, instigated them to attack the Christian settlements, and sent troops to their assistance when they were repulsed and pursued. It was necessary for their own preservation, that they should be upon good terms with the neighbouring tribes, and

[page] 67

CHAP. XXXII. 1703.

that the Indians should obtain fire-arms from them would be the injurious but natural consequence of a friendly intercourse. But for the Portugueze, who were few in number, far from succour, and in front of Buenos Ayres, to have provoked hostilities from the Reductions, in which it was certain that Buenos Ayres must take part, would have been an act of impolicy and even folly, which it is by no means likely that they should have committed. With better grounds, the Spaniards accused them of intruding far into the country, by land and by water, of cutting down the wood upon the Isle of Martin Garcia, which they did not pretend to claim, and of slaughtering the cattle for the sake of exporting the hides, with so little regard to any other consideration that the Spaniards had reason to apprehend a scarcity of food in consequence of this wasteful havoc. These complaints were urged by the Governor of Buenos Ayres, D. Manuel del Prado, with as much asperity as if it had been a personal dispute, and he were ambitious of displaying his talents for acrimonious controversy. Yet upon a strange report that the Danes intended forcibly to establish themselves in the Plata, he called upon the Portugueze Governor to cooperate in opposing them, and required him for that purpose to fortify the position of Monte Video; .. a remarkable circumstance in other respects, as well as for the singular cause of alarm: it shows, notwithstanding the frequent contention and bitter enmity between them, how well both nations were disposed to act together for their common interest against all interlopers; and it shows also that the site of Monte Video was at this time acknowledged to be within the Portugueze demarcation.

Charlevoix. 2. 257. Sobre o Terrilorio de N. Colonia. MS.

War with Spain, and siege of Nova Colonia.

Prado had been succeeded by D. Alonso Valdes, when the part which Portugal had taken in the war of the Succession legitimatized hostilities in America. Preparations were imme-

[page] 68

CHAP. XXXII. 1703.

diately made for attacking Nova Colonia, and the Governor Sebastiam da Veiga sent to Bahia and to the Rio for succour. Four hundred men, with stores and ammunition, were embarked with the utmost activity from the former city. As they were crossing the bar, a ship homeward bound from the Spanish Indies came in, having been driven thus widely out of her course, in distress for provisions and water, standing in need of repairs, and ignorant of the war. There were not wanting persons who advised D. Rodrigo to seize her, and thus indemnify the State for the expence of dispatching these reinforcements to Nova Colonia: but conformable as this would have been to established usages, a better feeling prevailed. The Governor prohibited all persons from going on board the ship, or holding any communication with the crew, except those whom he appointed: he allowed the Spaniards to supply themselves at fair prices with whatever they required, to remain as long as was necessary, and when they were thoroughly refitted suffered them to depart in peace, admiring the generosity with which they had been treated.

Rocha Pitta. 8. § 84—7.

The Portugueze evacuate the place.

Other reinforcements were dispatched from the Rio. Meantime Sebastiam da Veiga had laboured diligently at the works, which had been carried on slowly when there was no apprehension of immediate danger. There had been leisure for this, because the besieging force was to be collected from distant parts. The orders for the siege came from Peru; part of the troops were to be drawn from Tucuman, and the Reductions were summoned to supply four thousand men. These auxiliaries were formed into three divisions under four Cacique Camp-Masters, with four Missionaries, who were the real Commanders, and four Brethren who practised surgery. Two of the divisions 18 came down the Uruguay; the third, having a shorter journey to perform, marched by land. The

[page] 69

CHAP. XXXII. 1703.

Sargento Mayor, Baltazar Garcia, commanded the besieging army. The Portugueze burnt all the houses which were without the works, and made a gallant defence. The enemies' batteries discharged from an hundred and fifty to two hundred balls every day, which was thought a great exertion; mines were resisted by countermines, and the war was carried on by water as well as by land, till the Spaniards brought a flotilla from Buenos Ayres, and blockaded the bay. At length they resorted to the slow but surer means of starving out the garrison. Sebastiam da Veiga apprized the Government of his situation, and ships accordingly were sent from the Rio with orders for him to bring off his men and abandon the place; for it was not deemed prudent to spare men for reinforcing him and enabling him to maintain it. These vessels broke through the smaller craft which formed the blockade; .. six of the largest guns were spiked, the rest were put on board with all the moveable things of value, including the church vessels and the images; the Portugueze then set fire to the fortress, and embarked in safety, after having supported a six months siege.

Rocha Pitta. 8. § 88—100.

1705. Luiz Cesar de Menezes Governor. 1706.

D. Rodrigo da Costa was succeeded in the government by Luiz Cesar de Menezes, Alferez Mor, or Standard Bearer of Portugal. During his administration, Pedro II. died, and his

18 Charlevoix says they arrived with six thousand horses and mules of burden. .. He forgets that these were not necessary, and overlooks the difficulty of transporting them. Valuable as this author is on many accounts, he writes sometimes without reflection, and sometimes without thinking it his business to look for information where it might be found. For instance, he affirms that the Portugueze reestablished themselves at Nova Colonia, and fortified the place unknown to the Spaniards at Buenos Ayres, whereas the reoccupation was in pursuance of a Treaty.

[page] 70

CHAP. XXXII. 1706.

Exemplary conduct of the Archbishop of Bahia.

Rocha Pitta. 9. § 11—13.

Elogio pelo P. Prudencio de Amaral.

Oratio Panegyrica P. Joannis Antonii Andreoni.

son Joam V. inherited the throne. Brazil, which was once so little valued that space enough for a large kingdom was given to any adventurer who would undertake to settle a colony upon it, was now become the most important part of the Portugueze dominions. Hitherto, its Church had been governed by the Constitutions of the Church of Lisbon: the first synod was now convened by the Archbishop of Bahia, D. Sebastiam Monteiro da Vide, and a body of constitutions adapted to the circumstances of the country were compiled for the Church of Brazil. The Bishops of S. Thomas and Angola were among the suffragans who were convoked. This distinguished primate had made himself well acquainted with the state of his own extensive diocese, by going through the whole of it in four visitations, in the last of which he administered the communion to eight thousand persons, and confirmed more than ten thousand: it is sufficient proof of his proper sense of duty and his zealous discharge of it, that he should have undergone the fatigues and difficulties of such journies in such a land. He built churches, and sometimes laid the foundation stone with his own hands, and in his pontificals, to make the ceremony more impressive: he erected a palace for himself and his successors: he provided becoming shrines for the relics in the Cathedral at Bahia, seeing that they were not preserved with that care, nor in that splendour, to which things of this kind are thought entitled by the Roman Catholics: he distinguished by his favour those Priests who were versed either in the Dutch, or English, or Danish languages, and encouraged them to convert sailors of those nations when they came to Bahia; and he drew up a summary of the religious instruction necessary for salvation according to the doctrines of his church, and distributed many thousand copies throughout the country, chiefly among the slaves; thus in all things acting like a true and faithful servant, according to his light.

[page] 71

CHAP. XXXII. 1701.

Fernam Carrilho Governor pro tempore at Para.

1702.

Meantime Antonio de Albuquerque, whose health had suffered from the climate of Para, returned to Lisbon as soon as the disputes with Cayenne were settled, leaving the government in the hands of Fernam Carrilho, till a successor should be appointed. Carrilho was a soldier of fortune, whose short administration is only remarkable for a circumstance which must have confirmed the people in some of their superstitious opinions. Two Franciscan missionaries had been murdered in the Ilha dos Joanes by the Aruans; a party of Portugueze and Indians were sent to take vengeance upon the savages: they found the bodies of these friars in a state of perfect preservation, although they had lain six months upon the ground exposed to animals, insects, and all accidents of weather, and although their habits were rotten. No enquiry was made into the natural causes of this phenomenon because a miraculous one was immediately supposed: but fraud cannot be suspected; no persons whose testimony might reasonably be distrusted were concerned, and Berredo, who relates the fact, and who certainly had the means of verifying it, is not a credulous writer; .. the bias of his prejudices was toward the opposite direction. The bodies were brought to Belem as they had been found, and after the whole city had seen them, were buried in the Capella Mor of the Church belonging to their Convent.

Berredo. § 1421—6.

D. Manoel Rolim Governor of Maranham.

Disputes with the Ouvidor.

Carrilho was soon superseded by D. Manoel Rolim de Moura, whose ill fortune it was, like so many of his predecessors in this troublesome government, to be embroiled with jarring authorities. The Ouvidor Geral, Miguel Monteiro Bravo, had eoncluded some contracts for the Crown, without having previously obtained the Governor's approbation, as the law required; being summoned by the Governor, that the matter might be settled, he refused to appear before him, for which act

[page] 72

CHAP. XXXII. 1704.

1705.

of scandalous disobedience, Rolim immediately suspended him from all his offices. The Ouvidor withdrew to S. Luiz; but after awhile he returned to Belem, and took up his abode in the Jesuits' College. Rolim, either from the placability of an easy temper, or because he apprehended that the Ouvidor, by favour of the Jesuits, might make his case good at Court, offered to reinstate him: the other would not consent to such an accommodation; and in defiance of the express orders, both of the Governor and the Government, that no person should embark from that State without a license, got privily on board ship and sailed for Lisbon. The representations which he there made were so effectual, that the Queen Dowager of England, who then acted as Regent during the illness of her brother King Pedro, deprived Rolim of his office, and ordered him instantly to resign it to the Capitam Mor of Para, Joam de Vellasco Molina, till his successor should come out. His administration had been popular, and his conduct in this affair was thought so justifiable, and so little deserving of this extraordinary severity, that the chief persons of Belem advised him to appeal to the King, when his Majesty should be thoroughly informed of the circumstances, and to retain his authority till such time, in perfect confidence of a favourable result. But Rolim submitted to the rigour of his orders, and having resigned the government in consequence, departed for Maranham, meaning as soon as his successor should have arrived, to travel by land to Bahia, that he might be in time for the homeward bound fleet.

Berredo. § 1429—1438.

1706. Misconduct of the Capitam Mor.

This conduct ought to have exempted him from all suspicion. Joam de Vellasco however was informed that a conspiracy had been planned for setting him aside and reinstating Rolim in the government: and without questioning the grounds, or even the probability of such a charge, he hastened to S. Luiz with the Ouvidor of Para, who perhaps from motives

[page] 73

CHAP. XXXII. 1706.

of personal animosity, believed that his brother magistrate of Maranham was implicated in the plot. Under this persuasion they proceeded in the most arbitrary manner, and without even the forms of law, to imprison the suspected Ouvidor and many of the chief persons of the land. Rolim himself escaped the same unworthy treatment by taking shelter in the Franciscan Convent, after he had for some time wandered about the island. These troubles were terminated by the arrival of the new Governor Christovam da Costa Freire, Senhor de Pancas, who amidst the acclamations of the people received possession of the government from Rolim, according to the instructions of his patent. This was a conclusive proof that the King had not approved the severity with which Rolim had been treated. Inquiry was instituted into the supposed conspiracy, and it was found that the parties had been accused without the slightest cause.

Berredo. § 1439—46.

Jealousy in the mines between the Paulistas and Forasteiros.

Hitherto Maranham had been the most lawless part of Portugueze America. The restoration of order by Gomes Freyre, and the increase of its commerce, had now produced great and permanent improvement; so that from henceforth the authority of the mother country was as much obeyed there as at Bahia or at Rio de Janeiro. The country of the Mines was now becoming the most turbulent, as well as the most important district of Brazil. In the influx of people, the more desperate as well as the more adventurous had repaired thither: a place where there was no law and no appearance of government, and no restraint of any kind, attracted the dissolute and the criminal, as strongly as the knowledge that gold was to be found by searching for it, drew thither the needy and the enterprizing from all parts. In the absence of any other authority, Manoel de Borba Gato, the founder of Sabara, arrogated to himself the title of Governor of the Mines, upon

Manoel Alvaro Carneiro. MS.

VOL. III. L

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CHAP. XXXII. 1708.

the plea of his merits as a discoverer: the Paulistas, his countrymen, acknowledged him as the head of their party, and by their support, and the active aid of a certain Valentine Pedrozo Barros, he maintained the rank which he had assumed. There are cases in which the wise and equitable administration of power has reconciled men to the defect or illegality of the title by which it is administered. Borba Gato's government was of this kind; it was justified by its expediency. But his influence seems not to have extended far beyond his own district; no individual possessed the same ascendancy after his death; and the jealousy which from the beginning had existed between the Paulistas and the people of Taboate, assumed at length a formidable and destructive character. The latter were no longer the sole object of the Paulistas' enmity. This powerful party, long accustomed to give the law wherever they went, confounded all who were not from their own country under the general name of Emboabas, a word of Tupi origin, and probably of hostile or contemptuous signification. They did not consider that the superiority of numbers which was at first on their side, had gradually been transferred to the Forasteiros, or Foreigners, as they were also denominated; still less did they call to mind that these strangers whom they had been accustomed to despise and insult; were as high-minded, and many of them as lawless and audacious, as themselves.

The Forasterios chuse Manoel Nunes for their head.

The first appearance of any serious resistance to the ascendancy which they arrogated, occurred in the Arrayal, or Camp of the Rio das Mortes. A Forasteiro who carried on some humble occupation there, was put to death by a Paulista, with circumstances that were deemed tyrannical and iniquitous: the other Forasteiros in the settlement were so incensed, that they would have taken summary justice upon the murderer,

[page] 75

CHAP. XXXII. 1708.

if he had not found means to evade their keen pursuit; but so weary were they of the state of anarchy in which they lived, and so sensible of the insecurity which was its necessary consequence, that they now sent to the Rio, intreating D. Fernando Martins Mascarenhas de Lancastro to send them a Captain who might maintain tranquillity and justice. The Governor accordingly sent a commission to one of the inhabitants whom he judged worthy of the charge. While this was fresh in the minds of the people, making indeed the common talk throughout the mining country, a more serious tumult arose at Caheté. Two of the most considerable men among the Paulistas, the one called Jeronymo 19 Poderoso, and the other known by the not less noticeable name of Julius Cæsar, were standing in the Church porch, when they observed a Forasteiro passing by with a blunderbuss in his hand: the piece caught their fancy, and as the easiest way of obtaining it, they accused the man of having stolen it, and attempted with many injuries and insults to take it from him. Manoel Nunes Viana happened to see this: he was a native of the mother country, a powerful man in the Mines, and a person of great prudence and resolution; he happened also to know that the piece in dispute was the man's lawful property, and therefore he interposed in his behalf. High words ensued, and Manoel Nunes challenged both the Paulistas. At first the challenge was accepted; but this was not the customary mode of settling quarrels in Brazil: they excused themselves from meeting him in the field, and collecting their kinsmen

19 The name may probably have been Pedrozo, and the alteration either a pun of vanity or of malice. It has already been observed, that the distinction of Poderosos, or men of power, was so well known as to be noticed in the laws.

[page] 76

CHAP. XXXII. 1708.

and friends, prepared to assault him in his own house. The intelligence was speedily conveyed to the Camps of Sabarabusú and of the Rio das Velhas; there, as well as at Caheté, the Forasteiros looked up to Manoel Nunes as their protector. They perceived how closely their own interests were connected with his safety, and therefore making common cause, they took arms and hastened to his defence. The quarrel now assumed a serious appearance; the Paulistas however, sensible perhaps that the circumstances of the aggression were disgraceful, and perhaps apprehensive of the result if they should proceed farther, proposed an accommodation, which was readily accepted; they promised on both sides to live in peace and friendship, and returned to their own houses.

Rocha Pitta. 9. § 20—3.

War between the parties.

From the temper, habits, and circumstances of both parties, it was not likely that such an agreement would be durable; and the heart-burnings which were still cherished broke out ere long with aggravated force. Some Forasteiros went in pursuit of a Mamaluco who had killed one of their countrymen, to the house of Joseph Pardo, a Paulista poderoso, with whom he had taken shelter: Pardo conveyed him away into the woods, and for not delivering him up was murdered by the furious pursuers, who neither heeded his appeals to the treaty which had been so recently concluded, nor considered that they themselves would certainly have acted in the same manner on a similar occasion. Upon this atrocious outrage the Paulistas again took arms; .. as in countries where there is none to render them justice, men will take it for themselves when they can. A report arose that they combined for the purpose of exterminating all foreigners from the Mines, as the only means of securing themselves: .. in this opinion they were not erroneous: .. and it was said and believed also, that they had determined at an appointed day and hour to fall upon them in every part of

[page] 77

CHAP. XXXII. 1708.

the mining country, and massacre them all. Though perhaps not a man among them would have scrupled at a few occasional murders, it may well be doubted whether the whole body were capable of engaging in so execrable a conspiracy. But the report obtained full credit. The other party rose again in arms; they collected together from the three camps, went in search of Manoel Nunes Viana, and elected him Governor over all the inhabitants of the Mines; .. in order, they said, that he might curb the insolence of the Paulistas, and compel them to live in obedience to the laws. Manoel Nunes accepted the nomination; such indeed being the state of the country, that if he consulted his own personal safety in regard to either party, there was no other course. The Forasteiros of the settlement at Ouro Preto, and at the Rio das Mortes, as soon as they heard of this election, sent to notify their obedience to the chosen Governor, and to entreat succour against the Paulistas, who were strong in those districts, and who, they said, acknowledged no law but that of their own will.

Rocha Pitta. 9. § 24—5.

Bento de Amaral goes to the Rio das Mortes.

The country was now actually in a state of civil war. Manoel Nunes was presently at the head of a large armed force. He hastened to the mines of Ouro Preto, and having secured the ascendancy of his party in that quarter, dispatched more than a thousand men, under Bento de Amaral Coutinho, to the relief of the Forasteiros upon the Rio das Mortes, where they had thrown up a redoubt for their defence, and were in dread of being attacked, overpowered, and massacred. Bento de Amaral was a native of the Rio; .. a daring villain, who having committed so many outrages and murders in his own province, that relaxed as the laws were, he could no longer abide there in safety, had removed to a part of the country altogether lawless. The arrival of this reinforcement released the Forasteiros from their blockade, and gave them the superiority. Several

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CHAP. XXXII. 1708.

bands of Paulistas who were prowling about, and watching for opportunities of vengeance, were pursued and driven toward their own territory. One larger body had pitched their tents about five leagues from the Camp where Bento de Amaral was quartered: he sent a strong detachment against them, but the commander returned without attempting hostilities, declaring that they were far stronger than himself: this incensed Amaral, and he immediately proceeded against them with his whole force.

Rocha Pitta. 9. § 26—8.

He massacres a party of Paulistas.

These Paulistas were hutted in a thicket in the middle of a wide plain. As soon as they saw their enemies approach they retired into the thicket and prepared for defence, knowing the man by whom they were attacked to be as resolute and as ferocious as themselves. Bento de Amaral gave orders to surround the grove; a fire was kept up from the trees, by which one of his men was killed, and several wounded; but after a blockade of four and twenty hours, the Paulistas seeing that their situation was hopeless, sent out a white flag, and offered upon an assurance of good treatment to surrender their arms. The assurance which they required was given; they came forth accordingly, and no sooner did Amaral get possession of their arms and see them compleatly at his mercy, than the villain gave orders for putting them to death. There were persons in his army who protested against this detestable act; but there were also a set of ruffians worthy of such a leader, and slaves, to whom the shedding of blood was sport; and the whole of these miserable Paulistas were butchered. Amaral returned boasting of his exploits. Manoel Nunes, who had been born and educated in a land where, ill executed as the laws were, the habits of subordination and humanity which they induce were still unimpaired, would gladly have expressed his indignation against this ruffian more effectually than by

[page] 79

CHAP. XXXII. 1708.

reproaching him for what he had done; but the act was too consonant to the manners and temper of the people, and any attempt at punishing it would have endangered, or probably assured, his own destruction. He contented himself therefore with preventing farther crimes as far as his power extended, and exercised his illegal authority in the best manner he could for the public weal.

Rocha Pitta. 9. § 28—31.

The Governor of the Rio goes to the mines.

The people refuse to admit him.

When information of this war between the two parties, and of the massacre, reached Rio de Janeiro, the Governor rightly conceived that this was one of those urgent cases in which the law required him to repair immediately to the Mines, without waiting for permission or instructions from Portugal. He set off therefore with four companies of troops, and went to the Arrayal of the Rio das Mortes, the nearest place to the scene of this enormous crime, and he remained there some weeks endeavouring to restore order. The dreadful circumstances which had recently occurred, and the representations which were made by the suffering party, who now looked gladly for protection to an authority which at other times they would have set at nought, disposed him naturally toward the side of the Paulistas. Those of the other party who were on the spot and were treated with severity, some of them in all likelihood having been implicated in the massacre, sent round to inform the Forasteiros throughout the country, that the Governor was come for the purpose of subjecting and punishing them; that he had brought with him handcuffs and fetters for those who should fall into his power; and that no resource remained for them, but to march against him resolutely, and expel him from the Mines. These messengers roused the whole country, and the Forasteiros called upon Manoel Nunes Viana to lead them against the Governor. No man could have acted with greater prudence in such a situation. The conduct

[page] 80

CHAP. XXXII. 1708.

of his constituents, if he obeyed their call, placed him at once in a state of actual and avowed rebellion; if, on the other hand, he refused to act conformably to their demands, the refusal would probably have been fatal to himself; certainly it would have induced them to chuse some other leader, .. the more desperate the more likely at this time to be preferred. Bento de Amaral might be the man, and then the murder of the Governor and his whole escort might be looked for. It is said that the people over whom he held his precarious authority, had determined to work the mines for their own exclusive benefit, and not to admit any Governor or Officers of the Crown till they had enriched themselves; then they intended to acknowledge the King's authority provided he granted them a full pardon, which if he refused to do, they would then retire with their wealth into the Spanish provinces. It is said also that the persons who suggested and supported this scheme were deserters from Nova Colonia, of whom there were many in the country. More probably they acted from passion and immediate impulse than upon any such settled purpose; but whatever their views might be, Manoel Nunes had no means of opposing their will; all that he could do was to temporize. He put himself therefore at the head of the armed people, and advanced to meet the Governor who was now approaching the Arrayal of Ouro Preto.

Rocha Pitta. 9. § 31—3. Claudio Manoel da Costa. p. 60.

Manoel Nunes persuades him to retire.

About four leagues from the Arrayal, he took up his position upon a place called the Congonhas, from an herb of that name which grew there in abundance, and which the Paulistas used instead of 20 tea, and found in it the same virtues. When the

20 Huma herva da qual fazem os Paulistas certa potagem em que acham os mesmos effectos do xâ. (Rocha Pitta. 9. § 34.) This I think cannot be the Herb of Paraguay, because the Caa requires a low and swampy country, and must have been well known to the Paulistas by its usual name. Very possibly it may have been the tea tree itself, which is indigenous in Brazil.

[page] 81

CHAP. XXXII. 1708.

Governor came in sight he drew up his force upon an eminence in order of battle, the foot in the centre, and the horsemen on the two flanks. D. Fernando was with good reason alarmed at this hostile manifestation, and sent a Captain forward to inquire what were the intentions of the people. Manoel Nunes took this opportunity of obtaining an interview with him; he represented to him the real state of things, the manner in which the minds of the Forasteiros were possessed, the wrongs which they had sustained, their perfect loyalty to the King, however erroneous their conduct, and the compulsion and necessity under which he himself was acting at their head. He declared that if the Governor was determined to proceed and enter the Arrayal, he as an individual would not attempt to resist him; but he explained so forcibly the perilous consequences which would ensue, that D. Fernando thought it more prudent to return to the Rio, leaving Manoel Nunes to govern the country as wisely as he could under such circumstances, and introduce if possible some degree of subordination among so turbulent a people.

Rocha Pitta. 9. § 34—5.

Manoel Nunes prepares the way for the restoration of order.

Thus encouraged, and in some degree sanctioned, Manoel Nunes found his task easy. The Forasteiros had won the ascendancy, which they had been provoked to assert; they had committed great offences during the struggle, and being conscious of this they were well disposed to entitle themselves to forgiveness by an ostentation of loyalty; therefore they readily supported their chosen Governor in every measure which bore this character. He appointed officers, military, civil, and ju-

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[page] 82

CHAP. XXXII. 1708.

Antonio de Albuquerque goes to the Mines.

dicial; he put up to auction the fifths which the cattle paid upon entering the mining district. Procuradores were nominated, who should go to Lisbon and solicit on the part of the people, that a Governor and proper Magistrates might, be sent to reside among them, and money was collected by a voluntary assessment for the expences of their mission. Before these delegates could begin their journey, D. Fernando was succeeded at the Rio by Antonio de Albuquerque Coelho de Carvalho, who had conducted himself with such ability in the government of Maranham. The same apprehension which had induced the people to acquiesce in the measures of Manoel Nunes, led them now to propose that they should send and invite their new Governor; thus hoping by a voluntary tender of obedience to disarm the resentment which they deserved. There was a religioner at the Mines, who had been Antonio de Albuquerque's Secretary at Maranham; him they chose for their messenger, and he set out on this charge, bearing letters from Manoel Nunes and all the Poderosos of the party, with protestations of their unshaken loyalty and cheerful submission to the laws. Albuquerque was already on the way; he knew something of the state of the public mind, and prudently took with him only an escort of honour, aware how far the affections of a people may be gained by appearing to rely upon them. A Poderoso, by name Sebastian Pereira de Aguilar, who was at this time rising in influence, received him at Cahete. This man had put himself at the head of the Brazilians, in opposition to the natives of the Old Country, whom he accused Manoel Nunes of favouring; so that perhaps if the lawful authority had not been well established at this critical time, another civil war would ere long have broken out. Here also Manoel Nunes came to meet the Governor, and leaving him in undisturbed possession of the government, obtained permission to return to his estates upon the Rio de

[page] 83

CHAP. XXXII. 1708.

S. Francisco, happy to depart finally from the Mines and to escape from his perilous elevation. Whether his merits were rewarded by the court, is nowhere stated; they are however acknowledged in history. But it was not proper that a tacit amnesty should take place, as if there were no authority to be regarded; and therefore a general pardon, upon their submitting to obedience, was proclaimed for all the inhabitants of the Mines to the East and West of the Rio das Velhas, who had taken arms against the Paulistas.

Rocha Pitta. 9. § 35—9. Alvara. Nov. 27, 1708. MS. Claudio Manoel da Costa. 63.

The Paulistas invade the Mines.

Rage of the female Paulistas.

Antonio de Albuquerque went through the country, confirming the appointments which Manoel Nunes had made, and creating others, to the general satisfaction of the people, who were rejoiced at finding themselves once more within the pale of the law. Having put all things in order he set out for the purpose of quieting the ferment in S. Paulo and the towns in its district. Here there had been no man like Manoel Nunes to prepare the way. Far otherwise; the turbulent inhabitants were in a state of violent agitation. The men who had been driven from the Mines were received by their wives with indignation and stinging reproaches, for having dishonoured themselves by leaving their countrymen unrevenged. The fury with which these women were possessed speedily communicated itself to the other sex; an army was raised, and the command given to Amador Bueno, a man of high reputation for courage and conduct, probably a descendant of the person whom at the Braganzan revolution the Paulistas would have chosen for their King. Albuquerque met them on their march; he ventured to expostulate with them upon the offence which they were committing; but his representations were addressed to unwilling ears: private information was given him that they intended to secure his person; he withdrew therefore in time, made his way to the town of Parati upon the coast, embarked there for the Rio and dispatched couriers to the Mines to

[page] 84

CHAP. XXXII. 1709.

The Paulistas attack the Rio das Mortes, and are repulsed.

inform the Forasteiros of their danger. Strange as it may seem, they had never considered the probability of such an invasion, and were entirely unprepared for it. The place which had most to fear was the Rio das Mortes; there the bloodiest provocation had been given, and it lay exposed to the first fury of the Paulistas. The redoubt wherein the inhabitants had formerly taken shelter was hastily enlarged, and succours were solicited from all the nearest points. Before they could be collected the enemy arrived, took possession of the church and of a hill which commanded the redoubt, threw up a cavalier, and from all these positions kept up a fire upon the Forasteiros. On their part they defended themselves valiantly, knowing how little mercy they had reasons, or right to expect. After the siege had continued several days, the Paulistas were informed that a great force was approaching to relieve the place; they broke up therefore in the night, and returned homeward with all speed. The Forasteiros pursued them eight days; but the enemy had the start, and fear being swifter than hope, they reached S. Paulo safely, but with no great cause to expect a triumphant reception from the viragoes who had goaded 21 them on.

Rocha Pitta. 9. § 40—7.

S. Paulo and the Minas formed into a new Captaincy.

Antonio de Albuquerque lost no time in providing for the tranquillity of the district; he sent a sufficient body of troops

21 Claudio Manoel da Costa represents the Paulistas as undertaking this expedition, not from any desire of vengeance, but purely for the sake of restoring order, and securing to the King his fifths! And he says, that they were defied by a letter from Ambrosio Caldeira Bravo, who commanded the rebels. Partial, however, and confused as his account is, it accords with the view which Rocha Pitta takes of Manoel Nunes Viana's conduct sufficiently to authenticate it. In this part of his history, indeed, Rocha Pitta seems to have obtained fuller and better information than in any other. Manoel Alvares Carneiro also gives the same character of Manoel Nunes.

[page] 85

CHAP. XXXII. 1710.

Carta Regia. Nov. 9, 1709. MS.

there, under a Camp Master, who was to act as Governor. The next fleet brought out a royal letter which separated S. Paulo and the mining country from the Captaincy of the Rio, and appointed Albuquerque to the new Captaincy, making him subordinate only to the Governor General of Brazil, and giving him authority to fix his residence wherever he might think fit.

Lourenço de Almada Governor.

State of Pernambuco.

P. Luiz Correa. Sublevaçoens de Pernambuco. MSS. Rocha Pitta. 9. § 52.

Luiz Cesar de Menezes having held the general government nearly five years, was succeeded by D. Lourenço de Almada. The administration of this fidalgo was distinguished by unfortunate events, occasioned by no error or misconduct on his part. The first calamity was a civil war in Pernambuco. It had not been easy to bring the inhabitants of that Captaincy into a course of obedience to the law, after law had been so long suspended that a whole generation had grown up in habits of insubordination and violence. Perhaps also partly from condescension to circumstances, and partly from a sense of the services which the Pernambucans had rendered the mother country, a greater degree of relaxation may at first have been permitted there than in other parts of Brazil, relaxed as the rule of justice was everywhere. Two generations had past away since the expulsion of the Dutch, and meantime the increase of commerce had raised up a monied interest at Recife, whose growing wealth, activity and influence, were regarded with no friendly eye by the aristocracy of the land. For there existed a strong feeling of family pride; the descendants of those persons who had recovered the country plumed themselves with the merits of their ancestors; their fathers, they said, had restored Pernambuco to the Portugueze Crown by their own exertions and at their own cost, they therefore had claims upon the gratitude of Government in preference to all other persons; the Government had no right to that Captaincy but what it derived from them; and they hinted in a manner sufficiently intelligible, that if their

[page] 86

CHAP. XXXII. 1710.

Recife made a town.

hereditary merits were disregarded, they might find it as possible to throw off one yoke as another.

The people of Recife solicited that that place might be made a town; for large as it now was, and important as it had become, while Olinda had greatly decayed, it was still in the estimation of the law nothing more than a village. They were desirous of this preferment, because municipal offices conferred rank and privileges from which they were at present excluded; for the Pernambucans took care that none but the nobles of the land should be admitted into the Camara of Olinda. The first applications from Recife for this honour were not successful; the petition however was so reasonable in itself, considering that in point of wealth and population this was the third, or perhaps at that time the second port in Brazil, and it was so much the policy of Government to curb a spirit which would ere long have led to all the evils of feudal independence, that the request was now conceded; and the Governor, Sebastian de Castro de Caldas, received orders to erect a pillar, and create Recife a town, according to the usual ceremonies, with all the establishments and privileges appertaining to that rank.

P. Luiz Correa. MS. Rocha Pitta. 9. § 52. 53.

This measure is opposed by the people of Olinda.

The Pernambucans regarded the merchants and people of Recife with a mingled feeling of contempt and jealousy. They called the new comers, and the natives of the mother country in general, mascates; an opprobrious appellation, the origin of which perhaps is not remembered in the place where it originated, and perhaps was never understood elsewhere: a similar feeling, and a like mode of expressing it, had just at this time occasioned the disturbances in the Mines. But besides this party spirit, and the desire of preserving to their own oligarchy, the privileges which they enjoyed, there were strong local reasons why the people of Olinda should in this instance oppose what those of Recife solicited, the port lying so near Olinda

[page] 87

CHAP. XXXII. 1710.

that whatever was placed within its jurisdiction must be taken from that city, which thus suffered not alone a relative loss of dignity, but an actual diminution of authority and revenue. The same order from the Court which required the Governor to erect the pillar, authorized him also to mark out the Termo or district, which was to be annexed to the new town: the inhabitants of the Termo were to be eligible to the new Camara, and the order expressed that some of the adjoining parishes to the south should be included in the demarcation. When this was communicated to the Ouvidor, Joze Ignacio de Arache, he demurred, being of the Olindan party, and delivered in a written opinion that the town should have no larger term alloted it, than from Fort Brum to the Ponta dos Affogados, which would have restricted it to its own single parish, and given it the right of taking shell-fish in only half the river. The Governor, however, in conformity with the Procurador of the Crown, and the opinion of other legal authorities, assigned the three parishes of Moribeca, Cabo, and Ipojuca, leaving to Olinda seven of great extent, besides the two which it contained.

P. Luiz Correa. MS.

They protest against it.

The Pernambucans affirmed, that the merchants of Recife had accomplished this object by bribery. Their displeasure was so well known, and so loudly proclaimed, that the Governor judged it prudent to have the stones for the pillars wrought in secret; and it is said, that they were carried privately from the fort where they had been cut, and set up during the night, so that in the morning the place was found to be a town, with the name of S. Antonio do Recife, .. St. Antony of the Reef. A Camara was formed, consisting of townsmen and out-dwellers in equal number, and they went in procession with the wands of office. The Chamber of Olinda resented this so strongly, that they went to the Governor's palace and protested against it; and the Vereador, giving way to an intemperance of anger, told him that if he

[page] 88

CHAP. XXXII. 1710.

Arrest of some Pernambucan nobles.

Orders to disarm the people.

Attempt to assassinate the Governor.

could put the pillar up, they could throw it down again. In consequence of the high words which then past, and the seditious discourses which were afterwards held, this magistrate, and Manoel Cavalcanti Bezerra, were arrested and confined in one of the forts. Shortly afterwards, Leonardo Bezerra Cavalcanti, and his son Cosme Bezerra, were apprehended upon a public report that they were the authors of a murder committed upon one of the inhabitants in his own house at night. This report was verified by a judicial inquiry; but murder was too ordinary an occurrence in that country, and had too often been committed with impunity, for the people to regard it with any degree of indignation; .. their sympathies were usually with the offender, not with the law; and the arrest of these persons was considered not as an act of justice, but of malice and political resentment. Plans for getting rid of the Governor were now formed by the malcontents, at the head of whom were the Captain Andre Diaz de Figueiredo, and his nephew Sebastian de Carvalho. He was apprized of these plans, and in consequence of the intimation issued an order that the Pernambucans should give up their arms to be deposited in the royal arsenals. Officers were sent through the different towns and districts to collect them. The people complained that they were deprived of the means of defending themselves against robbers; they who dwelt in the interior were exposed also to the savages, and shooting was one of the common occupations of all Classes, .. many indeed depending in great part for their sustenance upon what they could thus provide. The measure was both futile and offensive: it was certain, that those persons who intended to make an ill use of their weapons would not surrender them; and on the other hand, no security would be obtained by disarming the well intentioned and the inoffensive. The uselessness of this precaution was soon perceived for as the Governor was walking toward the Boa

[page] 89

CHAP. XXXII. 1710.

Vista, which was his usual promenade, he was fired at from one of the houses and wounded in four places: three men with their faces painted and each with a musket, immediately ran out from a back door; but they were seen and recognized notwithstanding their disguise.

P. Luiz Correa. MS.

Andre Diaz de Figueiredo is arrested.

The Bishop takes part with the discontented.

Sebastian de Castro was carried home, and his wounds appeared so dangerous that they were not examined till he had previously settled his spiritual concerns. One ball was extracted which had a hole in it filled with corrosive sublimate. Andre Diaz de Figueiredo soon came to the palace, as if endeavouring to conceal his part in the intended assassination: his manifest perturbation increased the strong suspicion against him, and he was immediately arrested; one other person was also apprehended, and several fled. The Bishop of Olinda, D. Manoel Alvarez da Costa, was at this time preparing to set out on his visitation to Paraiba. When the public tranquillity was so likely to be disturbed, it was his duty to have remained upon the spot, and have exerted the great influence which his situation gave him, in behalf of the laws; and it was the more incumbent upon him to be present, because in case of the Governor's death he was to succeed him, the first person who had been nominated in the succession-papers being dead: nevertheless, after paying a short visit of ceremony to the wounded Governor, he began his journey. The Ouvidor accompanied him. Sebastian de Castro believed that this Magistrate was implicated in the conspiracy which had been directed against his life, and which was still going on against his authority; he therefore sent a party of soldiers to arrest him. They found him at the Engenho of Tapirema in Goyana; he took sanctuary in the Chapel of the Engenho. The commander of the troops surrounded the Chapel, sent to the Governor for instructions how to proceed, and informed the Bishop of his orders. The Bishop collected

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[page] 90

CHAP. XXXII. 1710.

the clergy and friars of the neighbourhood; many persons came to assist their spiritual guides, the Ouvidor was delivered by force of arms, and he and the Bishop accelerated their journey lest they should be overtaken by a second and stronger detachment.

P. Luiz Correa. MS.

Insurrection of the Pernambucans.

Encouraged by the sanction which was thus given to their cause, the Pernambucans collected in armed bodies. Troops were sent against them with little success; some were blockaded by the insurgents, others who were ordered to relieve them contrived to make circuitous marches and not reach the spot in time. In many places blood was shed. The Governor, who was still confined to his bed, found it necessary to recall those who were faithful, that he might secure the forts; for the insurgents were increasing in numbers and audacity, and threatened Recife with a siege. Some of the officers obeyed, others permitted their detachments to be surrounded, that they might plead necessity as an excuse for surrendering and suffering their men to join the insurrection. Sebastian de Castro was now thoroughly sensible of his perilous situation, and in no condition either of body or mind to struggle against such circumstances. He had recourse to the worst of all means, those of timorous concession, and sent the Ouvidor, Luiz de Valençuela Ortis, with some of the more eminent Religioners of the different orders in Recife, to mollify the insurgents, and promise in his name that the persons whom he had arrested should be set at liberty, if it were on this account that they had taken arms. Not daring to await the event of this pitiful embassy in S. Antonio, where he resided, he removed within the walls of Recife. The Ouvidor returned at midnight, bringing for a reply, that as for the prisoners, the Pernambucans would set them at liberty themselves, and that the object for which they had taken arms was to have the head of the Governor and of certain other per-

[page] 91

CHAP. XXXII. 1710.

The Governor is induced to fly.

sons. Upon this he immediately dispatched a boat to Paraiba to solicit assistance from the Governor, Joam da Maya da Gama. But the enemy would be upon him before this assistance could arrive. Some of the opposite party with whom he was upon courteous terms came into the city, and either really from personal regard, or under the semblance of it to promote their political purposes, advised him to withdraw: there was a vessel, they said, in the port, ready for sea; he had better embark for Bahia, and take those persons with him who were marked for popular vengeance: as soon as it was known that he and the other obnoxious individuals were removed, the insurgents would be satisfied, the people would escape the horrors with which they were now menaced, order would be restored, and he had good reason to expect that the King would approve his conduct in retiring, as the most judicious which under such circumstances could have been chosen. Sebastian de Castro was easily led to this determination; it had already been proved that there were men who sought to murder him, he knew that when a people threaten the life of their ruler it is not likely that any sense of duty or humanity will deter them from taking it; and whether in the present case the point of honour required that he should die at his post, was a question which the most indifferent person might have hesitated to answer in the affirmative, and which the most rigid would not condemn him too severely for resolving in his own favour. So he embarked, and with him some of the principal inhabitants of Recife.

P. Luiz Correa. MS.

The insurgents enter the town.

Nov. 7.

One great body of the insurgents, with the nobles of the country at their head, were at Affogados; they saw the vessel cross the bar, but would not readily believe that the object of their vengeance had taken flight, and escaped their hands. When the Ouvidor returned and assured them of the fact, they demanded that he should grant them a formal pardon for all acts

[page] 92

CHAP. XXXII. 1710.

Vol. 2. p. 556.

committed during the insurrection. A legist of their party dictated the terms of the instrument, and a notary drew it up. They were interrupted by an uproar in this tumultuous assemblage; a person who had been to Recife ventured to speak on behalf of that obnoxious place, for which some of the insurgents and the soldiers who had joined them sought to put him to death. The Ouvidor and some Religioners rescued him from their fury, but owing to this confusion the pardon was left unfinished; perhaps they who required it had by this time recollected how futile it was to depend upon forms of law when they were acting in defiance of the law. On the following day they proceeded against the forts, which were given up without resistance. Another body had now arrived at Boa Vista; their collected numbers amounted nearly to twenty thousand men, and among their leaders were many names which had appeared with more honour in the history of the war against the Dutch. They prepared to enter Recife; the Religioners endeavoured to dissuade them, dwelling particularly upon the criminality of terrifying the Women, .. an argument little likely to be regarded by the multitude. Joam de Barros Rego was one of the most active in exciting and directing the insurrection; and he, it is said, expected that the chief authority would be confided to his hands, because in the former disturbances his father was the Juiz Ordinario who arrested the Governor Jeronymo Mendoça Furtado. A party was sent forward to throw down the pillar, .. thus in their conceit annulling the obnoxious privileges which had been granted to Recife; and on the second day after Sebastian de Castro's flight, they entered the degraded town in a manner characteristic of the people. They had collected all the Magistrates and the Religioners of all the Convents, those who were not of the triumphant faction thinking it unavailing to resist the stream. These led the way with the image of Our Lady of the

[page] 93

CHAP. XXXII. 1710.

Rosary; a train of children followed chaunting the terço, or third of the bead-roll, which was at that time the fashionable practice of devotion at Recife; then came the armed multitude, having laid aside the gala ornaments which before had been ostentatiously displayed, and bare of foot. In this manner they proceeded to the square where the pillar was lying broken on the ground, and there, in safe defiance, a champion on the part of the insurgents demanded if any person would defend the rights of Recife to the privileges of a town. The wealthier inhabitants had taken shelter in the Convents; they were nevertheless compelled to give ammunition, money, and whatever else, according to the license of the times, petitioners who knew that nothing could be refused them thought proper to demand; but no direct act of plunder was committed, neither were any outrages. The greater part of the people, misled as usual on such occasions, believed that they were only, asserting their rights, and perhaps the forms of religion which had been brought forth were not without a humanizing and salutary effect.

P. Luiz Correa. MS. Rocha Pitta. 9. § 57—58.

Measures of the Insurgents.

Their business in Recife being accomplished, they went on to Olinda. Another body of insurgents from Serinhaem and Ipojuca arrived on the following day, and would have their triumph also; they entered in the same order, and finding no pillar to destroy, they broke open the prison and let out the criminals and debtors. For such persons there was perhaps a fellow-feeling among those who on this occasion led the rabble; it is more remarkable that they released some unhappy men who had been sentenced to banishment by the Portugueze Inquisition and were arrived at Pernambuco, and there waiting in jail for means of transport to their destined place of exile; .. their deliverance is recorded as one of the great crimes of the insurrection! Being now collected at Olinda, the great proprietors

[page] 94

CHAP. XXXII. 1710.

P. Luiz Correa. MS.

took counsel how to proceed. It was known that the Bishop was named in the succession-papers for Governor; some however advised that the nomination should not be regarded, but that six of their own countrymen should be provisionally entrusted with the administration till a Governor should arrive from Lisbon; if he brought out a full pardon, and was authorized also to concede such terms as they should insist upon, they would deliver the power into his hands, and continue in their obedience to the mother country as heretofore; if, on the contrary, the conditions which they required should be refused, then they would establish a government for themselves, like that of Holland or of Venice. Such an intention may be traced less surely to their long intercourse with the Dutch, than to the natural tendency of all colonies toward republicanism. But the majority were not willing to proceed so far; they had been brought up in feelings of devoted loyalty, and they hoped or expected to make their case good at court; having therefore accomplished the purpose for which they had taken arms, they determined to proceed according to the course of law, and dispatched a messenger to summon the Bishop from Paraiba, that he might take possession of the Government which had devolved upon him: they knew that the Bishop was of their party. Some acts of authority were exercised before his arrival. Sentence of banishment was proclaimed by sound of trumpet against those who had fled with the Governor, and against a few other persons. A Juiz do Povo was elected, although that office had been abolished, because experience had shown how easily it was made subservient to seditious views; And all natives of the mother country who held offices in Pernambuco were required to present their commissions to the Camara of Olinda on the following day, on pain of death: their commissions were taken from them, and they were deprived of the insignia of their respective situations.

[page] 95

CHAP. XXXII. 1710.

The Bishop assumes the Government.

The Bishop lost no time in obeying the summons; and the Governor of Paraiba sent after him the Ouvidor of that Captaincy, and two Desembargadores, whom he charged to remind the Pernambucans that they had a King whom it was their duty to obey. There was need of such advice, for the republican party resolutely persisted in their purpose, and after three days warm contention, they prevailed so far as to have it agreed that the opinion of the people should be taken, and the question determined by vote. Accordingly delegates were convoked from all the parishes; but upon a division the royalists were found to be the majority, and the Bishop then took possession with the usual forms. His first act was to issue a full and general pardon in the King's name; .. this was an act of necessity as well as prudence, and it enabled him to excuse himself from giving the same sanction to certain conditions which he was called upon to concede, He proceeded in the next place to divide the spoils of office; but here, as in all such cases, there were more claimants than it was possible to satisfy; and though men were appointed to situations who were below the age which the law required, and though a new regiment was formed for the mere purpose of creating commissions, many were discontented because they were not included in these promotions. Processes were now made out, and 22 depositions taken to be sent to Lisbon, for the justification of the

22 An Italian Capuchin was at this time in Recife, on his way to Portugal from the Mission in Angola. There were three ships preparing to sail, each of which carried some of these papers; and he declared he would not embark in either, because they had such a cargo of perjuries on board. P. Luiz Correa refers triumphantly to the event; for the Capuchin went round by Bahia and got safely to Lisbon, but not one of the three ships ever arrived.

[page] 96

CHAP. XXXII. 1710.

ruling party; and the utmost vigilance was exerted to prevent any counterstatements from finding their way there. Every vessel that sailed for Bahia, or the Azores, or for any other part from whence intelligence might be conveyed to the Court, was rigourously searched, and private letters were examined with so little reserve or decency, that the manner was more offensive than the act. But while this odious authority was exercised for factious purposes, there was a total suspension of the needful and wholesome exercise of power. Men disguised by bringing their hoods over their faces, committed in the streets of Recife whatever outrages were prompted by private malignity, or the spirit of wanton mischief; the inhabitants found it necessary to shut up their houses as soon as the Ave Maria bell sounded, and this precaution did not always preserve them from insult and injury.

P. Luiz Correa MS.

1711. Bernardo Vieira comes to Recife.

Case of jealousy in his family, and deliberate murder.

Bernardo Vieira de Mello, who had commanded the successful expedition against the Palmares, had hitherto taken no part in these transactions. He had been rewarded with the rank of Sargento Mor, and a regiment called the Terço do Palmar in memory of that war, and stationed at the scene of his achievements. Under pretence that the affairs of the regiment required his presence, he came to the scene of action; he brought with him an unusual number of attendants, and appeared in public with a retinue which was stronger, as well as more splendid, than any of the former Governors had thought necessary for the dignity of their office, or the security of their persons. He and his son Andre Vieira de Mello were two of the persons by whom the Bishop was directed; and there occurred a scandalous and shocking instance of the influence which they possessed. Andre Vieira suspected his wife of adultery: she resided at an Engenho in the Freguezia do Cabo; thither he repaired, taking with him some slaves and some soldiers of his

[page] 97

CHAP. XXXII. 1711.

father's regiment. Joam Paez Barreto, the Capitam Mor of the place, was the person of whom he was jealous; him he put to death, and then putting his wife, who was pregnant at the time, into a hammock, dispatched her under the charge of his uncle and his brother to an Engenho of his father's, to be given into the keeping of his mother D. Catharina Leitam; there she was to remain with guards continually in sight till the time of her delivery, after which she was to be murdered: .. and for this service the detestable husband could rely upon his more detestable mother. Adultery has in many countries been punished with death; .. but horrible must be the manners of that land where a whole family could thus deliberately take upon them selves the office of executioners. In ordinary cases of murder, for it was a thing sufficiently common, men used to go through the form of obtaining an exemption from arrest, before they appeared in public; such a formality was not thought needful now, and Andre Vieira appeared in Recife, in gala dress, publicly avowing not only that he had committed one murder, but that he intended to compleat his vengeance by committing another, under the most inhuman of all imaginable circumstances. The matter was so notorious, that a Friar called upon the Bishop and exhorted him to interfere and prevent the crime; the Bishop coolly replied, that he could not interfere in the private affairs of noble men, who ought not to live, he said, under any note of disgrace.

P. Luiz Correa. MS.

Bernardo Vieira acts as leader of the republican party.

Bernardo Vieira's object in coming to Recife was to act as leader of the republican party. The intention was to get possession of the forts; and if the new Governor, who was now daily expected from Lisbon, should not bring out a full pardon, and explicit powers of conceding all the conditions which should be demanded, to refuse him admittance, and proclaim a Commonwealth, .. Bernardo probably expecting to put himself

VOL. III. O

[page] 98

CHAP. XXXII. 1711.

The Loyalists are roused by his designs.

at the head of a new order of things. For this purpose, under pretext of an expedition against a Mocambo, which he said had been formed in that part of the country, he brought about a hundred soldiers from the Palmares to his Engenho in Ipojuca, where his daughter-in-law had been murdered, and where the Capitam Mor was one of his dependants. Leonardo Bezerra Cavalcanti went at the same time to the Alagoas, and there excited the inhabitants to throw off the yoke which subjected them to the ministers of the King of Portugal; .. to be a native of which kingdom, he said, was the same thing as to be a rogue. These intentions were suspected in Recife; the inhabitants of that place were good subjects; and indeed, although ambitious and speculative men would gladly have raised a storm which they fancied themselves able to controul, the great majority of the Pernambucans desired the peaceful continuance of an order of things under which they endured few grievances or vexations from Government of any kind. Some of the better party, who were men of resolution, weary of the state of insecurity in which they lived, and perceiving that other and greater evils were designed, began to look about, and calculate the means of resistance, assured as they were of the support of the Crown. The person on whom they cast their eyes was the Governor of Paraiba, Joam da Maya da Gama; they apprized him of the designs which were brooding, and of their own disposition for the King's service. Joam da Maya wrote to the Bishop and exhorted him to be upon his guard. No man could be more unwilling to have his eyes opened; he would have disregarded this as he had done all former advice from the same quarter, if a more alarming intimation, coming about the same time, had not awakened him to some sense of danger. Late at night the commanding officer was roused by loud knocking at his door, and when he came forward, some unknown persons told him to

[page] 99

CHAP. XXXII. 1711.

watch over the powder magazine, because a plan had been formed for seizing it, or blowing it up. When this was reported to the Bishop a double guard was set in consequence. Bernardo Vieira perceiving thus that the alarm had been given, sent for Leonardo Bezerra Cavalcanti to return to Recife, and directed him to make all their partizans along the road hold themselves in readiness. It is doubtful how far the Bishop was disposed to go with the revolutionary party; ignorant of their designs he could not possibly be, because they had been publicly avowed; and it may be suspected from the whole tenour of his conduct, that he was not disinclined to them, but that his chief solicitude was so to trim his administration, as that if the authority of the Crown were reestablished he might have merits to plead on that side also, and claims to promotion. In the present state of things it became necessary that he should at least appear to make an attempt for removing Bernardo Vieira; and accordingly, through a third person, he communicated his wish that he would depart from Recife. The Sargento Mor replied, he had not yet compleated the affairs which brought him there; and that he had now also the additional business of obtaining an acquittance for his son for the death of his wife and of Joam Paez Barreto; .. so easily were murders of this kind settled in Brazil.

P. Luiz Correa. MS.

A counter-revolution effected in Recife.

Orders had been given to arrest certain soldiers of the Recife regiment, for a quarrel with some of Bernardo Vieira's men; some of their officers interfered, and represented to the Bishop the real circumstances of the affray, by which it appeared that the soldiers had not been in fault: all the reply they could obtain was, that it was an affair in which Bernardo Vieira interested himself, and the men must be punished, and condemned to banishment. Upon this they took sanctuary in the Carmo Convent; they were eight or ten in number, resolute fellows,

[page] 100

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Arrest of Bernardo Vieira.

P. Luiz Correa. MS.

indignant at the injustice with which they were treated, and now also thoroughly zealous for the Government, seeing that their own present safety depended upon its triumph. They knew that there was a strong party of loyalists in Recife, that the Governor of Paraiba was looked to for support, and that they could reckon upon the fidelity of the Indians to the royal cause, who were still under the command of a Camaram, and of the black regiment still called the Henriques, in memory of their distinguished commander during the Dutch war. At noon-day they sallied from the Carmo 23 Church, sword in hand, went straight to the house of their drummer, whom they knew they should find sleeping at that hour, and made him take up his drum and beat the rendezvous, while they proceeded to the quarters of the infantry, crying, Long live the King, and Down with the Traitors. The troops instantly joined them; certain officers put themselves at their head, the inhabitants took up the loyal cry, and the Bishop perceiving that Recife was in their hands, retired into the Jesuits' College. He sent messengers to persuade them to disperse, and among others the Ouvidor. They were surrounding the house of Bernardo Vieira when this magistrate arrived, and he found it expedient, in conformity with their decided intention, to take upon himself the office of arresting Bernardo in legal form, and sending him under an escort to the public prison.

The Bishop assents to the measures of the Loyalists;

The soldiers now proceeded to the Jesuits' College, and de-

23 "What however is most certain, says P. Luiz Correa, is, that Our Lady of Mount Carmel incited them to their attempt;" .. a sentence, which may be truly expounded thus; that having taken sanctuary in her Church, they said an additional number of Ave-Marias, and recommended themselves to her peculiar protection before they began their enterprize.

[page] 101

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manded to see the Bishop; he came accordingly to the window, and enquired what they would have. They told him they had arrested Bernardo Vieira, as a man whose tyrannical demeanour and treasonable practices were notorious; and that it was necessary for the King's service to garrison the forts with men who might be trusted, and in like manner to set a trusty guard over the magazine: they required him therefore to give proper orders, and to direct that arms, ammunition, and stores, should be issued for this purpose. The Bishop did as he was required, and the commanding officer was instructed to see these orders carried into effect. The soldiers now put forth a proclamation in their own name, stating the motives of their conduct: when they had surrendered to the insurgents, they said, the fault was not in them, but in their officers; they now vindicated themselves, and it would appear to the King and to the World, that they were his Majesty's faithful vassals. Sebastian de Castro, they maintained, was still their Governor, and the town of Recife was a City. This latter clause proved that the paper was drawn up by ignorant men, and that the insurrection in behalf of the Government originated with them, not with persons of superior rank. The Capitam Mandante, Joam da Mota, was the person whom they required to command them. Joam da Mota now went to the College and requested that the Bishop would return to the Governor's palace, protesting that the soldiers acknowledged his authority, and were ready to obey him, as men who desired nothing more than to be obedient in all things which were for the King's service; he assured the Ouvidor also that no injury or disrespect was intended him, and besought him likewise to return to his own house. They both consented; but before they left the College, they provided for the escape of Andre Vieira and Andre Diaz de Figuieiredo, who had taken refuge there. Horses were brought for them to a

[page] 102

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postern door, and they rode off into the country, telling those whom they met by the way, that they would speedily return and requite the people of Recife for that day's work. Leonardo Bezerra attempted to play a more artful part; at the first alarm he got into the country; but he endeavoured to assume the command of the troops, and sent in an order that the soldiers who received pay should separate themselves from the inhabitants. One of the men returned for answer, that on this occasion they were all soldiers, and that Leonardo Bezerra might reserve his orders for those who were engaged in the same projects as himself.

P. Luiz Correa. MS.

The Bishop goes upon false pretences to Olinda.

It was soon known that the independent leaders were again raising the country. The people of Olinda were with them, and cut off the communication with Recife. D. Joam de Sousa, who resided in the city, and was resolved to prove his loyalty on this decisive occasion, had no other means of reaching Recife than by trusting himself upon a jangada and going out to sea at the imminent danger of his life. The Bishop, who appeared perfectly to agree in the propriety of all which had been done by the soldiers, registered a declaration that their intent in this insurrection had not been to injure any person whatsoever, but to secure his Majesty's town and fortress; he sent circular letters to the Capitaens Mores, and Camaras, exhorting them to exert themselves for the preservation of tranquillity; and he wrote to the chief persons of the revolutionary party, commanding them to abstain from all acts of hostility, and commending the disposition and conduct of the troops. Nevertheless, on the third day after the troops had declared themselves, it was known that he and the Ouvidor intended to remove to Olinda. Joam da Mota and D. Francisco de Sousa (father of that D. Joam who at such hazard had come to take his fortune in the town) waited upon him, and required him on the part of God and the King, to

[page] 103

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give up an intention, the dangerous consequences of which to Recife, they said, were evident and certain. His answer was, that the object of his going was to quiet the minds of the people; and persisting in their purpose, he and the Ouvidor set forth. No attempt was made to restrain them; but when they came to embark upon the river, the Capitam Mandante, Joam da Mota, repeated in public the requisition which he had made privately, without effect. Sir, said he, since your Excellency will at this time forsake the King's fortress, and those inhabitants who have relied for their hopes of preserving it upon your presence, I protest against your departure in the King's name, for the sake of his town and forts, and of the lives, honour, and property of his subjects. The Bishop replied with much suavity to this emphatic protest; he again declared, that he departed only for the sake of preserving peace, and said that he trusted the security of the place to the Capitam Mandante, whose zeal, fidelity, and valour, were such as to render his own presence unnecessary for its safety; and he invested him verbally with full powers to do whatever he might think expedient for the King's service; and he promised also in public, as he had done in private, that he would speedily return. Joam da Mota well understood how little such promises were to be credited; he repeated them however to the inhabitants and the soldiers, to allay their apprehensions and discontent, and he lost no time in preparing against the danger which he foresaw.

P. Luiz Correa. MS.

He takes part with the Insurgents against Recife.

The Bishop was received with great ceremony at Olinda, and immediately on his arrival went in procession to hear 24 mass.

24 It was performed by the Coadjutor, a man of whom P. Luiz Correa gives a vile character; on this occasion, he exclaims, Bendita seja a misericordia de Dios, que por este sacrificio se poem em maons de hum tal sacerdote!

[page] 104

CHAP. XXXII. 1711.

P. Luiz Correa. MS.

On the following day he wrote to the Capitam Mandante, saying that the Olindans had intreated him to remain with them till St. John's Day, in order that he might assist at the festival; he desired therefore that his beds and his kitchen furniture might be sent, assured the Captain again of his approbation, and informed him that he should order prayers to be said in all the convents and parishes for the preservation of the public peace. The household goods which he required were sent accordingly, and there were persons who entertained a hope that when the holyday was over he would return as he had promised; their credulity was speedily undeceived, for on that very day there appeared an address from the Camara of Olinda to the Bishop, assuring him that they were true subjects of his Majesty, whereas the people of Recife had traitorously seized that place and its fortresses, which the Pernambucans had so honourably won, and requiring him as their Governor, to order the Black regiment to the Salinas, and to command D. Francisco de Sousa to return to the city, or retire to his own house: if these things were not done, they said, they would take the satisfaction which was denied them. This requisition was published by the Bishop, and he accompanied it with an order in perfect accord, denouncing the pains and penalties of treason against all persons who should refuse obedience. Obedience was not expected; a proper and firm reply was returned. The aristocratic party then prepared to besiege Recife, and began by intercepting its supplies of food. Parties continually lay in wait for the slaves belonging to the town, who collected shellfish for their owners; these were good booty when they could be captured, and when they could not be carried off there was an Olindan officer who delighted in the sport of shooting them. The pillage of Recife was held out as a temptation to all who would assist in besieging it.

[page] 105

CHAP. XXXII. 1711.

Resolute conduct of the loyalists.

The Bishop resigns the government.

Joam da Mota and the officers of the loyal party now prepared a summary statement and vindication of their conduct; and in the presence of the notary by whom the instrument was drawn, every man after having signed it, laid his right hand upon the Gospels, and swore to defend his post for the King till the uttermost, and never to deliver it up without his orders. They resolved also that no priest should enter the town, having found by experience that these persons were the most convenient agents of the hostile party. Things were now in such a state, that the Bishop, whether he acted merely with reference to his own personal safety, or that he had hitherto supposed the Pernambucans would not venture to proceed so far, thought it prudent to discharge himself from all farther responsibility, and therefore resigned his authority, vesting it in the Camp-Master of the Regiment of Olinda, the Senado da Camara, and the Ouvidor. A war commenced, more fertile in crimes than in actions worthy to be recorded. The hope of the independent party was to win Recife by famine: it was reduced to great distress; but the sea was open to the loyalists, and they had adherents in the country, who shipped provisions from the ports in their possession, and succeeded sometimes in introducing them by land. The insurgents however had the superiority in the field; they compelled the Governor of Paraiba to retire into Fort Cabedello, they defeated Camaram at the Lagoas, and they besieged the fort of Tamandare. The garrison of Recife dispatched a vessel to Bahia to represent their perilous situation, and to intreat the Governor General that he would interfere, and send one person to take upon himself the command, and another to inquire judicially into the conduct of all parties; and that they might acquit themselves from all appearance of partiality, they said it was not their wish that Sebastian de Castro should be reinstated, because his presence would be in-

VOL. III. P

[page] 106

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A new Governor arrives, and order is restored.

P. Luiz Correa. MS. Rocha Pitta. 9. § 66—67.

jurious under the existing circumstances. During this state of affairs, and after the siege had continued for three months, the fleet from Portugal hove in sight, having on board the new Governor Felix Joze Machado de Mendonça. The Camara of Olinda immediately sent off to inform him that Recife was in the hands of mutineers, who had taken possession of it for the purpose of delivering it up to the French; and they urged him to put into the Rio Amarello. But Joam da Mota also had lost no time in going on board; .. the sincerity of his professions could not be doubted when he thus put himself in the Governor's power: Machado entered Recife, and on the day following took possession of his appointment without opposition, at Olinda. Andre Vieira, Andre Diaz, and Leonardo Bezerra, were absent, directing some of the military operations; they regretted that they had not been on the spot to have encouraged the independent party, and they said that since their friends had so liberally given the Governor possession, they must be content to pay the costs. Machado proceeded with temper and discretion, listening to all parties, and taking part with neither, till he was well informed and felt his authority established. A second insurrection was attempted, without success. The principal offenders were then arrested and sent to Lisbon. After a long confinement in that city two 25 of them were banished for life to India, and the others were permitted to return to their own coun-

25 Rocha Pitta has not mentioned who the offenders were that were thus punished. His whole account of these transactions is a miserable apology for the Pernambucans, for whom he endeavours to make a plausible story by suppressing every thing which throws any light upon their purpose or their proceedings: he does not even hint at the intention of separating from the mother country! Nevertheless it is so difficult to make a falsified narrative coherent, that this garbled and partial account serves upon comparison fully to corroborate the statement of P. Luiz Correa, who was an eye-witness of the troubles. Correa ends his story with the arrival of the Governor.

[page] 107

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try. The consequences of this civil war were fatal to Some of the great families; .. their lands had been neglected or laid waste during the anarchy; they had expended large sums in the siege of Recife, and they were thus reduced to poverty.

[page 108]

CHAPTER XXXIII.

Rio de Janeiro attacked by the French under Du Clerc, who are defeated, and the whole force slain or taken. A second expedition, under Du Guay-Trouin, captures the city; which is ransomed. Tumults at Bahia. Negociations at Utrecht. Insurrection in Minas Geraes. That Government is separated from S. Paulo, and made a distinct Captaincy.

CHAP. XXXIII. 1710.

Alarm of invasion at the Rio.

August 16.

Rio de Janeiro, which throughout the Dutch war had continued to flourish during all the calamities of Bahia and Pernambuco, was now to have the course of its prosperity interrupted. Francisco de Castro de Moraes had been appointed to the government of this Captaincy when Antonio de Albuquerque was removed to that of S. Paulo and the Mines. Information was expedited to him from Cabo Frio, that a squadron was off the coast; and soon afterwards he was apprized from the forts on the bar, that five large ships were in sight. This was just as the darkness had closed: the alarm was beat, and the troops were hastily drawn out; some were stationed upon the beach, some were dispatched to strengthen the fortresses, others were sent to those points which were judged to stand most in need of defence, In this state of preparation and alarm the night past: in the morning the ships were seen standing off shore; in the afternoon they stood again for the harbour with the sea breeze. As they approached the bar, the fort of S. Cruz fired, according

[page] 109

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to custom, without ball, that they might put out a boat, and explain who they were before they proceeded farther: the signal was not answered; upon this a shot was fired, and struck the leading ship, which then came to anchor. Had any doubt still remained of their intentions, it would now have been removed; for a small vessel, which supposing them to be English made no endeavour to avoid them, was captured in sight of the forts. A second night was past in the same apprehensions as the former; but when it was perceived in the morning that the ships were again standing off, it was believed that all danger was at an end.

Du Clerc lands and advances without opposition.

It was a French squadron under M. du Clerc. Views of colonization and conquest which that nation had so often attempted on this part of the American continent, were no longer practicable; but the Portugueze city which had arisen in Antarctic France, had now become a place of great commerce and great wealth; the produce of the mines might be found there, and this was an age of buccaneering expeditions. They stood to the southward, and made a show of landing on the beach of Sacopemba; but the appearance of the Ordenança deterred them. They then made for Ilha Grande; here entrenchments had been thrown up; after a short cannonade, they carried off two Negroes to serve as guides, proceeded to the bar of Guaratibi, some forty miles from the Rio, and there landed about a thousand marines. No attempt was made to prevent them from reaching the city, though they were seven days on their march through the woods. The Governor contented himself with taking a position in the Campo, where the Church of the Rosary at this time stands, and there he entrenched himself, one wing resting upon the hill of S. Antonio, the other upon that of the Conceiçam. He had no less than eight thousand troops, including the Ordenança, and besides these there were five thou-

[page] 110

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sand blacks and mulattoes armed with matchlocks and pikes, and six hundred Indian archers. With this great superiority of force, the Governor thought proper to wait for the enemy, only sending out a few small parties to observe their progress. One of these, under Captain José Freire, by putting themselves in ambush, killed about twenty of the invaders; and this was the only loss they suffered upon their march, and the only attempt to impede them, though by similar measures in such a country it would have been easy to have cut them all off. Thus unmolested they reached an Engenho of the Jesuits, now called the Engenho Velho, which is near the city, and there they were suffered to pass the night without being disturbed. On the following morning about seven o'clock they came in sight of the Portugueze army.

Sept. 18.

The French enter the city.

Here they met the first resolute resistance, and this not from any strong detachment, but from a handful of men headed by Fr. Francisco de Menezes, a Trinitarian Friar. This person, with a spirit worthy of the name which he bore, occupied a position near the Morro do Outeiro, and when overpowered by numbers, for the Governor still remained inactive, the men took possession of the Igreja do Desterro, a church named after the flight into Egypt, and defended it while the Friar hastened to procure assistance. The enemy lost several men in attempting to enter this church; nevertheless, they persisted in attacking it with exasperated perseverance, which makes it remarkable that when they succeeded they should not have put the defenders to the sword, but at this time the French were more humane than their antagonists. They now past within a few hundred yards of the Portugueze position, proceeded along the Rua d'Ajuda, and having suffered considerably from the fire of the Castle, and from parties posted at the corners of the streets and directed by Menezes the Friar, who was seen every where, they

[page] 111

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came into the Rua do Parto, and there divided: one body went along the Rua do Padre Bento, the larger one by the Rua de S. José towards the Quay. Francisco de Castro, venturing now at last to act when he had suffered the enemy actually to enter the city, sent a detachment to cut off the smaller body; the service was well performed, and this part of the French force, attacked by superior numbers, and confounded by a sense of their own rashness which they discovered when it was too late, dispersed and fled each whither he could, .. thus in their fear exposing themselves to inevitable destruction.

The Portugueze overpower them.

About fifty students, men of that age, rank, and temper which make the best soldiers in situations where zeal, activity, and ready intellect supply the place of discipline, had taken upon themselves to defend the Palace, some firing from the windows, others from the adjoining streets. The French imagined, because of the resistance which was here opposed to them, that the Governor was present; and hoping to make their own terms if they could become masters of his person, a party forced their way in. They were met on the staircase by the students; their Captain was killed, and his men being taken prisoners, were secured by tying them with matchropes to the furniture. The Custom House, which was also the magazine, adjoined this building: here the store-keeper was busily but carelessly delivering out powder; .. a fellow approached too near with a lighted match in his hand, and the powder blew up. Several of the students, besides other persons, perished, and the Palace was set on fire. The French took advantage of the accident; but the explosion guided the Camp-Master, Gregorio de Castro de Moraes, brother to the Governor, and he hastened with his regiment to the spot. A sharp conflict ensued, and he fell; the Portugueze, however, were now heated with action; their spirit and their numbers increased every moment, and Du Clerc, who

[page] 112

CHAP. XXXIII. 1710.

by this time had lost a great number of his men, was glad to retire with the remainder into a large stone warehouse upon the 1710. quay; .. he relied upon the other detachment, and it is said that when he heard the bells of all the churches ring for victory, he was infatuated enough to suppose that this party had won the city, and were thus proclaiming their success. He was presently surrounded, and finding himself threatened from the neighbouring houses, and from the Ilha das Cobras, with no hope or possibility of bettering his condition even if he could succeed in cutting his way through the Portugueze, he proposed that hostilities should cease, and that he should be permitted to reembark without molestation. Such a proposal from men who were at the mercy of their antagonists, was heard with indignation, and they were assured that if they did not surrender prisoners of war, the place wherein they had taken shelter would be blown to pieces. Accordingly they laid down their arms.

Cruel usage of the prisoners.

The Portgueze had little 1 reason to pride themselves upon this victory, preceded as it was by so much negligence and misconduct, and followed by disgraceful inhumanity. More of the enemies than fell in action were killed when flying through the streets, and seeking to hide themselves, or find protection in the houses. The detachment which had occupied the Morro do Desterro before Du Clerc entered the city, had now them-

1 The wiser Portugueze felt this, though there were illuminations at Lisbon, and a boasting account of the victory was published. "Bom foi o successo do Rio de Janeiro; mas estas acçoens nam se costumam festejar com luminarias, e menos com as fanfarronadas da relaçam que se imprimio. Os Portuguezes sempre foram os mesmos, mas necessitam de quem os leve ao conflicto com audacia e com disciplina." Cartas de Joze da Cunha Brochado. (17 March, 1711) MSS.

[page] 113

CHAP. XXXIII. 1710.

selves entered, hearing that the Magazine was on fire, and expecting that they had nothing to do but to share in the plunder. They soon discovered how differently the enterprize had ended; some seventy retired into a house, taking with them the prisoners whom they had made in the Church of the Desterro, and the Captain sent out a Carmelite to surrender his sword to the Governor, and ask for quarter. But the rabble, who were now raging with the intoxication of success, had neither ears nor hearts for mercy, and nearly the whole of this party were butchered; about one hundred and fifty more were massacred in the streets: .. in the whole somewhat above four hundred French were killed, two hundred and fifty-two wounded, and the remainder of the prisoners were about six hundred. Some hundred and twenty Portugueze fell, several by the fire of their own countrymen in the confusion of the day. On the fifth morning after the action, the French squadron appeared off the harbour, and threw up rockets. It is asserted by the French, that when the issue was known on board, and by permission of the Governor surgeons were sent from the ships to attend their wounded countrymen, they were murdered by the populace; and that many of the prisoners died in prison under the accumulated miseries of filth, durance, and ill treatment. Du Clerc, having been at one time lodged in the Jesuits' College, and afterwards in. Fort S. Sebastian, obtained permission to take a house, where, about six months after his surrender, he was found dead one morning, having been murdered during the night. This assassination assuredly was not an act of popular fury; it could only have been the work of private vengeance, .. and jealousy, in all likelihood, was the cause. But inquiry was not instituted, as it ought to have been in any case, and more especially in one wherein the national faith would appear to be implicated.

Rocha Pitta. 9. § 69—81.

Patriota. 2. No. 4. p. 55. Targe, Hist. de l'avenement de la maison de Bourbon au trone d' Espagne, t. 6. p. 80.

1711. The French

This praise is due to the French, that they have never been

VOL. III. Q

[page] 114

CHAP. XXXIII. 1711.

prepare a second expedition under Du Guay-Trouin.

Reinforcements sent from Portugal.

Memoires de Du Guay-Trouin. p. 163—8.

Rocha Pitta. 9. § 83—4. Patriota. p. 57.

slow in resenting national wrongs. They might have reconciled themselves to the failure of Du Clerc's enterprize, .. its temerity deserved no better success; but the inhumanity with which the men had been treated wounded the feelings and the honour of the nation, and in the case of the Commander they considered the Government as having sanctioned the assassination which it had neglected to punish. France also was able as well as willing to exact vengeance; for it was at the time when an English ministry, plotting against the Protestant succession, and betraying their own country and the interests of all her allies, had given the French Court full assurance of concluding a peace in subservience to its views. M. du Guay-Trouin, one of the ablest naval officers whom France has produced, felt a strong desire to revenge his countrymen, and acquire by so doing a splendid fortune and a splendid reputation for himself. He calculated the expences of the outfit at 1,200,000 livres: six persons were found to undertake the speculation; .. five were wealthy merchants of St. Malo, the other was Comptroller General of the King's household. Through his interest the project was approved by Government, and ships and troops were placed at Du Guay-Trouin's disposal. The force appointed consisted of two seventy-fours, three sixty-sixes, one sixty gun-ship, one fifty-six, one frigate of forty-six guns, one of forty, two of thirty-six, and four smaller vessels. They were fitted out at different ports, Brest, Rochefort, and Dunkirk, to avoid suspicion: and the Commander and his brother engaged, in addition to the King's ships, two vessels of St. Malo, the one of forty and the other of thirty guns. Secretly, however, as these preparations were carried on, the court of Portugal apprehended some such danger: the sailing of the outward-bound fleet was accelerated, its convoy was doubled, and the merchant ships well armed; stores and reinforcements for the Rio were put on board, and a distin-

[page] 115

CHAP. XXXIII. 1711.

guished officer, Gaspar da Costa de Ataide, was appointed to the command, with the rank of Mestre de Campo do Mar.

The English arrive off Brest too late to blockade the enemy.

The English also, having discovered that an armament was fitting out, suspected its object, and prepared to blockade the port of Brest. Du Guay-Trouin received intelligence of their design, and before the ships in that haven were quite ready, removed them to Rochelle; two days after his departure the English squadron arrived off Brest, so that if it had not been for this promptitude on the part of the Commander, the expedition would have been frustrated. He sailed from Rochelle with his collected force on the 9th of June: the passage was delayed by contrary gales which continued a full month, but on the 27th of August he arrived in the latitude of Bahia: he then called a council of war, and proposed to visit that port on the way, and capture or destroy the vessels which might be found there; but upon examination it was found that their water was running short, and would be in danger of failing if they made any avoidable delay. They proceeded therefore on their destination, and on the 11th of September came into soundings, without knowing the land. Toward evening a fresh breeze sprang up, and Du Guay-Trouin, taking advantage of it, carried all sail, notwithstanding a fog, for the purpose of arriving at the entrance of the harbour just at day-break.

Memoires de Du Guay-Trouin.

Negligence of the Portugueze Commanders.

The fleet from Lisbon had now arrived some days, and the Governor had received more certain information of his danger, from a yacht which the English had dispatched with the intelligence to Lisbon, and which the Portugueze Court had sent on to the Rio, having no vessel of its own ready, which was likely to perform so speedy a passage. This yacht came in the latter end of August, and on the 30th of that month advices came, that a large squadron had been seen from Bahia Fermosa, steering toward the Rio. There had thus been sufficient time for

[page] 116

CHAP. XXXIII. 1711.

preparation. Gaspar da Costa stationed the ships of war, and the armed merchantmen, in the best points for protecting the city, manned them, went on board himself, and exercised his men in the manœuvres which it was intended they should execute, when the invasion should be attempted. After five days had elapsed, he concluded that it had been a false alarm, relanded the troops, and abandoned himself to a false security. On the 10th it was known that an enemy's fleet had past Cabo Frio; and, on the morning of the 12th, when nothing could be seen from the city because of the thick fog, they heard the thundering of artillery at the bar.

Rocha Pitta. 9. Patriota.

The French enter the harbour.

The Chevalier de Courserac, Du Guay-Trouin's intimate friend and second in command, was acquainted with the port, and had therefore been appointed to lead the way. They past the forts by favour of the fog, though not without the loss of three hundred men, according to their own statement; and when the mist drew up, about noon, the French squadron were seen, from the city, within the bar. Gaspar da Costa, seeing his scheme of defence frustrated, instead of making what resistance was still in his power, ordered his ships to cut their cables, and set fire to them when they ran on shore. He had lost all presence of mind from the moment it was certainly known that the enemy were at hand; perhaps, at the time, he was in a state of bodily disease, for he had proved himself a brave man on former occasions; and shame and vexation now induced a disorder of the brain, from which he never recovered. Thus far the French Admiral had succeeded to the extent of his hopes; during the night he advanced his bomb-ships; and, on the following morning, at break of day, took possession of the Ilha das Cobras, where the Portugueze were then busy in spiking their guns, before they should abandon it. Batteries were immediately erected there by the French, and on the 14th, having

[page] 117

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taken possession of some merchantmen which were anchored near the place where he had resolved to disembark, he landed all his troops, three thousand three hundred in number, including trained seamen; there were also about five hundred sick of the scurvy, who being put on shore at the same time, were in a few days able to join the rest. Four mortars were landed, and twenty large perriers, or pattereros, as they were called in this country, which were to serve as field artillery: in order to render them serviceable the Chevalier de Beaure contrived something which is described as a chandelier of wood, fixed in the ground by six pointed claws; upon this they 2 rested with sufficient firmness. This artillery was carried in the centre of the strongest battalion, and was ready to play when the battalion should open.

Du Guay Trouin, p. 171—180.

Wretched conduct of the Governor.

Meantime Francisco de Castro pursued the same senseless course as he had done the year preceding; with a regular force, exceeding that of the enemy twice told, he remained in the same position which he had taken up against Du Clerc; and looked on, without making the slightest effort to oppose them, while the French pillaged the houses, and carried off the cattle, within musquet-shot of the town. Du Guay-Trouin believed he was waiting for the French to attack him in his entrenchments; this he supposed, under an erroneous notion that Du Clerc had been defeated, in consequence of attempting such an attack. If the Governor had any plan, it was, more probably, that of permitting them to enter the streets, in the expectation of again engaging them there, where numbers would avail, and discipline be

2 Pedrero, a murthering piece, used in wars to shoot chain-shot or stones from; (Minsheu) .. stones originally, and thence its name. A print, in Grose's History of the English Army, explains the invention of the Frenchman; it represents three of these pieces, mounted like telescopes, upon one frame.

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Du Guay-Trouin, p. 181—189.

rendered useless; but he seems rather to have acted without plan of any kind, without ability, and without courage, waiting for what might happen, and thereby putting every thing in the invader's power. The Commander to whom he was opposed, well knew his own strength and his own weakness; he saw that it was impossible, with his small force, to prevent the inhabitants from removing their effects to the mountains, and that to engage in a street-war would be to draw on his own destruction; but, while he remained without the town, the place was at his mercy. Accordingly, having erected one battery on shore, and another upon the Ilha das Cobras, when all was ready, he summoned the Governor to surrender at discretion. The King of France, his master, he said, had sent him to take vengeance for the cruelties committed against his officers and troops in the preceding year, the murder of the surgeons, the ill treatment of the prisoners, and the assassination of M. Du Clerc; he had ordered him to deliver the surviving prisoners, and to levy such a contribution, as should at once punish the inhabitants of Rio de Janeiro for their inhumanity, and amply defray the expence of the great armament which had been sent upon that service. It was not supposed that the Governor had been concerned in the assassination of M. Du Clerc, but he was required to name the author of that crime, that exemplary justice might be done. Du Guay-Trouin added, it was not his intention to commit reprisals, because his Majesty would not make war in a manner so unworthy a Most Christian King; but the town and country were at his mercy, .. nothing could prevent him from carrying fire and sword whithersoever he would, and therefore all resistance would be useless. … In this manner should national injuries be resented; and if the expedition to Rio de Janeiro had originated in a national movement and in the French Government itself, instead of individual speculation, it would have been altogether

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one of the most honourable events recorded in the annals of France.

The Portugueze abandon the city.

Francisco de Castro replied as well as the matter would permit, in all points. The prisoners, he said, had neither wanted rations of bread nor any other necessaries. They had been treated according to the usages of war, although they had deserved no such treatment, because they had invaded Brazil as private adventurers, and not under the commission of the Most Christian King. He had granted life to six hundred men, as they themselves would testify; he had saved them from the fury of the people, who would otherwise have put them all to the sword; and finally, he had not been wanting to them in any respect, following the intentions of the King his master. M. Du Clerc had, by his desire, been lodged in the best house in the country; he had been murdered there, but it had not, in all the inquiries which had been made, been possible to ascertain who was the assassin: yet if he were ever discovered, the Governor promised that he should be punished as he deserved. To the summons for surrendering at discretion, he had no other reply to make, than that the King, his master, had entrusted that city to his charge, and he was ready to defend it to the last drop of his blood; .. a brave reply, if it had been followed by answerable deeds. This correspondence took place on the 19th: on the 20th Du Guay-Trouin, having reconnoitred the points of attack, cannonaded the Portugueze entrenchments, and prepared every thing for a general assault on the following morning. There were five Portugueze ships anchored near the Benedictine Convent, in a situation convenient for receiving the troops who were to make the attack in this quarter: as soon as night closed, they were embarked in boats, that they might get on board these vessels as silently as possible. A storm came on; they were perceived by the light of the lightning, and the Portugueze poured upon

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them a heavy fire of musquetry. This occassioned the Commander to alter his plan: he had brought up two ships to support his batteries, and had given orders, that at whatever time they heard a piece fired from his station, they should all open upon the town. Seeing his boats in this danger, he now fired the signal with his own hand, and the cannonade was continued almost without interruption during the whole night; the storm and the thunder and lightning continuing also. Several houses were set on fire by the shells. The inhabitants were in this respect more fortunate than others who have been exposed to the horrors of such an attack, that the country was open to them, and was also a secure place of refuge; into the country they fled during one of the most tremendous nights which had ever been remembered, in a country peculiarly liable to storms; .. men, women, and children, the whole population of the city, fled, expecting every moment that the assault would be given; the troops caught the panic; and in the morning, when Du Guay-Trouin was preparing to storm the place, the Aide-du-Camp of Du Clerc made his appearance, and told him he might enter without resistance, for the city was his own. Fire had been set to some of the richest magazines, by the Governor's orders, and mines laid under the forts of the Benedictines and Jesuits, .. probably so named as being near the convents of those orders: in both places the explosion was prevented, and the French took possession of their easy conquest.

Du Guay-Trouin, 189—195.

The city is taken and pillaged.

Rocha Pitta, 9. § 92.

They found their countrymen already gathering the first fruits: about five hundred of Du Clerc's men were still living. They had broken out in the confusion, and had fallen to the spoil: some of the inhabitants had shewn kindness to them while they were in prison, and it ought not to be forgotten, in the history of this expedition, that in the general sack which ensued, the houses of these persons were marked by the Frenchmen, and

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faithfully preserved from pillage. In vain did the Commander endeavour to prevent excesses which were so peculiarly dangerous in an open city, and with an enemy superior in numbers close at hand. The patroles whom he established were themselves foremost in the work of plunder. By the next morning three fourths of the houses and warehouses had been broken open; wine, provisions, furniture, stores and goods of every kind, were heaped together pell-mell in the mud of the streets, and the Portugueze, had they known how to profit by the opportunity which was afforded them, might a second time have taken ample vengeance upon their invaders. Du Guay-Trouin shot some of his men; but no examples were sufficient for deterring fellows to whom such temptations were presented, and he found that the only means of preserving order was to keep them constantly at work in depositing in the magazines such goods as it was intended to carry away.

Du Guay-Trouin, 195—196.

Critical situation of the French.

The forts were now surrendered with a facility dishonourable to those by whom they were commanded. The Governor meantime collected his troops, and entrenched himself about a league from the city, expecting a reinforcement from the Mines, whither he had sent to inform Albuquerque of the danger, and perhaps thinking it probable, that the same course of circumstances might ensue as had followed upon the capture of Bahia by Willekens and Heyne; .. but conquest had been the object of the Dutch, and the French came only for vengeance and booty. Du Guay-Trouin perceived in how critical a situation he should soon find himself, if he continued longer than was absolutely necessary in a place where he had found small store of provisions, and could procure none without much difficulty and no inconsiderable danger. He therefore informed the Governor, that unless the city were immediately ransomed, he would burn it to the ground; and to convince him that the threat was serious, he sent

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out a detachment who set fire to every house in the environs for half a league round. This party was fiercely attacked, and would have been cut to pieces as it deserved, had not two battalions arrived opportunely to its support. The leader of the Portugueze fell in the action. He is commended by the French for the intrepidity which he displayed; but he did not deserve so honourable a death, if, as there seems reason to suppose, he was that Bento de Amaral whose name has occurred in the history of the Mines.

The city is ransomed.

The French Commander had proved his will to execute the threat, and master as he was of the forts and of the sea, there was nothing to prevent him from retiring in safety when he should have done it. The Governor therefore offered him six hundred thousand cruzados, protesting that he could collect no larger ransom, for much had already fallen into his hands, and much had been carried into the woods and mountains. Du Guay-Trouin rejected the proposal, and gave orders to show the messenger who brought it, in what manner he was taking measures effectually to spoil every thing which could not be destroyed by fire. But he learnt from some Negro deserters, that the troops from the Mines were immediately expected, and that a reinforcement had already arrived from Ilha Grande, and therefore he drew out his whole force during the night as silently as possible, and presented himself at day-break in front of the Portugueze position, in hopes of accelerating the agreement, and intimidating them into a larger offer. A Jesuit was sent to conclude the terms, as he expected; but the ransom was fixed at the sum which had already been proposed, with the addition of as many head of cattle as the French might require. The contribution was to be paid in fifteen days, and it was agreed that the inhabitants might ransom their own goods. The agreement was signed on the 10th of October, and on the following day Albuquerque arrived with

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one thousand five hundred horsemen, every man bringing a foot soldier behind him for the sake of speed: six thousand armed Negroes were only a day or two behind. Had Albuquerque been Governor, a more honourable resistance would certainly have been made, perhaps a successful one; but after so many errors had been committed, it was fortunate for himself that he did not come up before the whole ignominy was completed. He, however, sanctioned the agreement, which he might, perhaps, have been too high minded to have concluded. Du Guay-Trouin felt his danger, when so large a reinforcement had arrived, under a man of spirit and high reputation; but the terms were punctually observed. The last payment was made on the 4th of November, and on the same day the French reembarked, having previously sent on board all the removeable plunder. Their Commander had punished with death every man upon whom any of the Church-plate was found, and having collected together all he could find, he entrusted it to the Jesuits, to be delivered to the Bishop; .. the Jesuits, he says, being the only ecclesiastics in that city, who had appeared worthy of his confidence.

Du Guay-Trouin. 197—205.

Fate of the French squadron.

Elated with such complete success, this gallant seaman attempted to pursue his prosperous fortune, and sailed from the Rio with the full intention of laying Bahia in like manner under contribution. But after struggling for nearly six weeks against contrary winds, he found it necessary to bear away for France, while he had yet provisions for the voyage. The delay proved fatal to two of his squadron, which in the dreadful weather they encountered on the way home, went down, with twelve hundred men on board. One of them was commanded by the Chevalier de Courserac, who had led the way into the harbour of the Rio; it was the finest ship in the squadron, and for that reason the most valuable part of the booty had been embarked in it, with gold and silver to the amount of six hun-

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Du Guay-Trouin. 206—210

dred thousand livres. A third vessel was driven to Cayenne and sunk there at anchor. Notwithstanding these losses, there remained to the adventurers a profit of ninety-two per cent. upon the capital which they had risked. The people of the Rio were so dissatisfied with their Governor's behaviour in this disgraceful and ruinous business, that they would not suffer him to continue in his office. They insisted that Albuquerque should take upon him the administration, till the King's pleasure could be known; and Francisco de Castro made no attempt at retaining his authority; .. he was too sensible of his misfortune, if not of his misconduct. As soon as the calamity was known at Lisbon, Francisco de Tavora was sent out to supersede him, and bring him and the other persons who had failed in their duty, to trial. They were put into strict confinement, and after a full inquiry, the late Governor was sentenced to degradation and perpetual imprisonment in one of the forts in India, for want of courage, and error in judgment. This was hard measure; he had pursued precisely the same course as in the preceding year; the faults which he had then committed had been overlooked, though they were glaring and notorious, because the issue had been fortunate. If there was any difference in the two cases, besides that of the event, it was in the Governor's favour, who ought to have been held less responsible on the second occasion than on the first, Gaspar da Costa having had the command of that force, which was expressly sent out for the protection of the 3 port. His nephew,

3 Jozé da Cunha Brochado, at first hearing the intelligence, concluded that the fault lay here. He says, "As cartas que vieram dos Estrangeiros dessa Cidade, dizem, que nam houvera resistencia alguma na entrada do Porto; mas tambem he inutil esta reflecçam; porque as nossas injurias tem feito hum callo tam forte que somos invulneraveis a qualquer golpe de mormuraçam. Cartas, MSS. (9 Jan. 1712.) From the same letter it appears, that in the preceding reign he had pointed out to the Court the inadequacy of the fortifications at Rio de Janeiro to protect the place, and presented a plan for their improvement. The King was pleased to thank him for this proof of his zeal; .. the plan was laid aside, and the warning neglected.

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who had succeeded to the rank of Camp Master, when his father was killed the preceding year, was banished for life; and a Captain, who had given up one of the forts, and absconded in consequence, was hanged in effigy.

Rocha Pitta. 9. § 93—94

Alarm of the Portugueze Cabinet.

Cartas de Joze daCunha Brochado. MSS. 9 Jan. 1712.

The news of this disaster greatly alarmed the Portugueze, whose commerce had never received so severe a blow; the capture of the city was known before there was any account of the after proceedings, and they apprehended that it might be the intention of the French to retain their conquest, remembering their old claims upon a country to which they had once given the name of Antarctic France, and which the discovery of the mines had rendered now more than ever an important territory. The Portugueze Ambassadors at Utrecht argued, that in this point England and the United Provinces were as much concerned as Portugal, and therefore they would not require the assistance of these powers, lest such assistance should be deemed an equivalent for the barrier which Portugal was then claiming from Spain: this it could not be if the maritime powers were left to feel their own interest in interfering. On the other hand, they were aware that the preservation of Brazil was of more importance to Portugal than any extension of her own frontier, and they knew the perilous insecurity of Bahia, which gave but too much probability to a report, that Du Guay-Trouin had entered and sacked that city also. Yet there was another objection to soliciting, or even accepting aid from Great Britain and Holland; for, although an allied squadron might undoubtedly facilitate the recovery of Rio de Janeiro, their en-

Cartas dos Embaixadores. MSS. 12 Jan. 16 Feb. 23 Feb. 1712.

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trance into that port would produce consequences easily to be foreseen, and greatly injurious to that commerce, which Portugal was now determined upon reserving wholly to itself. From these perplexities they were relieved by the next advices.

Pedro de Vasconcellos Governor.

Impost of ten per cent.

Insurrection at Bahia.

The disturbances in Pernambuco, and the two invasions of the Rio, occurred while D. Lourenço de Almada was Governor General: he was superseded by Pedro de Vasconcellos e Sousa, before the northern Captaincy was quiet, and while Rio de Janeiro was in possession of the French. The seas were, at this time, greatly infested by pirates, the last desperate remains of the Buccaneers; and they haunted the coasts of Brazil more than ever, since the discovery of the mines. To prevent such loss as was caused by their depredations, it was necessary to keep up an establishment of cruisers, and to strengthen the forts also. Under the plea of defraying these urgent expences, the opportunity was taken of imposing ten per cent. upon all imports in Brazil. The people, however, justly apprehended, that the impost would be continued after the necessity had ceased; and when the new Governor attempted to put the edict in force, they assembled tumultuously, and at the sound of the City Bell, which was rung incessantly by order of the Juiz do Povo, the Square before the Palace and all the streets which opened into it, were presently filled by a multitude of the lower orders. The first impulse of the Governor was to take sword and buckler, and go out to disperse the rabble, at the head of his guards and domestics; he was dissuaded from thus exposing his person to danger, and his authority to contempt; so he sent a message to the mob, requiring them to separate, and pursue their purpose by means of petitioning, not of violence. They deputed the Juiz do Povo to receive the message, and reply to it; and the reply was, that they were assembled with a determination of not separating, till the tax should have been abrogated, and till the

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increase in the price of salt were taken off; .. the ordinary measure of that prime necessary of life having been raised, in the preceding year, from 480 to 720 reis. The Governor represented, that it was to the throne they must make their appeal, not to him, who had no power to pursue any other course than that of carrying the royal orders into effect. This reply incensed them; they declared that they would accomplish their object by force; and, after insulting the Governor, they proceeded to the house of Manoel Dias Filgueira, who held the salt contract, and to whom they imputed the new impost of the tenths. This person, who was greatly envied for his riches, and had also rendered himself unpopular by a splendour, which was thought more than beseemed his station, was luckily in Lisbon; his wife and family were apprized of their danger in time to escape, or they might have fallen victims to the blind fury of the rabble; every thing in the house was destroyed; and the barrels of wine, and other costly liquors in his stores, were broached into the streets. From thence they proceeded to the house of Manoel Gomes Lisboa, who was connected in trade with Filgueira; and therefore, though not personally obnoxious to the multitude, was marked for vengeance. He also escaped; but his house was sacked, and two chests of gold-dust being thrown out of window, the chests brake with the fall, and the gold was trampled under foot, and lost. While they were at their work of destruction here, the Archbishop came, with as many members of the various brotherhoods as he could collect, and all the dignitaries of the Cathedral, bearing the Host upon an Ambula, as it stands upon the altar; trusting that they might be mollified by this spectacle, he exhorted them to return to their houses: they prostrated themselves before what Rocha Pitta calls their Creator, worshipped the wafer, sheathed their weapons, and attended it devoutly back to the Church from whence it had been brought; but having seen

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The Governor yields to the demand of the mob.

Rocha Pitta. 9. § 95—104.

the Pix replaced, they returned to the Square, arms in hand again, and renewed their demand that the tax should be repealed, and the price of salt reduced. Meantime the late Governor, D. Lourenço de Almada, had repaired to the Palace, and, with his advice, Vasconcellos, seeing no other present remedy, yielded to their will. They required also a full pardon for the insurrection, and all acts committed in its course, without exception of persons; rightly thinking that they stood in need of this, but not considering that it was invalidated by the very means whereby it was obtained. About six in the evening the business was concluded, and the mob dispersed. A party of them had been stationed to keep the City Bell in action during the whole day.

The mob again assemble for the relief of the Rio.

No person of respectability appeared in this tumult; the mob consisted of the lowest orders; and, it is remarked, that the ringleaders were men of the mother country, or foreigners of various nations, not natives of Brazil. After some weeks had elapsed, the movers of the first tumult rung the alarm again; the mob readily obeyed the summons; and, as the Governor happened to be without the gates, at the residence of his predecessor, thither they went to seek him in full force. Surprized, as well as alarmed, at this unexpected appearance, he fastened the great doors, and the deputy of the mob was admitted through a wicket. They had chosen a respectable man to make known their pleasure to the Governor: .. it was, that he should immediately fit out the ships which were in the harbour, and enlist men, for an expedition to recover Rio de Janeiro from the French. Such a proposal might well astonish the Governor; he replied, that he had neither ships, artillery, nor men sufficient, to attack such a squadron as that of the enemy; that he had not money for such an expedition; and that, if it were attempted, a certain evil must of necessity ensue, .. for the ships being thus employed, would lose their homeward voyage for the year, to the great injury of

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Rocha Pitta. 9. § 105—113.

the Treasury, and the great loss of the inhabitants of Bahia and the Reconcave. To this they made answer, that there was money enough in St. Teresa's, and in the Jesuits' College, deposited there for various purposes, by persons from different parts; as much as was required might be drawn from these funds, and replaced by an assessment upon the people of the City, and the Reconcave, according to their means. The merchants and traders, they said, would take upon themselves the larger part; he might recall from Pernambuco the two ships of war which had convoyed the fleet thither; there was artillery enough; and the force would be sufficient to attack the French. To reason with them was in vain: Vasconcellos might as well have attempted to turn the wind, or the waves, as to convince them of the folly of their purpose. Once more he found it necessary to obey their sovereign pleasure; and, on the morrow, the Senado was assembled by the Juiz do Povo, to receive orders from that mouthpiece of the mob, for making the assessment. The Senado urged the same objections to this insane scheme as the Governor had done, and with no better effect; the assessment was made, and the immediate expence was to be drawn from the funds deposited in the two Convents in bank. Both the Governor and the Chamber must have expected that the ardour of the people would cool, while the preparations were going on; that the difficulties would be found manifestly insuperable; and, perhaps, that some lucky turn of fortune (the last hope of the feeble), would deliver them from the danger of undertaking so frantic an expedition; and so it proved, for before any great progress had been made in the outfit, tidings arrived that the French had put the city to ransom, and sailed homeward. Little did the Bahians imagine, while they were arming against the French, that Du Guay-Trouin was prevented by nothing but the winds from attacking them upon their own ground, and at

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their own doors; where they would not have been more able, or more likely to have resisted him, than their countrymen at the Rio.

Office of the Juiz do Povo abolished at Bahia.

Marquez de Angeja Viceroy.

1714.

Rocha Pitta. 9. § 114—119.

10. § 5—6.

The Juiz do Povo became so arrogant in consequence of these proceedings, that he attempted to interfere in all public business, in order that the interests of his people, as he called them, might not suffer; and upon every occasion, where his pretensions were opposed, he threatened to ring the City Bell, .. a signal which was now dreaded by all the peaceable and well-disposed inhabitants. The Camara therefore quietly applied to the Court, requesting that this office might be abolished, for the sake of public tranquillity, as it had been, for a like reason, at Porto. The powers attached to it, indeed, were ill defined, and more easily abused to ill purposes, than applicable to any good ones: it was abolished accordingly; and the Governor, when he felt himself sufficiently strong, began to inquire who were the ringleaders in the late disturbances. They, who were conscious of having been most forward in the first insurrection, took flight, and the motive for the latter was allowed its full weight in exculpating others. Vasconcellos now endeavoured to prepare against any such calamity as had fallen upon the Rio: for this purpose he began to reform the discipline of the troops, and to exercise the Ordenanza, according to the new manner, which had not yet been introduced into Brazil. Zealous as the people had lately been for military service, they murmured greatly at being thus drilled, when they perceived no immediate danger; and Vasconcellos, feeling himself more and more unpopular, solicited that a successor might be sent out to relieve him from his ungrateful charge, before the expiration of his term. Accordingly the Marquez de Angeja, D. Pedro Antonio de Noronha, came out with the rank of Viceroy, which he had previously borne in India. He strengtened the fortifications, .. a precaution whereof the necessity was no longer doubtful; and he established, without

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difficulty, the impost of the tenths: for no person was ready to stir up the people to a second insurrection, after the consequences of the first.

Fear of a second expedition from France.

Cartas dos Embaixadores. MSS. 31 May. 14 June, 1712.

Bolingbroke's Correspondence, vol.3, p.136.

Designs of England upon South America apprehended.

Cartas dos Embaixadores. MSS. 21 June, 1714.

It was not from Du Guay-Trouin only that the Bahians escaped: a second armament was sent out, at the cost of private adventurers, but with the assistance of government; and Bahia was the chief object in view. The command was given to M. Cassar, who was thought more proper for such expeditions than Du Guay-Trouin; but the Abbé de Polignac pronounced the best eulogy upon that gallant seaman, when he rated him below the present commander, because he preferred the glorious to the profitable, and if he fell in with an enemy's fleet, would engage the ships of war, instead of making it his chief business to capture the merchant vessels. Because the new Commander was not a man of this mould, Bahia was spared from the probable loss and disgrace which would have befallen it; and he contented himself with a marauding descent upon some of the smaller sugar islands. The Portugueze were alarmed, at this time, by their friends as well as their enemies. Information was given them by their minister at London, that a certain Captain Thomas Braum, with the aid of private adventurers, but under the sanction of his government, was about to establish a colony in South America; in what part was not known, but that it should be any where near Brazil, appeared a danger of the greatest magnitude, more especially if the island of St. Catalina, or the Rio dos Patos, should be the place. In that case, the Portugueze statesmen conceived that the profit of the mines might be considered lost; for the English, by means of their trade, would attract the greater part of the gold to their settlements. As this territory was disputed between Spain and Portugal, and was unoccupied by either, there was some reason to apprehend that a third power might take possession, and more especially at this time when France and England were adjusting the terms of peace,

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with little regard to any interests except their own. The Portugueze ministers at Utrecht, therefore, urged their Court instantly to send out orders for occupying every port along the coast, and these two important stations more especially, even if they only dispatched settlers enough to erect a few cabins.

Negociations with France.

Bolingbroke's Correspondence, vol. 3, p. 433, 469.

Of all the allies of England, Portugal complained the most of its treatment in the negociations at Utrecht, and yet there was no other power whose interests were so sincerely consulted by England in that miserable transaction. By the treaty between Portugal and France, the latter renounced, in the most explicit terms, both for the reigning king and his successors, all right and pretension whatever to the country between the Orellana and the Wiapoc, acknowledged that both banks of the Orellana belonged in full sovereignty to the Crown of Portugal, and renounced all claim to the navigation of that river. This latter point the French were very unwilling to concede, even when they had consented to yield the whole territory: they argued, that their colony from Cayenne might one day form settlements on the north bank far up the stream, and upon this probability they endeavoured to stipulate for a right of navigating the river in that part in vessels constructed there. This, however, was too remote a contingency to have any weight in the scale, and the English ministry insisted upon the total cession, with more spirit than they displayed during any other part of the discussions. They were alarmed at the ambitious views of France in America, though they had wilfully shut their eyes to the danger in Europe. And thus Portugal obtained more than her ambassadors had hoped; for they did not look for any farther cession than that of the country where the forts of Araguari and Camau were erected: their ambition was excited by this unhoped for fortune, and they pointed out to their court, that a treaty, which secured to them the entire command of the river, opened a way for their troops to Quito and Peru. Louis the Fourteenth submitted very reluctantly to this cession, which

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Cartas dos Embaixadores. MSS. 15th April, 1713.

April 11, 1713. Du Mont, t. 8, p. 1, p. 353.

disappointed, or at least postponed, projects perhaps of not less extravagant ambition; even after it was made, he said to the Duke of Shrewsbury, he still hoped that between the signing of the treaty and its ratification, the Queen of England would be convinced how unjust it was to deprive him of the navigation of the river. France also engaged, that the inhabitants of Cayenne should not be allowed to go beyond the Wiapoc for the purposes of trade; nor should they purchase slaves in the district of the Cabo do Norte: the King of Portugal engaging on his part, that his subjects should not trade with Cayenne. And the Most Christian King promised, that neither the French Missionaries, nor any others under his protection, should, in the exercise of their functions, intrude upon the lands which were by this treaty adjudged incontestably to appertain to Portugal.

Difficulty respecting the Commerce of Brazil.

The Portugueze negociators had a delicate point to manage respecting the commerce of Brazil. The Dutch had, by the peace of 1661, a clear and positive right of trading with that country. The English had the same right, which was more especially given them by the marriage treaty of Charles the Second. Both nations had suffered it to fall into disuse, .. probably both were now importing sugar and tobacco from their own colonies. With regard to the Dutch, for whom the Portugueze seem at all times to have entertained a rooted contempt, even when they themselves were weakest, and Holland in its greatest strength, the privilege was plainly denied, in direct breach of treaty, and the Portugueze even set up a right of confiscating 4 their ships if they went there. The English were content

4 This had nearly involved Portugal in a serious dispute with the United Provinces some years after the peace of Utrecht. A Dutch ship entered the Rio under a pretence of watering and refitting, but in reality for the purpose of smuggling. She was seized and condemned by a sentence of the Supreme Court at Bahia. The Middleburg Company, who were the owners, demanded restitution: and this the King promised, whenever the West India Company would indemnify his subjects for certain ships which they had seized, on a pretext that they were trading within the limits of the Dutch possessions in Africa. Four millions of florins were claimed by Portugal upon this ground. The States threatened to grant the Middleburg Company letters of reprisal, and D. Luiz da Cunha, who was sent to the Hague upon this business, believed that this would certainly have been done, if other troubles in Europe had not intervened.

D. Luiz da Cunha, Carta ao Marco Antonio, MS.

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CHAP. XXXIII. 1713.

D. Luiz do Cunha. Carta ao Marco Antonio. MS.

to forego it, because, by means of the factory at Lisbon, great part of the Brazilian trade was really in their hands, being carried on with their capital by Portugueze agents in the country. The Junta de Commercio, however, was apprehensive that France would now demand the same privileges which England possessed by treaty, and therefore they thought it desirable that England should be prevailed upon to give up a right which was never exercised; but it was suggested, that if the question were moved, the English might be led to consider how important this trade might be found hereafter, and would, perhaps, begin to exercise it at once, for the sake of keeping it up: Portugal could not prevent this, and therefore it was better to let the matter rest. The difficulty occurred, as had been foreseen at Utrecht; and though the English ministers at first took part with the Portugueze, as thinking it desirable to have the French excluded from this trade, they changed their opinion during the conferences, because they perceived that this exclusion might afterwards be pleaded as a precedent for extending the same system to 5

5 There is a curious passage in one of the letters of Joze da Cunha Brochado, at that time minister in London, which shows that the privilege was sometimes exercised by the English, and disputed, I know not upon what grounds, by the Portugueze Government: .. "Dizem que no Brazil entraram outra vez alguns navios Ingrezes, e a nossa Corte nam faz mais que mandar passar officios, a que esta Corte faz propriamente ouvidos de mercador. Em hum negocio tam preciozo como este, nam ha comprimentos, nem satisfaçoens, e mais val que Inglaterra se queixe da nossa prohibiçam, do que nos do seu attentado.

Cartas ao Conde de Vianna, MS. 15 July, 1710.

[page] 135

CHAP. XXXIII. 1713.

England, against which the Queen could not remonstrate, if she now sanctioned the exclusion of France. When it was stipulated that the French should not trade with Maranham, the Portugueze plenipotentiaries wished to include Brazil in the prohibition; and in the article which provided that the ports of the two countries should be reciprocally open to each other, they would have excepted those of Brazil. But the French would not consent to either of these insertions; they compromised the point by omitting all mention of Brazil in the one article, and saying in the other, that the French merchant-vessels and ships of war should enter those ports of the King of Portugal which they were accustomed to enter. The Portugueze thought that this was gaining a point; the concession which they would have resisted to the utmost had not been required, and the silence of the present treaty, they argued, might be pleaded hereafter as a bar to any such demand in future.

Cartas dos Embaixadores. MSS. 15th April, 1703.

The Assiento.

26th March, 1713.

It was at this time that a memorable arrangement with Spain, known by the name of the Assiento, or Contract, gave the British an exclusive right of carrying on the most nefarious of all trades to the Plata, .. a trade which was then as universally thought lawful and just, as it is now acknowledged to be impious and inhuman. The British engaged to transport annually to the Spanish Indies during the term of thirty years, four thousand eight hundred of what were called in trade language, Indian pieces, .. that is to

[page] 136

CHAP. XXXIII. 1713.

Bolingbroke's Correspondence, vol. 2.p.104.

Du Mont. 8. P. 1. p. 331.

say, negro slaves, paying a duty per head of thirty-three escudos and one third. For all whom they might import above this number, only half this duty was to be paid during twenty-five years, after which time the number was not to be exceeded: this provision was inserted in expectation that Spain would then be able to carry on the trade for herself, and therefore she chose thus to prepare a demand for the article before she began. At S. Martha, Cumana, and Maracaybo, they were not to demand more than three hundred escudos for each, and as much below that sum as possible, that the inhabitants might be encouraged to purchase; but no maximum was fixed for any other place. One fourth of the whole number was to be imported into the Plata, and here no additional supply was to be allowed: eight hundred of these were for Buenos Ayres, the other four for the interior, and the kingdom of Chili. The King of Spain reserved for himself a fourth share of the contract, and the Queen of England another; she however gave up hers to the South Sea Company, by whom the contract was undertaken. The Assientistas were to be allowed a track of ground upon the Plata sufficient to raise food and cattle for their establishment and their negroes: this was a point upon which the British Plenipotentiaries, were instructed particularly to Insist; .. but it was granted with all the proud and suspicious restrictions of Spanish Jealousy; .. their dwellings and storehouses were not to be built of any other materials than wood, nor was the slightest fortification of any kind to be suffered. A Spanish officer was to reside there; the English subjects were to be amenable to the Spanish laws, and rigorous punishments were denounced against smuggling, .. the only commodity which they were chartered to deal in, being black human flesh. But by the last article of the Treaty, the Company were authorized to send one vessel of five hundred tons every year to the Spanish Indies, on condition

[page] 137

CHAP. XXXIII. 1713.

that they should not attempt to introduce any thing contraband, the King of Spain having a fourth part of the cargo, and a duty of five per cent. upon the net profit of the other three quarters. In this miserable contract ended the high promises of trade with the Spanish Indies which Harley had held out to lure the nation by views of vulgar interest from the course of honour and of duty; and upon no better foundation was the South Sea Company established, .. a worthy project of the vilest ministry to which the fortunes of Great Britain ever were intrusted.

Cartas dos Embaixadores. MSS. 17 May, 1712.

The Portuguezejealous of this Treaty.

Do. 22 July, 1712.

Negociations with Spain.

Do. 2 Sep. 1712.

Do. 22 Sep. 1713.

The Assiento was vehemently opposed by the Dutch, especially by the city of Rotterdam: and it was regarded with no slight jealousy by the Portugueze, who had possessed a similar contract before the war, and had demands in consequence were now in dispute with the Spanish Government. They suspected at first that the English were stipulating with Spain for an establishment in the Plata, .. a measure, their Ambassadors said, which might well alarm all powers, and especially the Portugueze, to whom it would introduce so formidable a neighbour. The Portugueze were now endeavouring to have the Plata acknowledged as the boundary between Brazil and the Spanish territories, taking the River of the Missions, as the Uruguay was then called, for the inland line. But the people with whom they treated were as pertinacious as themselves, and in Europe were better able to enforce their pretensions. Even the restitution of Nova Colonia was stiffly contested. The Spaniards perfectly understood the value of that place to the Portugueze as a smuggling station; and this made the Duque de Ossuna say with bitterness to their negociators, that it would be easy to propose an equivalent for the place if its real value alone were to be considered; but it might be very difficult to offer one which they might think a compensation for the advantages to which they looked from an illicit trade. In a calmer temper he

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[page] 138

CHAP. XXXIII. 1713.

assured the Ambassadors that the chief or only reason which made the King of Spain insist upon reserving the power of offering some other place in exchange, was his fear lest the nations who traded with Portugal should find means of introducing goods into Peru through that channel. The English were unjustly accused by the 6 Portugueze ministers of betraying their

6 The Marques de Monteleon, one of the Spanish Ambassadors, told the Conde da Tarouca, that England had purchased its own favourable terms from Spain by expressly agreeing, that no part of the Spanish territory in Spain should be yielded for a barrier. M. Manages also affirmed the same; and the Portugueze was so prejudiced that he did not perceive the evident purpose of this falsehood. (Cartas dos Embaixadores. MSS. 9 June, 1713.) The Marques also said, that the proposal of giving an equivalent for Colonia came from the English, and would not have been thought of otherwise: and the Conde da Tarouca believed this also, though if vexation and prejudice had not blinded him, he must have seen how greatly it was for the interest of England that Portugal should preserve this port. It was quite certain, he said, that England would not take a single step in their favour, which could offend the Spaniards. (Do. 13 Oct. 1713.) D. Luiz da Cunha (a man of far greater ability than his colleague) makes no scruple of saying, that the reason why Portugal could obtain no better terms from Spain, was because her negociators had no money wherewith to bribe the English Ambassadors, and the Spaniards had. The Duque de Ossuna, he says, carried Lord Strafford in his pocket. (Carta ao Marco Antonio. MS.) The minister at London recommended bribing the English ministry, saying he was sure that Portugal had failed in her most important transactions with the British cabinet for want of this expedient. (Joze da Cunha Brochado. Cartas ao Conde de Vianna. MSS. 15 Dec. 1711.) These assertions prove nothing more than the opinion in which that vile ministry were held by the Portugueze statesmen, .. for Brochado and D. Luiz are well entitled to this appellation. And it is well worthy of notice (as connected with the matter of this note) that Brochado's own judgement concerning the Barrier would have acquitted England of any injurious abandonment of that demand. He saw that no barrier could make them equal to Castille, and that if any were obtained, it would infallibly sooner or later draw on a war for its recovery; he da nossa honra o pedilla, e sera de nosso interesse o nam alcançella, .. these are his pointed words. (Do. 19 Jan. 1712.)

[page] 139

CHAP. XXXIII. 1714.

Bolingbroke's Correspondence. vol. 4. 217.

Cartas dos Embaixadores. MSS. 27 Sep.1714.

interest, and siding wholly with the Spaniards in this discussion: but however the wretched negociators at Utrecht may have conducted themselves, it is certain that the British Cabinet held the strongest language toward the Court of Spain; their Ambassador was instructed to assure that Court, that the Queen would put every thing to hazard rather than abandon the King of Portugal, or let him suffer through the confidence which he had placed upon her word: she would see him safe out of the war, and risk even her nearest interests in his cause. The discussions, however, continued till the death of Queen Anne, when the Portugueze ministers had an interview with George I. as he passed through Holland on his way to take possession of the throne, and they were delighted to find him thoroughly informed upon all the points which were in dispute, and heartily disposed to support the interests of Portugal. The matter had now been prolonged till the more important interests of all the other contracting powers had been adjusted; and Louis took upon himself to conclude it for his grandson, for the double purpose of appearing in a business where the interference of England had given no satisfaction to her ally, and accelerating the determination of the Spanish Court, which seemed to have infected Philip V. with its tardiness as well as its superstition. Some money demands respecting ships detained at the Rio before the declaration of war, and some debts due to the Portugueze Assiento Company, were compromised by sacrificing the interests 7 of the

7 This was made the subject of a secret article, for a roguish reason, which is broadly stated by the Portugueze negociators in their dispatches … Por ser melhor por ambas as magestades se livrarem de pretençoens de Estrangeiros, que nam se saiba que houve compensaçam nos navios. A dirtier transaction of its kind has seldom been brought to light, than this of the two Courts combining to cheat the foreign merchants who had relied upon their justice.

[page] 140

CHAP. XXXIII. 1714.

Cartas dos Embaixadores. MSS. 30 Nov. 1714.

Do. 18 Jan. 1715.

individuals concerned. Far more difficulty was found in adjusting the endless question of Colonia. The Spanish Cabinet, ever suspicious of the remotest danger to their wide American possessions, apprehended an intention on the part of the Portugueze, to penetrate by the interior to the source of the Plata, and getting possession of the Parana and the Uruguay along their whole course, finally secure the great river into which they poured their waters. To prevent this imagined purpose a project was suggested of offering to Portugal the whole coast from S. Vicente to the Plata, on condition that their right should only extend ten leagues inland, that they should erect no fortress within ten leagues of the Plata, nor navigate it on any pretext whatever: but the Portugueze replied, that this was only offering them a useless slip of land which was already by many titles their own. A more palatable exchange was proposed by the French Ambassadors, .. that Spain should retain Colonia, and suffer Portugal to retain in its stead Albuquerque and Pueblo de Sanabria, the only Spanish places which she had secured during the war, with their respective districts, .. or that the Gallician coast as far as Vigo should be ceded, including that town, and with a tract extending inland to the Fuerte de Guarda and including it. Either of these equivalents Portugal would gladly have accepted, though with little prudence; but the proposal was not ratified at Madrid. Here all such offers ended, and the long pending discussions were at length concluded. Nova 8 Colonia

8 There was something whimsical in the manner of signing this treaty. The Duque de Ossuna had sent away his equipage, so that it was impossible to perform the business with all the accustomed pomp; on this account it was judged proper to do it secretly; and as there were points of etiquette not easily to be adjusted among men who stood upon punctilios with a feeling worthy to have been appreciated and recorded by Sir John Finett, the difficulty was compromised by signing it, .. out of doors, in the public walk. To accomplish this, the several parties, with their two secretaries, met there at an hour when no persons were accustomed to take their promenade; and there, on one of the seats, the treaties, one in Spanish, the other in Portugueze, were signed, and sealed with wafer; .. wax could not have been used in that place without a certain kind of indecorum, .. pois ja que aquelle acto era irregular, nam fosse indecente. So odd a finale had those Negociations at Utrecht, "wherewith all Europe rang from side to side!"

Cartas dos Embaixadores, MSS.

[page] 141

CHAP. XXXIII. 1715.

6 Feb. 1715.

Du Mont. t. 8. P. 1. p. 444.

and its territory, were ceded to Portugal in full and entire sovereignty, all future right or claim to this contested ground being renounced on the part of the Spaniards, in the strongest and what might have been supposed the most explicit terms: the King of Portugal engaging that he would not permit any other nation to establish themselves there, or trade thither, directly or indirectly, under any pretext; and that the Portugueze should not lend any assistance to other nations, for carrying on a contraband trade with the Spanish settlements; neither engage in such trade themselves. It was provided also, that within the space of a year and half from the ratification of the Treaty, Spain might propose an equivalent for this cession; but the cession was not, on that account, to be delayed, and it was entirely at the option of the Portugueze to accept or to reject the proposal. This clause, nugatory as it was, the Spaniards insisted, with their characteristic pertinacity, upon inserting. It was because Nova Colonia, if it were in the hands of the Portugueze, afforded such facilities for smuggling, that Spain was so solicitous to obtain it; well aware of how little avail the stipulations of a treaty must needs be, concerning a contraband trade, even though there should exist in both the contracting powers a mutual and sincere desire of preventing it.

It was not by negociations alone that Portugal supported its

[page] 142

CHAP. XXXIII. 1711.

The Portugueze eject the Spanish missionaries upon the Orellana.

1708.

jealous claims upon the interior of South America, .. claims to which what were deemed the most important religious considerations, were sacrificed, without hesitation or remorse. F. Samuel Fritz, a German Jesuit, attached to the Spanish Missions in Quito, went down the Orellana, for the purpose of marking its course. The Captain of one of the Portugueze settlements arrested him as a spy, and threw him into close confinement. After two years he obtained his release, and to him we are indebted 9 for the first authentic map of this great river, and the first good information concerning its source. Painful as his long imprisonment must have been, and embittered by a fear that the fruit of his scientific labours would too probably be lost, the good man would have felt a deeper sorrow, could he have foreseen the fate of the Missions which he afterwards established. For he succeeded in converting the Omaguas, a people so famous in the age of adventure, and still, in his days, the most numerous of all the river tribes: thirty of their villages are marked upon his map. After his death, these establishments continued to flourish under Missionaries from Quito: but the Governor of Para regarded them as intrusions upon the Portugueze limits; and, as Ignacio Correa de Oliveira happened to be, at this time, with a ransoming expedition, in that part of the river which the Portugueze call 10 Rio dos Solimoens, he was

9 The original journal of this meritorious Jesuit was in the College at Quito, from whence Condamine obtained a transcript. Like many other precious documents respecting South America, it has never been published, and is, therefore, in danger of being lost, .. if, indeed, it have not already perished.

10 They gave this name to the Orellana, above the Rio Negro, from that of a fish, which is found there in great abundance. Condamine has curiously mistaken its meaning, and its cause. "Rio de Solimoens, (he says,) riviere des poisons, nom que lui a probablement eté donné à cause des fleches qui sont l'arme le plus ordinaire des habitants de ses bords." (p. 131.) Perhaps this is not a mistake of poison for poisson, as would be readily supposed. I rather suspect that Condamine trusted a little too much to his knowledge of Portugueze, and mistook the name of a Brazilian fish for Solimam, .. corrosive Sublimate, .. which is used sometimes vaguely for any poisonous composition.

[page] 143

CHAP. XXXIII. 1708.

Berredo. § 1454—1457.

P. Guillaume d' Etré. Lettres Edifiantes. t. 8. p. 277. 296.

Condamine p. 69. 80.

ordered to proceed to these settlements, and expel the Spaniards. Repeated advices reached him, that two hundred Spanish troops, with a great body of Indians, would be sent to maintain possession; he found, however, only a few Jesuits, who were fain to withdraw, and suffer all their past labours to be frustrated. Correa dispatched tidings of his easy success to Belem; but he relied upon it too much, for the Spaniards came down, surprized him when carelessly trading, took him prisoner, and burnt the Aldeas which the Portugueze Carmelites had established upon the river. When this intelligence reached the Lord of Pancas, he dispatched one hundred and thirty troops, with a competent number of Indians; they found some of the Spaniards among the Omaguas, defeated them, and brought away several prisoners, among whom was F. Juan Bautista, the head of the Mission. This expedition secured for Portugal an extensive 11 territory, of which it has ever since held undisturbed possession.

Measures of Albuquerque in the Mines.

Carneiro. MS.

Brazil was now delivered from all fear of foreign enemies. The people of the Mines were thanked for the promptitude with which they had repaired to the Rio, during the invasion, by a letter written, in the King's name, to the Chamber of Sabara,

11 According to Condamine, nearly two hundred leagues in length, which even, in French measure, would constitute no inconsiderable kingdom. (p. 80.) F. Guillaume d'Etre says, that in consequence of the representations made to the Court of Lisbon upon this business, orders came out to the Portugueze, that they should not extend their conquests above the Rio Negro. The Jesuit is certainly as inaccurate in this as he is in supposing, that negociations were then going on at Cambray.

[page] 144

CHAP. XXXIII. 1708.

Manoel da Costa. MS.

Carta Regia. 9 Nov. 1709. MS.

Carta Regia. 24 July, 1711. MS.

Carta Regia. 8 Oct. 1712. MS.

Misconduct of the Friars and Clergy.

that place having now been chartered as a town, the first in this country upon which the distinction was conferred. Antonio de Albuquerque, whose summons the people had so cheerfully obeyed in that emergency, was the first Governor who made the royal authority respected in the Mines, and appeared there with the power and dignity which his office required. He was enjoined to regulate the fifths, either letting them by districts, or collecting them, as he might judge best; and he was to build a Casa de Fundiçam, or Smelting-house; and, for the better execution of these orders, as also to secure respect for himself, and enable his ministers to execute justice, he was instructed to raise a regiment of five hundred men, and nominate the officers himself, .. for this time only, and subject to the King's approbation. The pay of these troops was five testoens a day, something more than half a crown. The excessive cost of every thing in the Mines rendered this enormous pay necessary; but the Treasury soon became impatient of so heavy an expence, and, as the land grew more tranquil, the establishment was reduced to two companies, of fifty men each. It was expressly provided, that the officers should not be Paulistas; because, to give commissions unto persons of that country, would be putting arms in the, hands of men, not entirely to be trusted; nevertheless, if a Paulista had given proofs of his fidelity, the place of his birth was not to disqualify him. Albuquerque was directed also to give every assistance to the Archbishop of Bahia, and the Bishop of Rio de Janeiro, during the visitations which they were about to make, and to lend his authority for expelling from the Mines all Religioners and Clergy, who were residing there without just cause, or who were engaged in affairs not appertaining to their profession. The clergy of this district were, in general, of the same stamp as the people. Due respect was paid to the ecclesiastical power, by requiring the Bishop of the Rio to recall

[page] 145

CHAP. XXXIII.

Carta Regia. 9 June, 1711. MS.

Foreigners expelled from the Mines.

Carta Regia. 25 Feb. 1711. MS.

Carta Regia. 7 Apr. 1713. MS.

such turbulent subjects as belonged to his diocese; but he drew upon himself a severe reprimand, and brought on a diminution of his authority, by culpable inattention to the orders of the Court. Instead of preventing any ecclesiastics from going to the Mines, unless they had proper employment there, he granted licenses, indiscriminately, to fellows of profligate conduct and unruly disposition, .. even to some who had been implicated in the late outrages. There were among them many apostate Friars, and others who had taken orders only to escape the punishment of their crimes. The Governor, therefore, was enjoined not to suffer any Friar to remain in the Mines, but to turn out the whole race, with force and violence, if they would not depart quietly; and, in the same manner, he was to expel every Priest, who was not exercising some parochial function, under the appointment of the Ordinary. By another decree, all foreigners were to be sent out of the new Captaincy, except English and Dutch, even although they might have been naturalized. A subsequent order provided, that those persons who were married to Portugueze women, and had children by them, should be permitted to remain, unless they were engaged in trade; in that case time was to be allowed them for disposing of their effects, and they were then to be sent, with their families, to Lisbon. The discovery of the Mines seems to have introduced this jealous policy: it was probably strengthened by the loss and shame which had been sustained at the Rio; and being soon extended to all the other Captaincies, this short-sighted and selfish system of exclusion retarded the improvement of Brazil.

S. Paulo made a city.

Carta Regia. 24 July, 1711. MS.

Ordem. 17 Jan. 1715. MS.

During the government of Antonio de Albuquerque, St. Paulo, as being now the capital of a Captaincy, was made a city; and a few years afterwards it was enacted, that all who had served there as Juizes Ordinaries, Vereadores, and Procuradores do Conselho, should, by virtue of their office, retain the

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[page] 146

CHAP. XXXIII.

Regulations concerning grants of land.

Carta Regia. 15 June, 1711. MS.

Carta Regia. 1 April, 1713. MS.

Carta Regia, 27 June, 1711. MS.

Carta Regia. 8 April, 1713, MS.

Ordem. 29 August, 1718. MS.

All Religioners banished from the Mines.

nobility which attached to knighthood, and enjoy the privileges of that rank, provided they were not criminated in the general examination which the Judges were to make annually, nor in the visitation of the superior Magistrate. Grants of land were to be made sparingly in this growing Captaincy, with regard to the fertility of the country, and the great influx of inhabitants; and no person who obtained one grant might obtain another, either by purchase or inheritance. Care also was to be taken in assigning the jurisdiction of new towns, that ground enough was reserved for the Crown, to have some at its disposal, besides the royal patrimony, and the property of the Camaras. And it was to be specified in all grants of land which the Government might make, that no Religious Order might succeed to it, under any title. Where these Orders already possessed estates, they were to pay tenths, like the estates of the laity; and if any lands or houses were bequeathed to them, the bequest was not to take effect without the King's permission. The Jesuits had not recovered their ascendancy in S. Paulo, where they were regarded with a rooted hereditary hatred; in consequence, the administration of the Indians was in the hands of the Franciscans, Benedictines, and Carmelites; and their mal-administration drew upon them the censure of the Court, because they employed the Indians wholly in their own concerns, to the detriment of the public, so that when they were required for the, royal service they were not to be found. The Captaincy indeed was in a strange state: the very persons who ought to have been foremost in enforcing the laws of God and man, were the first to violate both. The Capitam Mor of S. Paulo, whose office it was to execute the orders of the judicial authorities, by searching for and apprehending criminals, made his house a place of shelter for them; and the Clergy set examples of the vices which it was their duty to have endeavoured, at least, to correct in the people.

[page] 147

CHAP. XXXIII.

Ordem. 12 July, 1721. MS.

Ordem. 23 October, 1721. MS.

Ordem. 19 May, 1723.

Runaways from their Convents, and interlopers who entered the district without the Bishop's license, and remained there in defiance of his edicts, were engaged in every kind of illicit practice; license and gold were what they sought, and the Court sent out order after order, that these men, who were the chief smugglers of gold, should be diligently pursued and expelled. All Religioners, of what family soever, were to be banished from the Mines; because, it was said, experience had shown the great injury they did, and the great disturbances which they excited. Their property was to be sequestered, unless they removed in eight days; and, if they had none, they were, in that case, to be punished, by being sent prisoners to the Rio, and from thence to Portugal. This not being found effectual, a second decree enacted, that all their property, gold, and slaves, should be peremptorily seized, and the produce sent to the Prelates of their respective Orders, or to their Syndic, if they were Mendicants, that the Superior might employ it in their Churches, or other pious works. This, it was said, would be the surest way to keep the Mines clear of this nuisance, for it was the love of lucre which attracted them. After a lapse of eighteen months the order was repeated, because it was found that the Religioners were still haunting the Mines; none whatever were to be suffered, except the parochial clergy who were regularly established there; and thus it was hoped a stop might be put to the cry of relaxation, which their scandalous lives had occasioned.

Manners of the clergy.

Carta Regia. 26 March, 1711, MS.

Ordem. 19 July, 1725. MS.

But even those clergy who were regularly beneficed in the Mines, and in the choice of whom more than ordinary care was supposed to be taken, seem to have caught the ferocious manners of the country. One Vicar is sent out of the country for being foremost in tumults and insurrections; another releases from the public jail the prisoners whom the Camp Master, in the strict exercise of his duty, had committed there. The Vicar of

[page] 148

CHAP. XXXIII.

Ordem. 6 Nov. 1717. MS.

Villa do Carmo, Antonio Cardozo de Sousa Coutinho, names which indicate that he was of high family, forcibly carried off a mulatta girl, with the assistance of his secretary, his Meirinho, and four negroes. The act was as notorious as it was scandalous, .. an open and insolent violation of religion, law, and decency. When he was called upon to restore her, and exhorted to remember his duties as a Priest, and one also who held authority in the Church, he replied, that he would shed the last drop of his blood, rather than not keep possession of the girl; accordingly he convoked all the clergy of the district, and they came to his assistance; other ruffians were easily engaged to assist them; they collected arms, barricadoed the house, and determined to resist force by force. So perilous was it to trespass against clerical privileges, that the affair rested till instructions could be received from Portugal; and when those instructions came, they were addressed to the Bishop of Bahia, notwithstanding his distance from the scene. He was charged immediately to recall this man, and proceed against him as his offences deserved: in case these orders should be neglected, then, and not till then, the Governor of the Mines was authorized and enjoined to seize the criminal.

Regulation respecting arms.

Carta Regia, 24 July, 1711. MS.

Ordem. 28 March, MS.

When S. Paulo and the Mines were separated from the Captaincy of Rio de Janeiro, it was left to the Governor's discretion whether or not slaves should be permitted to carry fire-arms: he was commended afterwards for not having allowed it, and for restricting the use of such weapons to noble men going from the city to their estates, or upon any other business. It would seem difficult to enforce this regulation; and both injudicious and unjust to deprive men of the most efficient means of self-defence, in a country, which, the very enactment shews to be in a lawless state. A later edict forbade any person of any class, quality, or condition, to carry knife, dagger, poniard, sovalam, (which is a

[page] 149

CHAP. XXXIII.

Ordem. 5 Feb. 1722. MS.

Distillation of spirits.

Ordem. 18. Nov. 1715. MS.

Ordem. 26 Mar. 1735. MS.

Do. 12 June, 1743. MS.

Do. 22 Aug. 1718. MS.

Do. 16 March, 1729. MS.

long instrument shaped like an awl,) estoque, though this kind of sword should have upon it the lawful stamp, great shears, or any other arms or instrument wherewith a cutting wound could be inflicted; .. it is scarcely possible to imagine manners more ferocious than are indicated by such a list. Pistols also were prohibited, and any fire-arms shorter than the legal standard. The ill effects produced upon such a people by the use of ardent spirits were soon perceiveds. From the increase of Engenhos, it was said, in which distillation was carried on, the King's service and the Treasury suffered irremediable injury, and the inhabitants were perpetually disturbed by riots among the drunken Indians: for these reasons, and because a great number of hands were employed in these Engenhos, orders were issued that no more might be erected till his. Majesty should have deliberated further. Twenty years afterward, the Governor was instructed to make enquiry into the mischief occasioned by the Engenhos; and after eight years farther consideration, an edict came forth forbidding any person to erect a new one, on pain of forfeiting it, and all the slaves employed in the building; nor might one already in existence be removed by the owner to a new situation, because under this pretext the prohibition might be evaded. In the same spirit of attention to the morals and tranquillity of the people, raffling was prohibited, that species of lottery having been introduced from foreign countries into S. Paulo and the Mines: it was afterwards enacted that persons who won at this forbidden adventure should forfeit the value of their prize, half to the Informer, half to the Treasury; and that if the offence were discovered without the intervention of an Informer, the Treasury should have the whole. Government may do something towards checking the propensities against which Portugal here tried the force of laws; it can do far more towards eradicating them, by the all powerful means of education.

[page] 150

CHAP. XXXIII.

Mines of Jacoabina discovered. 1714.

New coinage.

Rocha Pitta. 10. § 7—13.

Commutation for the fifths.

Carta Regia. 16 Nov. 1714. MS.

Do. 20 Oct. 1715. MS.

Meantime discoveries of gold continued to be made. In the first year of the century, D. Joam de Lancastro had obtained information of some mines in the interior of Bahia, in a district called Jacoabina, and had sent a party to explore them, under a Colonel and a Carmelite, .. for the Carmelite being a Paulista, was probably better skilled in mining than in theology. The samples which they brought back were not such as encouraged a farther search; it was now pursued by more fortunate adventurers, and the Marquez de Angeja's administration was distinguished by their success. One piece of native gold was brought to the Mint which was worth seven hundred milreis (nearly 200l.), three others of nearly the same size, and one of the value of three thousand cruzados (about 300l.); these were the largest masses that had been found in Brazil; the gold also was of the finest touch; but it had the disadvantage of lying deep. Gold being thus abundant, a new coinage was struck, of moidores, half, and quarter moidores, .. the moidore passing for three hundred reis, or one sixteenth more than its intrinsic value, and the smaller pieces in proportion; and from that time the mint was kept open, because of the profit which Government derived from this difference between the real and current value. Some calculation may be formed of the quantity of gold found about this time in the Minas Geraes, by the sum paid to the Treasury; the Governor in 1714 having accepted an offer from the miners of thirty arrobas, in lieu of the fifths for that year, an arroba being about twenty-eight pounds avoir-dupois weight. The Government was not satisfied with this commutation, and ordered him to collect by bateas instead, .. a mode which the Camara of S. Paulo had originally proposed, and by which, instead of taking a fifth at the Smelting-house, a poll tax of not less than twelve oitavas was to be paid for every negro employed in mining. The experience of a single year proved this to be as little advantageous to the Treasury, as it was agree-

[page] 151

CHAP. XXXIII. 1716.

able to the people, and the Governor therefore was instructed again to accept the thirty arrobas (about 50,400l.).

A Recolhimento founded at Bahia.

Under the viceroyalty of the Marquez de Angeja an institution was opened at Bahia, of a kind which has often been advised, and is greatly needed in Protestant Countries, and no where more needed than in England at this time; .. a Recolhimento, or retreat for women, who were bound by no vows nor distinguished by any habit, but enjoyed as long as they thought fit, the comforts and advantages of living in a community to which just enough of a religious character was attached to make it respected by public opinion. This was originally a charitable foundation, upon the will of a certain Joam de Mattos de Aguiar, usually called Joam de Mattinhos, because of his diminutive stature. By good fortune, industry, usury, and a frugality which amounted to avarice, he had amassed enormous wealth, so that after bequeathing a property of eighty thousand cruzados for this Recolhimento, four hundred milreis for as many convalescent patients every year, one for each upon leaving the hospital, and marriage portions of one hundred milreis, for thirty-eight young women every year; there remained a surplus sufficient to settle an annuity of eleven thousand masses upon his own soul for ever, at two testoens each. When Pedro II granted permission for this establishment, he ordered that the edifice should be made large enough to admit persons, who without being upon the foundation might chuse to retire there, paying a fixed annual pension of eighty milreis. The expences of the building were defrayed by setting aside a moiety of the rents bequeathed, till the whole cost was discharged, after which the number of members was doubled.

Rocha Pitta. 10. § 14—18.

Gonde do Vimieiro Governor General.

The Marquez de Angeja had an easy administration, neither disturbed with wars and tumults, nor straightened for means. He repaired and beautified the churches, he went through the

[page] 152

CHAP. XXXIII. 1716.

1718.

1719.

Reconcave to examine the forts, and gave orders for erecting new works and strengthening the old wherever it was needed; and he built three ships, the names of which may exemplify the curious state of feeling with which the Portugueze regard sacred things; one he called, Our Lady of the Palm and St. Peter; another, the Mother of God and S. Francisco; and the third, the Eternal Father! After holding the government something more than four years, he was succeeded in his office, but not in his rank, by the Conde do Vimieiro, D. Sancho de Faro. Ill omens are said to have preceded the Count's arrival in Brazil. It was confidently reported in Bahia that he had died on the voyage, and the month and day of his decease were specified: how the rumour had arisen was not known, nor is it easy to guess why the Viceroy should have endeavoured to discover the author for the sake of punishing him. On the voyage he was pursued by a Pirate who hoisted the black flag with the death's head, but sheered off when the Portugueze brought to for action; .. as if, says Rocha Pitta, the vessel had followed him for no other purpose than to display that deadly token. A more extraordinary meeting was that of a vessel on board of which no sound was heard and no living creature seen, and which, with only its mizen sail set, passed close athwart the prow of the Governor's ship, as if it were not under human guidance. These stories were much discoursed of at Bahia, because the Count died after he had held the government about fourteen months. His administration was only remarkable for a great fire in the capital, and for the arrest of a crew of pirates, who, after having long infested the coast of the Rio, were wrecked upon the beach at Macape, where forty-eight were apprehended by the country people and brought prisoners to Bahia. Of these, thirteen made their escape from fort S. Antonio; they let themselves down by a rope, got possession of a launch in the harbour, and were never

[page] 153

CHAP. XXXIII. 1719.

heard of more. The others were brought to trial for piracy; eight were condemned to the gallies at Lisbon for life, because five were lads, and against the three the evidence was not thought sufficient to justify sentence of death; .. there was little justice, and no great mercy, in such a commutation. The remainder, twenty-seven in number, were hanged, as they well deserved, and Rocha Pitta devoted two sections in his history to relate how perfectly they were all converted to the Roman Catholic faith, and how contentedly they went to the gallows, as men whom Providence had happily by that means predestined to salvation. No provision had been made of late years in case of the Governor's death; but an old succession-paper of the last reign was found in the Jesuits' College, wherein the Archbishop, the Chancellor da Relaçam, and the senior Camp-Master, were appointed joint Governors upon such a vacancy. This arrangement which designated the members, not as individuals, but by the offices which they held, was as applicable at all times as when it was made. When this instrument was read, and they took possession of the Government, the Archbishop asked with a loud voice of all the spectators, whether there was any person who called in question the propriety of these proceedings. Such an appeal was not an old custom making part of the ceremony, like the challenge at a Coronation in England; and his conduct therefore has justly been noted for imprudence, in asking from the people an opinion where only obedience was required.

Rocha Pitta. 10. § 21—36.

Expedition against the Indians in Piauhy.

The Lord of Pancas was still Governor of Maranham and Para, when the peace of Utrecht delivered that state from its perpetual apprehension of invasion, and from all farther claims on the part of France. The Portugueze were now extending their settlements up the great rivers which flow into the Orellana toward its midland course, and the Capitam Mor of Para, at this time was killed in the Madeira by the fall of a cedar. They

VOL. III. X

[page] 154

CHAP. XXXIII. 1719.

1716.

Piauhy made a Captaincy. 1718.

were also pursuing the conquest of Piauhy; where Antonio da Cunha Sotto-Mayor, who was engaged in this service with the rank of Camp Master, was murdered by the Indians whom he commanded. The ringleader of the mutiny was one Manoel, born and educated in one of the Jesuit Aldeas: he now directed the knowledge which he had acquired against the Portugueze, destroyed all whom he could circumvent, and cut off a large convoy on its way to S. Luiz, which city appears now to have derived supplies from the pastures of this fertile district. An expedition in considerable force was sent against him from Maranham, and failing in its principal object, .. for Manoel understood the superiority of his former masters too well to face them in battle, .. it performed the not less important service of destroying the Aranhies, one of the fiercest tribes of the country. There was at this time another body of troops in Piauhy, under Bernardo de Carvalho de Aguiar; and the conquest seems now to have been thought compleat, for it was made a Captaincy, and the town of N. Senhora da Victoria de Moxa founded, to be the seat of Government. In ecclesiastical concerns the new Captaincy was made subordinate to Pernambuco, in civil affairs to Maranham, while for judicial matters it was under the jurisdiction of Bahia. The Lord of Pancas held the government of Maranham during the long term of eleven years, and was then succeeded by Bernardo Pereira de Berredo, who had served with distinction in the war of the Succession, and has left for himself a more durable remembrance in his historical Annals of the State over which he presided.

Berredo. § 1469—1480.

Rocha Pitta. 6. § 78.

Progress of the Mines. 1711.

6 April, 1714.

The Mines, meantime, had prospered under Albuquerque. He erected a Court of Justice at Sabara, and nominated Juizes Ordinarios with the power of electing Vereadores and Procuradores, .. measures which were approved by the Court. The first division of the Mine Country into Comarcas, or departments, was

[page] 155

CHAP. XXXIII.

Carneiro. MS.

Errors of the Governors.

Ordem. 31 Jan. 1715. MS.

Do. 25 April, 1719.

Do. 16 Nov. 1720. MSS.

now made. Mining flourished; the spirit of enterprize was continually fostered by success; trade increased; all lesser disturbances, which if not speedily checked might have endangered the general weal, were suppressed by the activity of the Ouvidor, D. Luiz Botelho Fogaça; and it appears to have been considered as no slight proof of merit in Albuquerque, that his administration passed without any insurrection. He was succeeded by D. Braz Balthazar da Silveira. Both Silveira and his predecessor incurred the censure of the Court, for having lavished military commissions to gratify the vanity of the applicants, and perhaps to acquire favour. One order came out, saying, it was thought impossible that the Governor of S. Paulo and the Mines could have created posts in the Ordenanza which had never been known either in Brazil or in the Mother Country, such as Brigadiers, Quarter Masters, Governors of Districts, and Camp Masters General; but if it should be as general report affirmed, he was commanded immediately to annul all such appointments. And when Silveira was succeeded by the Conde de Assumar, D. Pedro Almeida, the new Governor was instructed to reduce all the Militia of his Government to the form of the Ordenanza in other parts of Brazil, forming one regiment in each Comarca, no more being necessary, with the exception only of the new regiment which had been raised during the late war. This regulation, it was said, was required, because of the excess to which his predecessors had gone in appointing superfluous officers, and thus multiplying privileges which served only to impede the proper administration of justice. It had also this farther evil, that for the sake of making an appearance in the posts, thus needlessly created, men ran into expences beyond their lawful means, and frequently withdrew from occupations in which they had been engaged to the general advantage

[page] 156

CHAP. XXXIII. 1719.

The commutation tax raised.

Carneiro MS.

Ordem. 19 Jan. 1719. MS.

When Silveira succeeded to the government, the commutation of thirty arrobas was subsisting; the Camaras collected it, and the richest settlers raised it by an assessment among themselves, according to the number of their negroes. This sum, however, the Governor considered as by no means equivalent to the value of the fifths, according to the increased and increasing produce of the mines. He therefore convoked a meeting of the Camaras from the different towns at Villa Rica, and it was agreed that ten arrobas should be added; but as the people seem, at this time, to have exercised the power of taxing themselves by their Camaras, it was determined that the additional sum should be levied, not according to the former method, which would impose the whole burthen upon the owners of negroes, but by a duty upon all negroes as they entered the country, and upon all imports. It does not appear to have been felt as an objection by those who made this arrangement, that the commutation was for the royal claim upon the Mines, and that to raise any part of it by general taxation, was taxing the whole people for the relief of the miners. In this state the Conde de Assumar found the finances; and he, perceiving the impolicy of allowing a general tax to be raised, for which the Government was to receive only a specific sum, took this part of the collection upon himself, and levied an impost of half an oitava upon every load of moist goods, three-fourths upon every arroba of dry goods, and one oitava upon every horse and head of horned cattle. This, however, did not continue long, and these duties, and the tenths also, were let by auction. The Count seems to have made a merit at the Court of having raised the sum at which they were leased by false bidding; but for this he received a reprimand, and in the same communication, which thanked him for having raised the revenue, he was informed that it was not proper to have recourse to such means for doing it. He had also taken upon him-

[page] 157

CHAP. XXXIII. 1719.

Ordem. 14 Jan. 1719. MS.

Provizam. 8 Oct. 1718. MS.

self to decide in legal cases, and for this also he was reproved: an order came from the Court, saying, that though affairs of the utmost consequence might safely be entrusted to the abilities of D. Pedro de Almeida, Conde de Assumar, it was not his business to judge causes: that province appertained to the Ouvidores, of whom the Governor must complain to the Court, if he thought there was cause for complaint. The Count had also trespassed upon the rights of the Guarda Mor, by arrogating the power of appointing Guardas Substitutos, and of making allotments; for this too he was reprimanded, and the privileges which had been given to Garcia Rodriguez, as the reward of his father's services and sufferings, were explicitly confirmed. It was his ill fortune continually to deserve censure, or to incur it; an insurrection was raised at Pitangui, by one Domingos Rodriguez de Prado; this he suppressed, and granted a pardon to the persons concerned in it; but he was admonished to remember, that pardon was one of the prerogatives of the Crown, with which he ought not to interfere.

Carta Regia. 11 Jan. 1719. MS.

Memorias. MSS.

Smelting houses ordered in the Mines. 1720.

Insurrection.

The Mines were, at this time, very populous, on account of the richness of the streams, which offered irresistable temptation to all who loved an idle and vagrant life; but the greater the number of such persons, and the greater the produce, the greater was the contraband trade: so the home Government once more resolved upon collecting its fifths, and issued orders accordingly for erecting smelting and receiving houses in every district. Eugenio Freire de Andrade, who held the office of Provedor of the Mint at Bahia, was sent to superintend the new establishment. The Count convoked the principal Miners, and other powerful men of the land, and they signified their assent to the proposed alteration, and subscribed their names to certain terms, which were, perhaps, some indulgences on his part, to render the measure more palateable. But the very persons who

[page] 158

CHAP. XXXIII. 1720.

The Conde de Assumar temporizes with the insurgents.

had thus professed their obedience to the Law, immediately began to excite the people to insurrection, and presently more than two thousand men assembled in arms at Villa Rica. Their first operations were against the Ouvidor of the district, Martinho Vieira, who had cited some of the Poderosos to appear before him in the course of justice. This, in such a state of society, was regarded as an insult, and was now resented accordingly; they attacked his house at midnight: luckily he was absent, and thus escaped death; but all his goods and papers were destroyed. They then sent their demands to the Governor, which were, that the building of the smelting-houses should be discontinued, and that he should send them a full pardon for the means by which they had sought redress. The Count delayed answering for four days, in hope of finding himself strong enough to put down this opposition with the arm of power; but he found that the other towns throughout the land were determined to follow the example of Villa Rica. Perceiving also that there must necessarily be some delay in the building, because Eugenio Freire was not satisfied with the plan of those which had been commenced, he published an edict, saying, that the new arrangement should be postponed for twelve months, because it was necessary that the King should be consulted concerning certain difficulties which had occurred. This concession, he hoped, would satify them; but it increased their irritation, and the armed insurgents set off for Villa do Carmo, where he was then residing. The inhabitants of this place had remained quiet, chiefly, perhaps, because the Count had some companies of dragoons with him, and partly, it may be, from the personal interest which he might have obtained by his intercourse with them. Nevertheless, he now feared that they would be induced to join the insurgents, seeing their force; and therefore, according to the common policy of the Portugueze Governors in all cases of popular commotion,

[page] 159

CHAP. XXXIII. 1720.

He seizes the ringleaders.

Carneiro. MS.

Rocha Pitta 10. § 40—45.

he yielded to every thing which was demanded, and granted a pardon in terms as full and formal, as they were worthless, .. such amnesties being necessarily invalid. The ringleaders had some farther object in view, for which the co-operation of the Carmo people was required: they remained sixteen days endea vouring to obtain it, without effect; and when they found their endeavours unsuccessful, they committed disorders which had well nigh ruined the town. This conduct, undoubtedly, was considered by the Count as fairly discharging him from the observance of the agreement, even if he had ever felt himself bound by it. As soon, therefore, as the insurgents had returned to Villa Rica, he sent a company of troops after them, who seized the ringleaders in their beds, and brought them prisoners to Villa do Carmo: their names were, Paschoal da Sylva Guimaraens, Joam Ferreira Diniz, Manoel Mosqueira da Rosa, his son, Vicente Boto, who was a friar, and Frey Antonio de Monte Alverno.

A second insurrection.

In such commotions the great majority of the people are always disposed for peace and submission, and that very disposition enables turbulent spirits to controul them, and carry forward their own mischievous purposes. Except a few Poderosos, who were made insolent by their power, and felt it a point of honour to be above the laws, even in the Mines all who were contented with their lot, all who had hope before them, and feared to lose the comforts which they possessed, were averse to the insurrection. On the night after the arrests, the friends of the ringleaders entered Villa Rica a second time in arms, meaning to make the inhabitants join them: they found the place deserted, upon which they proclaimed, in that spirit of tyranny by which all mobs are possessed, that if the townsmen did not appear there the following day, they would set fire to the town, and put them to death, without mercy, wherever they were found. But the Count was prepared to follow up his blow;

[page] 160

CHAP. XXXIII. 1720.

Rocha Pitta. 10. § 45—46.

Mem. MSS.

and, before they could execute the threat, his troops, who were now strengthened by a great number of armed inhabitants, entered Villa Rica, and burnt the houses of Paschoal da Silva, and the other chief rebels, as an example. The prisoners were sent off to the Rio; the insurgents, with one Felippe dos Santos at their head, attempted to rescue them on the way; they were defeated, their leader was taken, and having distinguished himself by his outrages during these tumults, he was brought to summary trial, executed, and his body quartered as a traitor. Attempts were made to renew the rebellion at Mariana; but there also the agitators were seized, and put to death. This vigour on the part of the Government effectually intimidated the party. The matter in dispute, however, remained undecided; for, in this point, the Count adhered to his agreement; and when he referred it to the further consideration of the Court, he communicated from the Camaras the offer of an addition to the former commutation.

Severity of the Governor.

Carneiro. MS.

Mem. MSS.

Order is restored.

The last attempts at rebellion were punished with a severity, for which the Count was held in detestation by the people of the Mines. How far he deserved the opprobrium which is still attached to his name in that country, it would be impossible to judge without fuller details of the circumstances. One writer talks vaguely of his barbarities and horrible proceedings; another asserts, that to his decision and courage Portugal is beholden for the compleat subjection of a province, in which the authority of the laws had never been fully established before his time. It is insinuated, that his recall was owing to the displeasure of the Court at his cruelty; but his successor was sent away before that cruelty was known, and he himself was afterwards promoted to the highest offices and highest honours of the state. D. Lourenço de Almeida, who was appointed to succeed him, brought out an Alvara, confirming the amnesty which he had granted;

[page] 161

CHAP. XXXIII. 1720.

Collecçam Sumaria. MS.

but he also took out private instructions, that this was not to be published if he were received at Villa Rica without opposition, and no disturbances ensued; .. in that case enquiry was to be instituted, and the offenders punished. He was received with obedience; but the Alvara was published, because he found that sufficient examples of justice had been given.

Minas Geraes made a separate Captaincy.

Carta Regia. 21 Feb. 1720. MS.

D. Lourenço came out as Governor of the Minas Geraes, that country being now separated from S. Paulo, and made a Captaincy. The Count had previously been ordered to collect all needful information for arranging the demarcation from the Rio, Bahia, and Pernambuco; to which latter province its vague territory was supposed to extend.

VOL. III. Y

[page] 162

CHAPTER XXXIV.

Progress of the Spanish Jesuits. Chiquito and Moxo Missions established. Labours and Martyrdom of Baraza. Progress of the Portugueze toward the centre of the Continent.

CHAP. XXXIV.

The Portugueze miners were now pushing their discoveries and their camps toward the centre of the continent. Their progress was not followed by the Missionaries. On the side of Para, indeed, new Aldeas were formed, and the old continued to flourish upon the system which Vieyra and his fellow-labourers had established; but, in the other Captaincies, all zeal of this kind seems to have subsided; the Jesuits, and the other Religioners, found sufficient employment in the large towns, and among the settled inhabitants, or the few Indian villages remaining, of those which their more active predecessors had formed. The Spanish Jesuits, meantime, were pursuing their plans with unabated enthusiasm, and answerable success; and, as formerly in Guayra and the Tape, so now, in the heart of South America, they met the Portugueze, and were again prevented from extending the dominion of Spain.

Foundation of the town of Tarija.

When D. Francisco de Toledo was Viceroy of Peru, he gave orders to found a town in the province of Chichas, for the double

[page] 163

CHAP. XXXIV. 1591.

Almanach de Lima. P. Juan Patricio Fernandes. P. 6.

Charlevoix. 2.

purpose of checking the incursions of the native tribes, and securing a communication with Tucuman. The first attempt failed, and the settlement was removed some little distance to the southward, where S. Bernardo de Tarija now stands: the name of the patron Saint, as usual in America, has fallen, into disuse, and the town is called Tarija 1, after the valley in which it is situated. A fort was built here to protect it from the Chiriguanas, its nearest neighbours, who happened to be one of the most numerous and most formidable of all the South American nations. But it was thought that a College of Jesuits would contribute more to the security of the country, than any military efforts which could be made: D. Joseph Campero de Herrera, afterwards Marquez del Valle Toxo, in concert with his wife, D. Juana Clementia Bermudez, built and endowed one for them; and F. Joseph de Arce, a Canarian by birth, was sent from Cordoba to take possession, and begin the task of reducing the savages.

The Chiriguanas.

The Chiriguanas are a Guarani tribe, supposed to be the descendants of those whom Alexis Garcia led towards Peru, and who murdered him on their return, and settled where they hoped the distance might save them from the vengeance of his countrymen. According to received tradition, they were, at that time, four thousand in number: when the Jesuits were expelled they were estimated at forty thousand. They possess

1 So careless frequently is Charlevoix, that he places this town in Charcas instead of Chichas, and in latitude forty-one instead of twenty-three. The bones of some of those huge quadrupeds, whose species have ceased to exist, have been found in the adjoining valley, and, of course, attributed to a race of giants. The establishment of the town was, perhaps, facilitated by the well-timed invention of a most miraculous cross, which, the Spanish writer says, "is supposed, upon good grounds, to have been made by some one of the Apostles, .. because no Christian had ever been in those parts." Almanach de Lima.

[page] 164

CHAP. XXXIV.

the vallies on the eastern side of that great chain of mountains in which the Rio Bermejo, that is to say, the Red River, the Pilcomayo, and the Guapaix, which is the largest of those streams that compose the Mamore, have their sources. The various tribes into which they are divided acknowledge their common origin as a bond of friendship, and those who live near each other are ready, at all times, to unite against an enemy. Their towns are built in a circle; and, as they are not a migratory people, they rear the vicuna. Many hordes, however, make use of the fleece alone, believing that if they were to eat the flesh it would have the effect of making them woolly. Within doors they usually throw off all cloathing;2 but, abroad, the men exhibit a sort of: breeches, which, being designed more for ornament than for use, they frequently carry under the arm, instead of wearing them: these are said to be made of leather. For travelling they put on a sort of buff tippet, or shoulderpiece, as a protection against thorns: this shows that, the leather must have been of the best kind; .. if they learnt the method of preparing it from the Spaniards, it would be a remarkable proof of their aptness for civilization: but it was more likely of home growth, because there is no example of the free Indians having derived from their neighbours the knowledge of any useful art. The women wear only a single short garment, from the waist to the knees. The hair was formed, with some taste, into a sort of coronal on the top of the head. The men used a lip-trinket of silver, or of tin, or of transparent gum. They painted the face a fiery red,

2 Chomé says of some of these tribes, that they only cover themselves with some old rags; .. but of what were the rags? Perhaps they manufactured some kind of woollen cloth; and, indeed, it does not appear to what other use they could apply the wool, for the sake of which they reared the vicuna: for it is not likely that they made it an article of traffic with the Spaniards.

[page] 165

CHAP. XXXIV.

and sometimes varied it with black. Both sexes were thus disfigured, but after a different fashion. At drinking bouts the whole body was smeared in the same manner. They were excessively addicted to drinking, and the women had the art of brewing a potent beverage, to satisfy this passion. For these drunken feasts they assembled in a house built in the centre of that open place, which their own habitations surrounded. This town-house they frequented during the heat of noon, and here strangers were received, and entertained, and lodged. They were remarkably clean, and fond of bathing. One of the most intelligent and most meritorious of the Jesuits, F. Ignace Chomé, who lived among them, declares, that amid all the license of their mode of life, he never observed the slightest act of indecency, nor ever heard an expression which bordered upon obscenity. The tie between man and wife, if the latter appellation may be allowed, was dissolved at pleasure; and this liberty was so generally used, that it was a common thing for a father to have children in several villages. Their courtship had its laws; a wooer presented, from time to time, to the object of his desires, the fruits which he had raised, and the game which he had killed; after these indications he laid a billet of wood at the door of her cabin; if it was taken in he was accepted: but, if she left it untouched, the refusal was decisive, and he had to seek another mistress. A woman, immediately after parturition, bathes in the nearest stream, and then lies down on a heap of sand, prepared for the purpose in the hut; while the father, according to a custom more widely diffused, perhaps, than any other observance which is entirely unaccountable, takes to his hammac, and is dieted for the good of the child. The bodies of the dead are placed in jars, a very general mode of interment among the Guaranies, and buried in the cabin, or near it, a low mound being raised over the grave. During many months the women

[page] 166

CHAP. XXXIV.

bewail them thrice a day, at morning, noon, and evening, and they begin their ominous lamentation as soon as the sick person appears to be in danger. They suppose that the soul upon its departure wanders among the adjacent woods, and they perform a ceremony of seeking it. It seems that they have some rude notion of a metempsychosis: .. A woman with whom one of the Jesuits was conversing, started at seeing a fox, and exclaimed, that perhaps her daughter was dead, and this might be her spirit. No jugglers are tolerated among them, because they believe diseases to be the effect of sorcery: and upon a suspicion of this kind, they once burnt four of their countrymen alive. Their intrepidity was such that they would rush upon fire-arms; the Spaniards therefore, when acting against them, found it necessary to place pikemen alternately with musqueteers in their ranks; and so agile were they in fight, that unless the soldier could level his piece at one of them unperceived, he is said to have had little chance of hitting his mark.

Chomé Lettres Edifiantes, 78, 330, 336. Peramas. Chomé Vita. Dobrizhoffer, 1. 141. Jolis. 146. Almanach de Lima.

The Chiriguanas reclaimed from cannibaliam.

These people made a tremendous destruction among the other tribes: in the course of two centuries they are supposed to have destroyed more than an hundred and fifty thousand Indians; but through their intercourse with the Spaniards they had been induced to abandon their old practice of cannibalism, .. a fact the more remarkable, because this intercourse did not in any other respect mitigate the ferocity of their manners Rather indeed it rendered the task of converting them more difficult; for they saw the dissolute lives of the Spaniards, and were thereby led to think injuriously of a religion which had so little apparent influence upon the morals of those who professed it. It was of little use to preach to them against polygamy, as a forbidden practice, when they knew that the Spaniards were living in habitual and unbridled licentiousness; they saw their own vices practised by these nominal Christians, and they dis-

[page] 167

CHAP. XXXIV.

F. Arce advised to go among the Chiquitos.

covered in them avarice, rapacity, and oppression, .. to which they themselves were strangers. Therefore they held the terrors of the Catholic creed as cheap as the Spaniards appeared to do; and when they were threatened with hell-fire, coolly made answer, that they should find means of putting it out. Such was the unpromising field which F. Joseph de Arce was sent to cultivate. Some little prospect of success was beginning to appear, when the sister of one of the Royalets came to him in great affliction, and intreated that he would intercede with the Governor of Santa Cruz in behalf of her brother, whom upon some false accusation he was seeking to apprehend and put to death. The chief, Tambucari by name, was so confident in his own innocence, and in this protection, that he accompanied the Jesuit, and was accordingly absolved. D. Agustin de Arce de la Concha, the Governor before whom they appeared, was one who both from principle and policy, understood the importance of converting the natives; and he had lived long enough in the country to become acquainted with the character of the different tribes. The Chiquitos had lately made peace with him, and solicited that Missionaries might be sent among them. From Peru he could obtain no labourers for this service: for all who could be spared from that province were employed among the Moxos to the southward; and knowing how bootless all former efforts had proved among the Chiriguanas, he advised Arce and his companion, F. Juan Bautista de Zea, rather to bestow their pains upon this more docile race. But the Jesuits were not at liberty for this; .. where they, had been ordered, there they must continue to serve, till the Provincial should think good to alter their destination. F. Gregorio de Orozco, who held that office, happened shortly after to come to Tarija, in the course of his visitation: and he, having received the Governor's letter, and heard Arce's disposition to enter upon this new field, instructed him to go toward the sources of the Paraguay, and employ

P. Juan Patricio

[page] 168

CHAP. XXXIV. 1691.

Fernandez. 5—19. Charlevoix. t. 1. 16— t. 2. 224—231.

himself there among the Chiquito tribes, where he should be joined by seven 3 fellow labourers from the Guarani Reductions. A reinforcement of forty-four Jesuits had that year arrived at Buenos Ayres, and thus it was that they were enabled to spare so many from that quarter.

Opposition made by the slave-tradere.

Arce set out cheerfully for Santa Cruz, on the way to this more hopeful enterprize. But when he arrived there, an unpropitious change had taken place: the Governor had been superseded by a man of different temper, who, gave ear to a company of slave-traders, and discouraged the attempt. This trade had been carried on with great success from that city. The Governors, indeed, were required by the terms of their first charter to make what were called entries into the country, twice a year; and though by the interference of the Jesuits this clause had been repealed, the agents of the Slave-Company regularly sent off large droves of captives to Peru. This probably was the chief trade which the Chiriguanas carried on with their more civilized, but not more humane neighbours; .. this the means by which they were induced to abstain from cannibalism, and this the cause of the prodigious destruction which they had made among the other tribes. Arce, however, had the laws on his side, and by his perseverance he overcame the opposition of the dealers in human flesh, and the cold unwillingness of the Governor; not that the one or the other were moved by his representations on the score of policy, humanity, or religion;

3 One of these was a Sardinian, one a native of Benevento in the kingdom of Naples, one from Namur; the others were an Austrian, a Bohemian, a Biscayan, and a Spaniard of La Mancha, .. so curiously was this extraordinary Society composed of men of all nations. And what a preeminent knowledge of mankind must the Jesuits have possessed from this circumstance alone; .. this knowledge, of all others the most difficult of acquisition, was thus acquired by them as a mother tongue, and they were fitted for Missionaries and Statesmen, almost without study.

[page] 169

CHAP. XXXIV. 1691.

Almanach de Lima. Fernandes, 58. 63. Charlevoix. 2. 239—242.

but because they thought the shortest and surest way to rid themselves of his importunities was to let him go and perish, as they supposed he would do, by the hands of the savages, the nature of a most unhealthy climate, or the hardships which he must inevitably undergo. The last difficulty was to obtain 4 a guide: and Arce then set out the more eagerly, because a contagious disease was raging among the people whom he was bound to convert.

Province of the Chiquitos.

See vol. 1, p. 333.

About thirty tribes were comprehended under the general and absurd appellation of Chiquitos; they were however of the same stock, all speaking one of four 5 dialects, the Tao, the Pi-

4 And I am persuaded, says Fernandez (p. 64), that the reason why no guide for that country could then be found, was through the cunning of the Devil, who foresaw the ruin which the zealous Missionary would bring upon his party … "Y me persuado que el no hallar par entonces algun practico en los caminos, fue astucia y traza del Demonio, que precia la ruina que avia de causar a su partidoel zeloso Missionario." So difficult was it for a Jesuit to write without the use of the machinery to which he was accustomed.

5 The Tao was spoken in the Missions of S. Raphael, S. Miguel, S. Ignacio, S. Anna, S. Juan, Santiago, Santo Corazon, and Concepcion. It was used by fourteen tribes, the Taos, Boros, Tabiicas, Tañopicas, Xuberesas, Zumanucas, Bazorocas, Puntagicas, Quibiquicas, Pequicas, Boocas, Tubacicas, Aruparecas, and Piococas.

The Piñoco was spoken by the Piñocos, by a branch of the Piococas, the Quimecas, Guapacas, Quitagicas, Pogisocas, Motaquicas, Zemuquicas, and Taumocas. This dialect was used in S. Xavier, and S. Joseph, among the Chiquito Missions, and in S. Joseph de Buenavista, or, de los Desposorios, among the Moxos.

The Manaci was spoken by seven tribes, the Manacicas, Sibacas, Cucicas, Quimomecas, Tapacuracas, Yuracarecas, and Yiritucas. Before the expulsion of the Jesuits the remainder of these hordes were aggregated to the Mission of Concepcion, where the children acquired the Tao; the native dialect was used only by the old, and consequently would be extinguished in another generation.

The Penoqui differed very materially from the other three, and therefore F. Fe lipe Suarez, who made the first Chiquito Grammar, composed a distinct vocabulary of this dialect, and wrote some treatises in it. The tribe to which it was confined, and from which it took its name, was very numerous and very warlike, and, as Hervas says, gave the first Conquerors, and the Paulistas afterwards, no little to do. They were reduced to the Mission of St. Joseph, and there acquired the Piñoco.

It is doubtful whether the Lengua be of this stock. Fernandez affirms that it is; but the Ex-Jesuit whom Hervas consulted, would not venture to class it as such.

The Zamuco was spoken in some of these Missions. Of this there were three dialects. The Zamuco, used by the Zamucos, Zahenos, and Ugaraños; the Caipotorade, by the tribe from which it took name, the Tunachos, Imonos, and Timinabas; and the Morotoco, which was the language of the Morotocos, Tomoenos, Cucurares or Cucutades, and Pananas, and supposed to have been that of the Careras and Ororebates, who were incorporated with other tribes, and had no longer a separate existence.

Besides these, sixteen other languages were spoken in the Chiquito Missions, all radically different from the Chiquito, Tamuco, and Guarani. They were the Batajé, Corabé, Cuberé, Curucané, Curomina, Ecoboré, Otuque, Paiconé, Paraba, Pauná, Puizoca, Quitema, Tapi, Tapuri, Jarabe, and Baure. What a Babel was here! Hervas. t. 1, cap. 2, § 20—21.

VOL. III. Z

[page] 170

CHAP. XXXIV.

Peramas de Tredecem. p. 424.

F. Francisco Burges, Lettres Edif. 8. 337.

Peramas de Tredecem. p. 314.

ñoco, the Manaci and the Peñoqui; the latter differed materially from the three former, but was manifestly a cognate tongue. They lived in clans each apart from the other, and at great distance, the intermediate country being common to all for cultivation, hunting, fowling, and seeking honey. The hilly ground alone was cultivated, and there they raised maize, mandioc, potatoes, pulse, and fruits, using in their agriculture a kind of wooden spade. The lowlands were inundated in the wet season, and heat and moisture rendered this one of the most unhealthy parts of South America; yet it is remarkable, that diseases prevailed most with a southerly wind, which in that part of the world is the coldest. The tribes who had applied for missionaries were the Pacaras, Rumiquis, Cozos, and Pinocos. After a painful journey over mountains and marshes, Arce arrived

[page] 171

CHAP. XXXIV.

Arce arrives in time of pestilence.

Fernandez. 7.

among the latter people, who were in a miserable state, and received him with as much joy as if they expected miraculous relief from his hands. The contagion was raging among them, and they lay dying on all sides, some in their huts and ham macks, others on the ground and in the open air. Misery and the near sight of death made them docile disciples at this time; they intreated the Jesuit not to leave them, and he, as well moved by compassion as because the rainy season was about to begin, during which it would be impossible for him to reach the place where he had been instructed to meet the brethren from Paraguay, resolved to remain, and lay the foundations of the first Chiquito Reduction. Those Indians who were able to work, exerted themselves with great zeal; and in the course of a fortnight they compleated a wooden church, which he dedicated to S. Francisco Xavier. Arce chose this celestial Patron for his flock, because, during a dangerous illness in the College at Cordoba, where his superiors intended to retain him as a preacher, he had made a vow to Xavier, that if his life should be spared through his intercession he would devote it to the conversion of the savages. The Peñoquis joined him here; he recovered from a severe attack of the fever, and all was going on prosperously, when he was summoned to meet a new Provincial at Tarija. By him Arce was remanded to the Chiriguanas, and F. Diego Centeno, whose name appears to denote a relationship to that Spaniard who has left the fairest reputation of all the conquerors of Peru, was sent with F. Francisco Hervas to supply his place among the Chiquitos.

Do. 63—68. Charlevoix. 2. 242—244.

The Paulistas approach these settlements.

This was just before the great discoveries in Minas Geraes diverted the whole enterprise of the Paulistas to mining. A party of these adventurous people advancing far to the northwest, embarked upon one of those streams which combine to form the Paraguay, .. probably the Taquari, .. and proceed-

[page] 172

CHAP. XXXIV. 1696.

They are defeated by the Spaniards of S. Cruz.

ing toward th t labyri th of waters which has been called the Lake of the X rayes, landed in a bay known by the name of the Port of the Itatines. Going from thence east and south, they came first upon the Taos, and having made a good capture there, proceeded to the Penoquis. A horde of these sallied to defend their village, with their characteristic bravery; the Paulistas drew them off by a manœuvre, while a detachment got in their rear and occupied the place. The women and children were there, and the Paulistas by means of these captives induced the men to join company, and guide them in their farther progress; for they proposed to attack the Reduction, and to fall upon Santa Cruz itself. The Reduction was abandoned in time, and the Jesuits having sent intelligence to the city, a force of an hundred and thirty men was dispatched against these free-booters, and strengthened on the way by three hundred Chiquito archers. The Paulistas crossed their track, and seeing the marks of their horses' feet, apprehended the danger; but some Indians had the cunning to persuade them, that the cattle of the Reduction had gone that way, and they were thus enticed to their destruction. The first and second in command, Antonio. Ferraez de Araujo, and Manoel de Frias, fell early in the action; and it is said that only six escaped with life, of whom three were taken prisoners: it may indeed be believed, that little mercy would be shown to these enemies, although there were six Jesuits with the victorious party. Such a defeat would not have been sustained if the Paulistas had not separated their force, leaving a part in the country of the Penoquis to guard their captives, who were about one thousand five hundred head: the Spaniards did not think proper to proceed against them, and they, as soon as they learnt the fate of their comrades, got with all speed to their canoes, bearing off their living booty. On their way home they fell in with a troop of their country-

[page] 173

CHAP. XXXIV. 1696.

Fernandez. 69—79.

Charlevoix 2. 244—247.

men, by whose reproaches they were provoked to join company, and again try their fortune; but falling upon some resolute tribes, they were so bravely resisted, that they thought it better to turn back, than persevere in an unlucky expedition. Some Guarayos, who were in their service, deserted while they were among the lakes and currents of the Paraguay; they settled among the Curacanas, and shortly afterwards were aggregated to one of the Chiquito Missions. The Spaniards believed that the Paulistas were deterred by this adventure from any farther incursions in the same direction; but the reason why they did not appear again for many years was, that they were engaged in a more tempting pursuit among the Mines.

The Chiriguana Missions abandoned.

Attempt to open a communication from the Guarani to the Chiquito Reductions by the Paraguay.

1702.

About this time the Missionaries were compelled to abandon the Chiriguanas, as the Governor of Santa Cruz had foreseen: .. this intractable race set fire to the church, and would have martyred their teachers had they not withdrawn in fear. This was a fortunate event for the more docile tribes of the lower country, among whom three populous Reductions had now been founded. Here the Jesuits had more difficulties to overcome, from the nature of the country, than in any other part of the continent; but they had nowhere else a people so docile and so desirous of instruction. It now became a great object to establish a communication with the Guarani Missions, by way of the Paraguay, instead of the circuitous route through Tucuman;.. of two thousand five hundred leagues, it was thought that one thousand might be cut off by this direct course. With a view to this communication, the Reduction of S. Raphael had been fixed upon the banks of a river, which was supposed to communicate with the Paraguay; and the fathers, Francisco Hervas, and Miguel de Yegros, set out with forty Indians to discover the junction. They travelled in a good season, and found no want of game or fish upon the way, .. and, after a long and laborious

[page] 174

CHAP. XXXIV 1703.

Fernandes. 81—87. 149—153.

Charlevoix. 2. 247—250.

journey, they planted a cross upon what they believed to be the shores of the river which they sought. With these tidings Hervas, on his return, was sent to the Parana Missions, and from thence, in the ensuing year, he was ordered, with five companions, to ascend the river, and search for his own land-mark. His comrades in this arduous undertaking were the fathers Arce and Zea, Bartholome Ximenes, and Juan Bautista Neuman, with the lay brother Silvestre Gonzalez. They embarked at the Reduction of Candelaria, and in six weeks reached Asumpcion; from whence they took their departure, with a flotilla, consisting of a large bark, four 6 balsas, two piraguas, and a canoe.

Navigation of the Paraguay.

Falkner. p. 55.

The first conquerors sailed up to Asumpcion in the ships wherein they came from Europe; since that time the river had brought down so much sand, that, in the middle of the eighteenth century, small merchantmen did not venture higher than Buenos Ayres, and larger vessels were unladen at Montevideo. The navigation of the Paraguay is exceedingly difficult, the stream running in many places with great force, and being full of islands, rocks, shoals, and quicksands. A Pilot, or Practico, as he is called, must be hired at a high price, who goes before, sounding; every night the bark must be anchored; and at every appearance of a storm they seek shelter: nevertheless, wrecks are frequent. In many places the river is so wide, that from mid-channel the shores are not visible. There are two noted

6 The Balsa used upon the Paraguay is a double canoe, with a cabin raised upon the platform, by which the two trunks are connected. Lozano, by whom it is described (Historia de la Compania de Jesus en Paraguay, 3, 24, § 6,) says, that this cabin is very liable to be upset upon rough water, or in rough weather: If so, it must either be ill fastened to the platform, or very disproportionately elevated, which is by no means likely; .. for otherwise, of all known vessels, the double-canoe is certainly the least liable to danger of this kind.

[page] 175

CHAP. XXXIV. 1703.

Dobriz hoffer. 1. 204.

whirlpools, the larger and the less; these are well known, and therefore easily avoided: there is greater danger from the current, which sometimes whirls the bark round, and drives it upon the rocks or shallows. Above Asumpcion the chief danger is from the savages; boats 7 may ascend as high as latitude sixteen, with sufficient depth of water, and no impediment of reefs, rapids, or falls.

Azara. 1. 67.

The party attacked by the payaguas.

About forty leagues above the city the Jesuits fell in with some canoes of the Payaguas: these people said they were afraid to approach, because some of their countrymen had been killed lower down the river; a few beads, and other trifles, were suspended for them from a tree, and they then drew near, and presented in return some mats, beautifully woven and ornamented. This kind of intercourse continued till the treacherous savages found an opportunity of surprizing some of the Guaranis, whom they immediately butchered. They then defied the Jesuits, and annoyed the flotilla with slings and arrows; but they were soon

7 The cordage used upon this river is made of the bark of the guenbé, a parasite, which grows upon the forks of the largest trees when they begin to decay, and sends from thence its roots to the ground, either perpendicularly, like the filaments of the Banian, or clinging to the tree, and growing spirally downward. These filaments have no contortions, and are about finger-thick; the leaves are palmated, and the trunks, (for every plant has many,) about the thickness of a man's arm. It bears a head like that of maize, and the grains are eaten: they have a sweetish taste. If the bark be dry when it is stripped it must be wetted, otherwise no preparation is required. This cordage never rots in the water, and bears extension well; but it is injured if it be left dry: it will not bear much friction, and must be made larger than hempen ropes, because it is not equally strong. The Spanish frigates, however, were glad to use it at the close of the Revolutionary war. The colour of the bark is a deep violet, and therefore this plant is used in ornamental matting and basket-work.

Azara. 1. 133.

[page] 176

CHAP. XXXIV. 1703.

Failure of the attempt.

October 12.

put to flight. In requital, a Payagua settlement was laid waste; but with an ill-judged and unjust vengeance, inflicted more than a month after the offence, consequently at a distance from the place; and falling on those who were ignorant, as well as innocent, of the provocation which had been given, and being thus the injured party, would, in their turn, seek to revenge themselves upon the Spaniards. One of these hordes had erected three great crosses within the palisade of their village; the Jesuits suspected this to be what they called one of the Missions of the Mamalucos, .. a Paulista decoy for the savages; but it appeared that the Payaguas had learned superstition from their neighbours, and expected that the cross would serve as a talisman to drive away the jaguars. They came now to a reef, where, according to a tradition of their own inventing, footsteps were, at low water, to be seen in the rock, and they had the less welcome sight of fires and smoke raised by the Mbayas, as signals that an enemy was approaching. They proceeded however, without molestation, through an extensive country, where all the surrounding tribes made an ample provision of wild rice; and having reached that part of the river, where it forms a large island (famous in the fables of South America), there they expected to find the land-mark which was to direct them. In this hope they explored every bay and lake, sending out parties by land and by water; but all their search proved ineffectual: it was afterwards ascertained that Hervas and Yegros had not seen the Paraguay, nor any stream which communicates with it. When they had persisted in their purpose as long as the season would permit, Hervas, and Arce, and Zea, intreated the Superior to leave them upon the island, that they might pass the winter there, and having won the good-will of the natives, attempt to reach the Chiquitos under their guidance. The Superior would not expose them to this imminent danger, and they began their

[page] 177

CHAP. XXXIV. 1703.

1704.

Fernandez. 152—172.

Peace made with the Payaguas, and broken.

Fernandez. 179.

homeward voyage with much precaution, and some danger, because the river had fallen. On the way they entered into a friendly intercourse with those Payaguas, by whom they had been so treacherously treated when ascending the stream; these people delivered up to them a Spaniard whom they had captured, and requested that Missionaries would come and establish a Reduction among them. Both Arce and Zea would willingly have remained, but the Superior thought there was little dependance upon the word of these savages, and still less upon their stability, even if their present purpose was what they pretended. Before they reached Asumpcion they were reduced to great distress for provisions; and had they not been supplied, during a course of one hundred and fifty leagues, by some friendly Guaranies, their own stock would have failed. F. Neuman sunk under the hardships of the expedition: they sent him forward to Asumpcion with all speed of sail and oar, in hope of preserving his life; but he arrived in so exhausted a state, that he expired about an hour after he entered the College. Sixteen of the Indians also died of dysentery, and want of sufficient food. They brought with them some Payagua Chiefs, who desired to be at peace with the Spaniards. The people of Asumpcion suspected that their intent was to spy the weakness of the land; nevertheless the Governor, for the sake of the Jesuits, under whose patronage they came, and for good policy, treated them with kindness, and dismissed them with gifts, well pleased at their reception. A good understanding was thus once more established; but it happened not long afterwards, in evil hour, that a party of Spaniards fell in upon the river with some of this very horde, and in that spirit of brutality with which the profligate members of civilized states are still prone to treat those whom they regard as savages, they fired upon them without provocation. From that hour the Payaguas vowed vengeance, and

VOL. III. 2 A

[page] 178

CHAP. XXXIV. 1704.

pursued it with unrelenting hatred, and unweariable perseverance.

Second attempt from the side of the Chiquitos.

1705.

The Provincial, not discouraged by the failure of this expedition, resolved that a trial should be made from the Chiquito settlements; and accordingly instructed F. Juan Patricio Fernandez, the first historian of these Missions, to build canoes upon that river which Hervas supposed to be the Paraguay, and send Yegros, with the lay-brother Henrique Adam, and a party of Xarayes, good boatmen and well acquainted with the river, down the stream to Asumpcion. Fernandez set out with the two adventurers, and an hundred Indians, from S. Raphael; and having found the Cross which Hervas had erected, ascertained that it had been planted, not upon the banks of the Paraguay, but of one of those great lakes which are formed during the rainy season. After much perseverance they came to a sandy shore, where a Penoqui, who had escaped from the Paulistas in their last expedition, said these freebooters left their canoes, when they began their land-march against the Taos. Here they might have embarked with fair likelihood of success; but there was no wood at hand suitable for canoes, and no time to seek it from a distance, .. for the season was now so far advanced, that any farther delay would have rendered their return impracticable. Already the low lands were flooded, and glad were they at night to find any little elevation above the general level, on which they could lie down, though even there the ground was wet and swampy, and myriads of mosquitos, and other bloodsuckers, made it impossible to sleep. After twenty-five days of such labour they reached S. Raphael, their limbs swollen by walking in water, and nearly worn out with fatigue and privations, under which indeed the lay-brother sunk. Some Guarayos were picked up in this expedition, who understood Spanish, and gave an account of the track of the Paulistas. Under their

[page] 179

CHAP. XXXIV. 1705.

guidance Fernandez explored the country a second time; they brought him to what he calls the Lake Mamore, which is divided into two bays by a long neck of land; this had been their usual landing-place, according to the Guarayos, whose information was confirmed by the discovery of five long chains, which had been buried there, intended, it should seem, for linking together large droves of slaves. Fernandez would have persuaded the Provincial, on his next visit to Tarija, to dispatch these Guarayos round by Tucuman to the Guarani Missions, as guides who might be trusted for another expedition from that quarter; but the Provincial would not again expose valuable lives in a hazardous service, upon what he conceived to be such uncertain grounds.

Fernandez. 172—182.

Success of the Missions.

From their first establishment, the Chiquito Missions were uniformly prosperous in all things, save only that they were in an unhealthy country, to which even the natives themselves never became acclimated; indeed it appears to have been more injurious to them than to the Spaniards. The settlements were more than once removed to new situations, which it was thought would prove less insalubrious; but with no very sensible advantage from the change. In other respects the Jesuits were more fortunate here than their brethren among the Guaranis; .. they were not infested by the Paulistas; there was no faction continually striving against them in the neighbouring provinces; and their converts are said to have been more docile, less inconstant, and of greater capability. Here, as in other parts of America, the Jesuits were usefully, meritoriously, and piously employed: ready, at all times, to encounter sufferings, perils, and death itself, with heroic and Christian fortitude; yet they could not forego that habit of audacious falsehood in which the monastic orders, for so many generations, had vied with each other. The practice was begun in darker ages, and they persisted in it when

[page] 180

CHAP. XXXIV.

F. Cavallero goes among the Manacicas.

it was no longer safe to insult the credulity of mankind. F. Lucas Cavallero, one of the first labourers among the Chiquito Missions, was selected to be the hero of religious romance in these countries, as Anchieta had been in Brazil, and Xavier in the East. He undertook the conversion of the Manacicas, though he was warned that they were a numerous and a dreadful people, whom it was dangerous to approach, because pointed stakes were concealed in their pathways, and more dangerous to reach, because of their fierce hatred of the Spaniards; but the more hazardous the enterprize, the greater would be the merit of exposing himself to it; and there were some peculiar circumstances relating to this tribe, which might peculiarly incite his saintly ambition.

The Manacicas.

The various hordes comprehended under the general name of Manacicas, were of the same stock as those who composed the Chiquito Missions. Part of their country was covered with thick forests: part consisted of wide plains, which were flooded during most of the year, consequently there was no want of fish or game, nor of such fruits as the land produces. The soil is fertile, and the produce of their harvest generally abundant. They were a strong and courageous race; their complexion olive, their stature good, their limbs well proportioned; .. but a cutaneous disease was common and hereditary among them: it is called a sort of leprosy, and described as covering the body with scales, but producing no inconvenience. Their villages are said to have been built with some regard to beauty, in streets and well-proportioned squares. The Chiefs and the Cacique inhabited large dwellings, divided into several apartments, which served also for public assemblies, and banquets, and for temples. The houses of individuals also were well constructed, although they had no better instrument than a stone hatchet. The women were skilful weavers, and their pottery was remarkably good, ringing like

[page] 181

CHAP. XXXIV.

metal to the touch; the clay was kept long before it was used, that it might ripen: .. upon the same principle the Chinese are said to bury, for many years, that of which their finer ware is made. The villages of the Manacicas were generally near each other, because they liked to interchange visits. These visits were so many drinking bouts: the invitation went from the Cacique, as relating to a public concern, and in his house, the entertainment was held; he had the first place; the Priests, or Maponos, as they were denominated, the second; the physicians, here said to be a different order from the priests, the third; then the warleaders; and afterwards the rest of what are called the nobles. Great deference was shown to the Cacique: his house was built for him, his fields were cultivated, and he received a tenth of the fish and game, the best being selected for his portion; his authority was absolute, and he united in his own person the office of judge and executioner, breaking the bones of criminals with a club. This is so much in savage character, that it may almost authenticate itself. In other parts of their political economy, the same license of embellishment may possibly have been taken by the relators, as in the account of their religion; for it is affirmed, that the principal wife of the Cacique was obeyed by the female part of the community; and that the eldest son, in like manner, ruled over the youths. When this heir apparent attained to mature years, the government was transferred to him; the father was still regarded with respect and reverence; and, on his demise, was buried with many ceremonies in an arched vault, where care was taken that no moisture might reach his bones to corrupt them, and that the earth might not lie heavy on his remains.

Mythology of this people, as described by the Jesuits.

Some glimmerings of the preaching of St. Thomas are left among them, say the Jesuits; after this preamble, there is little cause for wondering at the fables which follow. According to

[page] 182

CHAP. XXXIV.

the Jesuits, the Manacicas held by tradition from their ancestors, that a Virgin of incomparable beauty brought forth a fair son, who had no father; that this child restored health to the sick, sight to the blind, life to the dead, and having performed his course on earth, exclaimed one day in the presence of a numerous assembly, Behold how my nature differs from yours, .. and soaring therewith into the air, became the Sun. The Maponos, who travelled through the sky at pleasure, confirmed this tradition, by declaring that the Sun is a luminous human figure, though here upon earth it is not possible, because of the distance, to distinguish his form. This personage, however, was no object of their worship; they worshipped three Devils, not in effigy, but in person; and therefore with some reason they insulted the converts for adoring pictures and images which could neither see, nor speak, nor hear. Bold as the Jesuits were in falsehood, they never lied with greater intrepidity than in their account of this devil-worship. The Devil, they say, in mockery of the true religion, was determined to travesty it in this hidden part of the world, and therefore taught these Indians to believe in a diabolical Trinity, of which the three persons were called Omequeturiqui or Uragozoriso, Urasana, and Urapo. Being a Catholic Devil, he also invented a Goddess, Quipoci, as the wife of the first, and mother of the second of these Deities. She used to appear with a resplendent countenance, beautiful, and like an Angel of light; but the three major Gods were always horrible and hideous in appearance; the head as well as the face of each was of the colour of blood, the ears like asses' ears, the nose broad and flat, the eyes enormously large and flashing flames, the bodies burnished and girdled with snakes. Uragozoriso spoke with a loud voice, Urasana with a nasal tone, and Urapo like thunder. The first chastised the wicked with a staff, or some other instrument of pain; the

[page] 183

CHAP. XXXIV.

other two were intercessors for mercy; but the Goddess Quipoci was more peculiarly the mediator. At all general meetings and solemn funerals these Gods or Tinimaacas were expected; a part of the great hall in the Cacique's habitation was curtained off with mats for their reception, and into this sanctuary only the Maponos might enter. The Tinimaacas came with a sound which filled the air, agitated the mats, and made the building shake. The people who were feasting or dancing at the time then bade them welcome, saying, Fathers are ye come? to which a loud voice made answer, Sons, what are ye doing? are ye eating and drinking? eat and drink, for that pleases me, and I will take care of you, and provide for you; it is for your use that I have created game and fish and all good things. A troop of inferior Demons descended with the three major Gods, and remained on foot in their presence; these the Manacicas believed to be the souls of their enemies and of other nations. When the beverage began to produce its usual effect of drunkenness and clamour, if at any time the revelry and uproar flagged, the fiends would reproach their votaries, and order them to quaff largely, and dance, and fill the temple with their shouts; and to encourage them the more, they called for drink themselves. A cup curiously wrought was reserved for their use; it was filled, and carried to the curtain by the oldest men and women in the assembly; they bore it in the right hand, and as they raised the curtain reverently with the left, a hideous hand with long talons was put forth to receive it. This was done thrice, that each of the Tinimaacas might quench his thirst. None but a Mapono might look behind the curtain; there were one or two of these in every village, sometimes more: it was the highest rank in the Devil's hierarchy. If any priest of inferior rank attempted to pry into the sanctuary, the Mapono prevented him, threatening him with instant death if he persisted in so impious a purpose.

[page] 184

CHAP. XXXIV.

In the midst of the festival the Mapono came from the presence to repeat the oracles which had been entrusted to him: they related to good weather, seasonable rains, prosperous harvests, successful hunting and fishing; and not unfrequently exhorted the people to make war upon their neighbours. Offerings were then made of game and fish through his hands, and when this ceremony was concluded, the Tinimaacas fled into the air carrying the Mapono with them, and shaking the whole building with their ascent. After awhile the Goddess Quipoci brought him back to the sanctuary in her arms, and held him there sleeping, while she sang in a sweet voice, and the women on the other side the veil danced and rejoiced. In return to their welcomings, she called them her children, and assured them that she was their true mother, and would defend them from the Gods who were cruel and sought to afflict them with infirmities and misfortunes. The cup was presented to her and offerings given, and then she reascended.

Extravagant falsehoods of the Jesuits.

Thus far, though there may be something to suspect, there is nothing impossible in the relation. The mythology might have been framed by some hardy impostor, in imitation of what he supposed to be the Jesuits' faith (there are instances enough of such attempts); credulity may always be supposed, to any required amount; .. the ascension was made behind the curtain, and a little management and some exaggeration would solve the rest of the riddle. But to that which follows, no such solution can be applied. For the Jesuits affirm that the Mapono frequently ascended into the sky, not in company with the Tinimaacas, behind the veil of the temple, and unseen; but by the power of his own mighty volition, in the open air, and in the presence of the people: they affirm, that he would spread his arms as if they were wings, and then soar into the sky in an erect posture. This posture was reversed in his downward

[page] 185

CHAP. XXXIV.

flight: but sometimes a troop of inferior Gods brought him down, visibly with a terrible uproar, into the midst of the temple, and sometimes the malignant spirits let him fall from the roof, in which manner some of the Maponos perished. One of these gifted Priests was as much respected as the Royalet, and, like him, received a tenth of the game and the produce. They who aspired to this office were initiated before the down appeared upon their chin; the eldest Mapono took the aspirant in his arms, instructed him to look at the full moon, stretched his fingers, ordered him to let his nails grow, (a fashion by which the privileged ranks in many countries designate themselves, as proving that they are above the necessity of manual labour,) and at length fled up with him into the air, and laid him in the lap of Quipoci, from whence he returned in a state of such despondency and exhaustion that it was many days before he recovered. The Priests observed frequent fasts, and abstained at all times from certain animals and fruits, especially from the Granadilla, the fruit of the Passion-flower, because, say the lying Jesuits, of the mysteries which are signified in that marvellous blossom: the people also were frequently required to fast. One of the most solemn observances was at the dedication of a temple, when all the inhabitants abstained five days from animal food, the village was put in mourning (after what fashion is not specified), strict silence was prescribed during the whole time, music and dancing were forbidden, and no business was carried on except that of weaving mats for the sanctuary. On the last day a feast was given to all comers; the most devout old woman of the horde bowed her head before the Cacique that he might twice or thrice strike it gently with a stone instrument of elaborate workmanship; she then went on her knees round the temple, sighing loudly, and with marks of great devotion, and the Mapono compleated the ceremony by blessing the building in all its parts.

VOL. III. 2 B

[page] 186

CHAP. XXXIV.

The Tinimaacas often visited the Maponos, whose wives fled from the presence of these hideous guests. Sometimes a Mapono retired into the wilderness to enjoy this communion without interruption. He was believed to have the faculty of inflicting injury or death by the mere force of his displeasure; and he made an alarming display of power which he really possessed, by domesticating venomous serpents, and appearing abroad with some of these reptiles wreathing round his arms and neck, and nestling in his bosom. In return for the honours which they received, and the tenths which they enjoyed, the Maponos performed a most extraordinary service: as the members of their flock died, they carried them bodily to Paradise, .. a curious office, which is thus described. After the funeral, the relations of the dead made their offering in the temple, and when the Gods came to receive it, the Oquipau, or Spirit of the deceased, accompanied them, .. a Devil, according to the Jesuits, appearing in this character. The Oquipau consoled his friends with the hope that they should all finally meet in a place of delight: he was then sprinkled with water by the Mapono: this posthumous baptism took away his sins; and being then ready for the journey, he bade farewell to the mourners, while the Mapono, taking the substantial soul upon his back, mounted into the air and began his way for the Land of the Departed. It was a wild, weary journey, over hills and vales, through thick forests and across rivers and swamps and lakes, till after many days they came to a place where many roads met near a deep and wide river: this was the Pass Perilous, where the God Tatusiso stood night and day upon a wooden bridge to inspect all such travellers; and this vigilant warden never went to earth like the other Deities, but was always at his post. He was bald and ugly, his countenance pale, his body disfigured with filth and wounds, and his only clothing a cloth round the loins.

[page] 187

CHAP. XXXIV.

Fernandez. 222—242.

This personage did not always chuse to consider the sprinkling of the ghost after death as a sufficient purgation: he therefore frequently required the Mapono to stop, that his charge might be cleansed from its impurities; and if any resistance were made to this purification, which was a ceremony nothing agreeable, he would sometimes seize the unhappy Oquipau and throw him into the river, .. a circumstance which was always followed by some calamity to the Manacicas. Once, when unseasonable rains were destroying the harvest, the people enquired the cause of their Mapono, and were informed it was because the Oquipau of a certain youth had behaved irreverently to Tatusiso, and been cast over the bridge in consequence. The father of the deceased was so greatly afflicted at hearing his son's deplorable fate, that the Mapono was moved to compassion, and promised, if a canoe were given him, that he would endeavour to fish up the poor soul. Accordingly he placed the boat upon his shoulders, took flight, and returned after awhile with fair weather, and tidings of good success; but the canoe was never seen again. There were various Paradises to which persons were consigned according to the manner, not of their lives, but of their death; they who died in their houses going to one, they who perished in the woods to another, they who were drowned to the country of the Isituucas, or Water-Gods, to whom tobacco was offered in incense, because that herb was used for intoxicating fish. The Paradise of Quipoci was the happiest of these abodes. The souls were fed with a gum which distilled from certain celestial trees; and there was a huge eagle who continually flew round and round the World of the 8 Departed.

8 It is curious to observe, how carefully Charlevoix has weeded out from this relation, those falsehoods, and those only, which were too impudent for the age and country in which he wrote. He says nothing of the flights of the Mapono; nothing of the commotion which the Tinimaacas produced, when they descended into the Temple, and when they rose again; .. nothing but what may perfectly be explained, by mere deception on the part of the Priest; .. yet it is plain that he had no other document before him than the Relacion Historial of P. Juan Patricio Fernandez, where all these things are stated. But as the belief that Heathen Gods are Evil Spirits, prevailed in the Catholic world, Charlevoix improved upon the hint of their imitating the mysteries of the faith; and says, that Quipoci was called, by these savages, the Virgin Mother, .. for which there is no authority in his original. T. 2, 273—278.

[page] 188

CHAP. XXXIV.

Cavallero's miraculous adventures.

Among the people where these extraordinary superstitions prevailed, Cavallero prepared to attack the Devil upon his own ground. He set out, according to his brethren, with the expectation and in the fear of death; and when he approached one of their villages, and had passed safely along a path wherein spikes were concealed, he made his companions tie the Crucifix to his hands, that if he should be received with a discharge of arrows, he might retain that holy signal when he fell. At one village they assaulted him fiercely; arrows were aimed in showers at his head: some fell harmlessly at his feet, some recoiled with full force against the infidels by whom they were discharged, some pierced his garment; but he himself remained invulnerable, and such of his attendants as were wounded, were healed as miraculously as he had been protected. In the same spirit of invention the Jesuits relate, that the Triad of false Gods appeared to their votaries weeping and lamenting, because, they said, an Enemy was approaching, who bore an image upon which they could not endure to look; that they exhorted the people to fly from the face of this pernicious stranger; but that Cavallero, by the power of his preaching, induced the heathen in many places to bring out the curtains, and all other ornaments of their temples, and

[page] 189

CHAP. XXXIV.

set 9 fire to them. They say too, that he came to one horde, who having heard of the practice of the Christians, imitated them, in time of pestilence, by setting up a Cross, and scourging themselves till the blood streamed: the pestilence immediately was stayed, an Angel came down to adore the Cross, and, of course, the people who had seen the miracle were ready to worship the Missionary when he arrived, and greedily to receive his 10 instructions. But the scene of their boldest fiction was laid among, some tribes, who are remarkable on another account. They inhabited the shores of a great lake, the water of which was unwholesome; but, instead of making fermented liquors, after

9 The only thing which he preserved was an astronomical instrument of brass, having the Sun and Moon, and the signs of the Zodiac, represented upon it; .. a gift, says the stupid writer who relates the fact, which the Devil had given them many ages ago!

10 In one of his expeditions, the flower of the village from which he set forth accompanied him; on the way a fever broke out among them, and prostrated several of his new disciples; as the unconverted part of his escort happened to escape the contagion, they ascribed their safety to the superior power of their own Gods, and insulted the Neophites upon this supposition. This touched the Jesuit, and made him expostulate in prayer. On the eve of that festival which is dedicated to the Guardian Angels, he relates (for the narrative is in the first person), that one of those Angels appeared to one of the sufferers, told him the disease was sent instead of the death which they would otherwise have received from the hands of the infidels, bade him and his brethren trust in God, and assured him that they should all recover. F. Cavallero, who seems, on this occasion, to have had less faith than he demanded from his readers, and who was a desperately bad practitioner, gave them a medicine, the strength of which he did not know, and which aggravated the disease; till the patients, being no longer able to endure the burning heat of the fever, made their comrades carry them to the nearest river, and plunging in, were healed by that means. (Fernandez. 285.) The physical fact may be true, notwithstanding the suspicious character of the story.

[page] 190

CHAP. XXXIV.

Fernandez. 299.

the manner of all the surrounding nations, the only beverage which they used was a decoction of maize, thoroughly roasted, and then pounded; they were exceedingly fond of this, and when they went abroad it was the only provision which they took with them. While Cavallero was employed among these people, he suspected that some idolatrous ceremonies were about to be observed upon the death of a woman; and having set spies upon the offenders, he was informed that a sanctuary had been erected, composed of wicker-work, curiously interknit; that in the middle two stakes were planted, as a throne for the Devil; that a net was drawn round the temple, within which no person was allowed to enter except the Mapono, and the near relations of the dead; and that at midnight, when the ceremony would be performed, the better to avoid discovery, the Devil was expected in person to receive his offerings, hear the prayers, and accept the sacrifices which should be made for the spirit of the deceased. Accordingly the Jesuit was upon the alert, and at midnight he surprized the whole party in the fact; for, upon looking in, there he saw the Devil, rendered visible by the light which issued from his own infernal eyes, sitting upon the two stakes in majesty and terrific might; it was a sight which made the priest's hair bristle round his tonsure, and his limbs tremble; nevertheless he rushed in, and the Devil, unable to stand before him, exclaimed, that his votaries should never again behold him in a place where he had been so shamefully put to flight; and immediately he disappeared, carrying away with him, body and soul, the Mapono, who was never seen 11 more.

11 With these circumstances the story was printed at Madrid in 1726. The manner in which Charlevoix adapts it to the meridian of Paris, thirty years afterwards, deserves to be made known. "Il les surprit pendant une nuit faisant les obseques d'une femme avec leurs ceremonies ordinaries. Il leur en fit une severe reprimande; et le Ciel, par un exemple de terreur sur le Mapono, qui y presidoit, et qui disparut dans l'instant, sans qu'on ait jamais pu decouvrir ce qu'il etoit devenu, acheva de leur inspirer une veritable horreur pour leurs superstitions. T. 2, p. 318.

[page] 191

CHAP. XXXIV. 1711.

Cavallero's martyrdom.

Cavallero's career was closed by martyrdom; and the Jesuits, who had chosen him to be the hero of one of their grandest romances, affirm, that a distinct knowledge of his impending fate was communicated to him from Heaven. Having overcome the weakness of human nature after this revelation, he set out toward the Puyzocas, from whom he was to receive his crown; and he took with him thirty-six Manacica neophytes, whom he exposed, without scruple, to this certain death; for though they might not have the same desire for such a catastrophe, their reward would be the same. They were welcomed with treacherous courtesy, and led into different houses to be feasted, that the massacre might be more easily effected. While they were seated at their food, some naked women approached, and drew upon their faces certain black lines, the sign that they were marked for death: presently afterwards the Puyzocas fell upon them. The few who escaped this first assault ran to Cavallero, who was alone, and in the act of prayer: one of them took him on his back; for, according to the legend, the Jesuit was too much absorbed in piety to use any means for his own preservation. They were pursued, and he was pierced with an arrow between the shoulders. He then made the Indian put him down, and fixing in the ground the Cross which was his staff, he knelt before it, offering up, says Fernandez, the blood which he was then shedding for his murderers: in this posture he was killed, by repeated blows of the macana. Twenty-six of his companions were butchered: and of the ten who reached the nearest Reduction, four died of their wounds. Not satisfied with this, the

[page] 192

CHAP. XXXIV. 1711.

Puyzocas dispatched a party to watch the motions of the Christians, and carried off some stragglers. This rendered it necessary to apply to S. Cruz for protection; and a detachment was sent from that city to take vengeance for the murder of Cavallero, and bring away his relics. When they arrived at the scene of slaughter it was sunset, and they waited for morning to begin their search; but, in the darkness of the night, they saw at no great distance from their encampment a flame, like that of a torch, which frequently disappeared, and as often became again visible. They marked the spot well, and hastening thither at earliest dawn, on that spot they found the body of the martyr miraculously preserved, and in a miraculous posture: it was kneeling on the left knee, with the right leg extended, and the head reclining on the left hand, in front of the Cross, which stood where he had planted it at the moment of his martyrdom. Many weeks had elapsed while it had been thus exposed to the hot sun upon that wet ground, and the bodies of all his companions were putrid; his alone was entire and uncorrupt.

Fernandez. 304—310.

Charlevoix. 2. 330—333.

This romance brings disgrace upon the Jesuits.

In this manner the Jesuits had been accustomed to embellish their annals; and if such fables could have passed current, as they did in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, St. Lucas Cavallero would soon have been provided with legends not less miraculous and monstrous than St. Domingo himself, and the rival Patriarch of the Friars Minorite. Here was a broad foundation laid; but the fathers who remitted these brave inventions from Paraguay, and they who approved, licensed, and published them at Madrid, seem to have forgotten, that at that time all nations were not in the same state of intellectual darkness as the Spaniards, and the Spanish Americans. When the error was discovered it was too late; and the tardy acknowledgement that certain fictions had crept into the book, did not clear the Company from the imputation of having once more

[page] 193

CHAP. XXXIV. 1711.

attempted to palm a tissue of fables upon the world for truth. The monstrous stories of the Maponos were related upon Cavallero's own authority, .. one of the most monstrous, as having happened in his own sight. Whether he invented these tales, or his historian, F. Juan Patricio Fernandez ascribed them to him falsely, or the third and nameless brother, from whose Italian papers Fernandez is said to have translated the history, they are equally of Jesuit manufacture. They were invented by Jesuits, written by Jesuits, and published by Jesuits, with the licence and approbation of the Jesuit censors, and under the sanction of the General of the Order. The falsehood was so palpable, that it has been confessed by the Jesuits themselves; and the motive is not less palpable, .. that of exaggerating the merits of the Company, and raising their reputation, by imposing upon the credulity of mankind. But however profitable for a time they may have found the system of imposture (for a system it was), it made those persons their enemies whom it failed to make their dupes; and who, had they not been properly disgusted by such artifices, might otherwise have done justice to their merits, and cooperated in their views.

A second expedition up the Paraguay. 1715.

The project of opening a communication with the Chiquito Missions, by the Paraguay, was renewed after an interval of ten years; and Arce, who had led the way into that country, was again appointed to this perilous service. His companion was F. Bartolome Blende, a native of Bruges. A bark and two shalloops, with a competent number of Indians, were prepared for them at Asumpcion. When they embarked from that city the Sacrament was exposed, as a propitiatory solemnity, and the Governor, and all the inhabitants, accompanied them to the water's edge. They escaped from a stratagem of the Payaguas, who, under an appearance of friendship, meant to kill them, and, seize the boats for the sake of the iron; but some of these peo-

VOL. III. 2 C

[page] 194

CHAP. XXXIV. 1715.

Arce reaches the Chiquilos.

ple gave intimation of the design: a breeze springing up at the moment it was needed, saved them from an ambush of the Guaycurus, several hundred of whom, in a difficult pass of the river, lay concealed up to the chin in water; and they purchased a passage from others of this formidable tribe, by a rich offering of knives, wedges, and cloth, which the Guaranies of the Reductions had sent as a mark of fraternity and friendship to the Chiquitos. Having reached, as they supposed, the part of the river where Fernandez had left his marks, they spent several months in vainly seeking for them; till Arce, at length despairing in the search, and yet unable to bear the thought of abandoning his object, left the boats, and with twelve of the most enterprizing Indians undertook the journey, without any clue. Game, whether owing to the season, or the nature of the country, was scarce; they subsisted upon tortoises and fish, when they could catch them, and sometimes were in want both of food and water. Arce more than once advised the Indians to make their way back to the boats; for himself, he said, he was resolved to go on, and fulfil the will of God and of his Superiors; and once, believing himself to be near his end, from exhaustion and fever, he desired them to lay him on the banks of the next water, and seek their own safety by returning. But they were attached to him by affection, as well as by habits of dutiful obedience; and he, who was encouraged by their fidelity, made another effort, and renewed his journey at a time when his tongue was so parched and inflamed that he could not speak. The timely discovery of some honey probably saved his life. After having endured these sufferings for two months, they came into a track which evidently led to the Missions, and soon fell in with a party of Neophytes, under F. Zea. When Arce had rested long enough at S. Raphael to have recovered from the effects of the journey, he returned to rejoin Blende, whom he had left with the

[page] 195

CHAP. XXXIV. 1716.

Fernandez. 322—333.

Charlevoix. 2. 329—330.

boats; but Blende had commenced his return, forced by the mutinous conduct of two Spaniards, the one the pilot, and the other the master of the bark. These fellows had an old grudge against Arce, for having prevented them from buying slaves: and they threatened Blende to turn him upon shore, and leave him there, if he would not consent to return.

Martyrdom of Blende and Arce.

Thus disappointed in the hope of rejoining his comrade, Arce resolved to try his fortune among those Payaguas, with whom they had had some intercourse on the way: so he built a canoe, and embarked with his faithful Guaranies. When they had proceeded some days down the stream, they saw some bodies exposed upon the shore of an island: the heads had been carried away, but, upon landing, it was immediately perceived that they were the bodies of Blende and his companions, .. treacherously murdered by the very savages to whom Arce was about to devote himself. They fled from the fatal spot: the Payaguas were on the watch, and they were surprized and but chered, except four of the party, who made their escape up the river, after two years, and finding their way back to S. Raphael, gave the first intelligence of the fate of the two Jesuits. There was now no safety upon the Paraguay. The Payaguas, who would have justified their conduct to these Missionaries, by pleading the treatment which they had experienced after making peace, were indefatigable in annoying the Spaniards. A bark, going from Asumpcion to Santa Fe, fell into their hands, and two Jesuits, with thirty Guaranies, were massacred before they could even attempt to defend themselves.

Fernandez. 333—342.

Charlevoix. 2. 330—333.

Attempt to communicate by the Pilcomayo.

The communication by the Paraguay being thus rendered impracticable, a hope was conceived of effecting it by the Pilcomayo. A party of Spaniards from S. Miguel de Tucuman, in an enterprize against the savages, had come to a stream which they supposed to be this river, .. especially because they heard

[page] 196

CHAP. XXXIV. 1716.

that some white people were settled upon its shores. Upon this D. Esteban de Urizar, the Governor of the province, prepared an expedition for exploring its course; and the Provincial ordered some Jesuits from the Guarani Missions, at the same time, to ascend the Pilcomayo, and proceed, if possible, till they should meet the party from Tucuman. If they failed in this object, it was hoped they might reach the country of the Chiriguanas, or of the Zamucos, among whom Zea had lately laboured with success, and from whom some of the Chiquito Missionaries were to set forth upon the chance of meeting one or other of these expeditions.

The Pilcomayo.

The Pilcomayo is the largest river which falls into the Paraguay from the West. About eighty leagues before its junction with that great stream, it divides into two branches. The one which disembogues within sight of Asumpcion is called by the Guaranies, Araguaya, .. the wise river; a name which is supposed to imply, that great caution is required in navigating it: indeed it can scarce be deemed navigable. In some parts the channel is hardly to be traced amid broads, and aquatic plants; in others it is entirely concealed beneath a plant, called Aguape by the Portugueze, which covers wide tracts with its broad leaves and intertwisted roots. In wet seasons the banks are frequently falling in; and masses of trees, held together by their rootage, come down in floating islands. The other branch retains its name, and flows into the Paraguay about nine leagues lower down. Between the two there is a third, which separates from the southern arm. During the inundations their waters meet, and not only flood the Delta, but unite with the overflow of the Rio Bermejo. Could the navigation of this river be opened, the way from Paraguay to Peru would be shortened by nearly two thousand miles. A boat attempted it in the second year of the century, but only one of its crew escaped from the Indians.

Dobrizhoffer. 1. 135. Jolis. 62. Almanach de Lima.

[page] 197

CHAP. XXXIV. 1720.

The expedition is frustrated.

The party from Tucuman perceived that the stream upon which they embarked did not increase in size as they expected: they persuaded themselves that it did not communicate with the Pilcomayo, being perhaps weary of the adventure; and they returned from their bootless expedition. The Chiquito Missionaries were not able to discover the river. The party from Paraguay consisted of the Fathers Gabriel Patiño and Lucas Rodriguez, the Lay-Brother Bartolome de Niebla, and a Portugueze Donado, by name Faustino Correa, with a Guarani escort from the Reductions, and a few Spanish adventurers, in one bark and two boats. After ascending about eighty leagues, they found that there was not sufficient depth of water for the larger vessel; Patiño and Niebla therefore proceeded with part of the company in the boats; and according to their computation, ascended more than a thousand miles further, till they came to a tribe considerably advanced beyond the savage state. They were agriculturists; they reared sheep and made a good cloth of the wool, and they had horses in great numbers; the men appeared docile, and the women from their complexion might have been supposed to be Spanish. At first the intercourse with this people was so amicable, that Patiño thought it would be easy to reduce them. But all missionary attempts on the side of Tucuman had been frustrated by the interference of the Governors, who had destroyed many a promising establishment by the greediness with which they attempted to impose the burden of personal service upon high-spirited tribes. There were some Tobas and Mocobis here who knew these things, and consequently regarded the Spaniards as mortal enemies. At their instigation the Indians treacherously attacked the party, and killed some of the Guaranies who were cutting wood; .. Patiño was prepared with a covering of hides which resisted their arrows, but he found it necessary to fall down the stream, and escape with all speed.

[page] 198

CHAP. XXXIV.

Missions among the Moxos.

While Arce and his successors were employed among the Chiquitos, other Missions were founded toward the North, approximating nearer that debateable ground of which the Portugueze were now beginning to take possession. Castillo, a lay-brother among the Jesuits, had accompanied some Spanish traders from Santa Cruz into that part of the country, since called the Province of Moxos, after the first converted tribe. He made himself agreeable to the natives, and was on his part so pleased with their apparent docility, that immediately on his return he set out for Lima, to acquaint his Superiors how fair a field was open for the exertions of the Company. F. Cypriano Baraza, who was in the College of that city, and who had long been ambitious of devoting himself to the service of the heathen, obtained leave to go with Castillo upon this adventure. Baraza was perhaps the most enlightened Jesuit that ever laboured in Spanish America.

Lettres Edifiantes. t. 8, p. 92.

Province of the Moxos.

Rivers which form the Madeira.

The scene of his labours is a tract of country roughly computed at one hundred and twenty square leagues. On the North it is divided by the Guapore from the Portugueze territory of Mato Grosso, .. a country wholly unknown to the Spaniards, which had sometimes been crost by the Paulistas, but which was not yet appropriated by either of the two nations who had divided this great continent between them. Thick woods divided it on the South from the Province of the Chiquitos. To the South-east a Cordillera separated it from Cochabamba, and on the West the river Beni from the Missions of Pomabamba, or Apolobamba, as by an accidental error they are sometimes called. Three great rivers flow through the province; the Mamore, which rises in the Mountains on the S. E. and receives in its way the S. Miguel or Apere, and the Guapay or Rio Grande; the Guapore or Itenes, which has its source in Mato Grosso, receives the Rio de los Baures, and joins the Mamore at the end of the province; and the Beni, which falling into their joint

[page] 199

CHAP. XXXIV.

Almanach de Lima.

stream, forms with it the Madeira, one of the largest and most important secondary rivers of South America. All three are navigable in canoes and balsas almost from their sources. The way to the province is by water, .. rivers in such countries supplying the want of roads. For the districts of Moxos and Baures, the traveller embarks upon the Guapay, either at Puerto de Paylas, or lower down at the Puerto de la Pesca: this is the way from Santa Cruz, and is performed in canoes. The other entrance is from La Paz, by the Beni, to the district of Pampas; the place of embarkation is Puerto de Coroyco in the province of Sicasica, and this voyage is performed in balsas.

Almanach de Lima.

Baraza forms the first Reduction among the Moxos.

It was upon the Guapay that Baraza and his companion embarked in a small canoe made by some Indians of the country who served them as guides. Baraza was provided with store of fishing hooks, needles, beads, and other such things, which procured him a good reception, when after a voyage of twelve days, he arrived among the Moxos: and he spent four years among them, learning their language and winning their good-will by that spirit of love which alone could have supported him through the privations of such a life, aggravated as they were by the long sufferings of a quartan ague. At length the disease had so far exhausted him, that he despaired of recovering by any other means than that of breathing a healthier atmosphere, and therefore he went to Santa Cruz. The remedy proved effectual: his heart was still among the Moxos, and in the first days of his convalescence he began to learn weaving, that he might instruct them on his return in one of the first arts of civilized life, and induce them to clothe themselves, as the first step towards civilization. But the Spaniards of Santa Cruz were more interested in the conversion of their formidable neighbours, the Chiriguanas, than in any thing which concerned more distant tribes; and the

[page] 200

CHAP. XXXIV.

Governor, without consulting Baraza, applied to his Superiors, and prevailed upon them to station him among these intractable barbarians. A Jesuit's first duty was obedience. To the Chiriguanas he went, however unwillingly, and laboured patiently among them five years, before he was relieved, and left at liberty to return to a people whom he loved better, and among whom he knew that his exertions were more likely to be rewarded with adequate success. They had not forgotten him; about six hundred readily submitted to his instructions; and as he baptized his first converts on Lady-day, he dedicated the Missions to Our Lady of Loretto.

Lettr. Edif. 8. 93—96.

Manners of the Moxo Tribes.

Because the Moxos 12 were the first tribes among whom Baraza laboured, that name was applied to all the people who inhabited, or wandered over the country, between the tenth and fifteenth degrees of South latitude; they consisted, however, of not less than 13 twenty-nine tribes, among whom thirteen distinct lan-

12 The Spaniards called them thus, either from mistaking the true name, which, according to Garcilaso (l. 7, c. 13,) was Musu; or, according to a believed tradition, because the first person of whom they asked the name of his nation, thought they were asking what ailed him, and replied Muha, which signifies the itch. Muha and Moxa much resemble each other in a Spaniard's pronunciation, the Spanish x being a strong aspirate. The Moxos therefore are offended when they are called by this name. Hervas. 1. 4. § 66.

13 The Moxos, Báures, Mobimas, Erirúmas, Tapacùras, Itonámas, Huaráyos, Caniciánas, Bolèpas, Heréceboconos, Rotoròños, Pechuyos, Coriciàras, Mèques, Mures, Sapis, Cayubábas, Canacúres, Ocorònos, Chumanos, Mayacámas, Tibois, Nayras, Norris, Pacabáras, Pacanàbos, Sinàbus, Cuyzáras, and Cabinas. The Almanach de Lima, from whence this barbarous catalogue is transcribed, says, that the Missionaries were obliged to learn eight languages at least; Hervas, whose authority must be preferred, makes them thirteen. They are thus classed by him. The Moxa and the Baure, kindred dialects: the Ticomeri is from the same root, but so different, that the name implies in Moxa another tongue. The Paicone, altogether different. The Chuchucupucono, Comobocono, Moubocono, and Mosotie, are Moxo dialects. The Mopeciana and Icabicici, distinct tongues. The Majiena, not understood by any other tribe. The Mobima, Cayubaba, Itonama, and Sapibocona; .. Hervas possessed vocabularies and prayers in each, and could detect no affinity. The Cheriba and Chumana, kindred tongues. The Rocotona, Orocotona, and Herisobocona, kindred tongues; .. a curious fact, because the tribe who spoke the last of these dialects were a white people, with red or auburn hair, and might therefore have been presumed to be of different race The Muré. The Canisiana. Hervas. 1. 4. §§ 66—73.

[page] 201

CHAP. XXXIV.

guages were spoken, besides sundry dialects. During four months in the year the hordes have no intercourse with each other, because of the inundation, each being islanded upon the spot of rising ground whereon its cabins are built. The dry season follows, and the sun acting upon stagnant waters, generates pestilence. The weather is then oppressively hot; at other times, when the wind comes from the snowy mountains, it is piercingly cold. Neither corn nor vines will grow there; but the land is admirably suited to such plants as require heat and moisture. The tribes were in many grades of progression, from the lowest state of savage life: .. the Moxos were among the rudest. Their huts were very low, and each family had its separate habitation; some slept upon mats, some in hammacks; and when these were hung in the open air a constant fire was kept near them, not only for warmth, but because the flame protected them against beasts, and the smoke from insects. Their meals were taken, not at stated times of the day, but whenever they could find food, which consisted chiefly of roots and fish. They feasted upon fish when the frost killed them in the stagnant waters: nor was this prey the less acceptable for being putrid, .. the fire, they said, rendered it good. During the floods they removed to the mountains, and trusted to the chase for support;

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[page] 202

CHAP. XXXIV.

the monkey was their most esteemed dainty. Gluttonous they were not, but they were profuse drinkers; and the only, or the chief employment of the women, was brewing a liquor from fermented roots. At certain times they assembled in bowers erected for the occasion, danced riotously all day long, became inebriated, and usually concluded the feast by a bloody fray. The climate, and their way of life, made them liable to many diseases, for which they had no means of cure; for they had no knowledge of any healing virtue in plants, though skilled in extracting from them a deadly poison for their arrows. Their whole system of medicine was confined to the jugglers, who fasted for the patient, sucked the afflicted part as the great remedy, and prescribed smoking tobacco at certain times; .. perhaps they had discovered, that in an aguish region this tended to prevent disease. Simple as their practice was, an arduous course of discipline was required before any man was admitted a practitioner. They were initiated by abstaining, during a whole year, from fish and flesh; and it was necessary that the aspirant should have been attacked and wounded by a jaguar. The jaguar was the visible object of their worship: they considered him, therefore, as setting his mark upon those whom he chose to be his priests; and the affair was easily managed, inasmuch as witnesses could not be demanded for such a mode of initiation. After a long practice as suckers, by which term they were called from the mode in which they attempted to administer relief, they were raised to a higher step in the priesthood. To obtain this degree, it was necessary to undergo another year of severer abstinence, at the end of which the juice of certain pungent herbs was infused into their eyes, to purge their mortal sight, and therefore they were called Tiharangui, .. they who have clear eyes. About the time of new moon the Priests, at break of day, conducted the people in silence to some high place, where, when they were

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CHAP. XXXIV.

assembled, they uttered loud cries, to soften the invisible and malignant Powers of whom they stood in fear. They thus passed the whole day, fasting; when night approached the Priests cut off their hair, and adorned themselves with red and yellow feathers, in token of joy that the propitiation had been effected. Jars of liquor were brought as offerings to the Gods; they drank immoderately themselves, and gave the rest to the people, who drank and sung and danced through the night; and generally concluded the meeting with quarrels, wounds, and, not unfrequently, with deaths.

No clothing was manufactured among them, but they were studious of ornament. Some blackened one half the face and reddened the other. They wore lip and nose-pieces, strings of the teeth and pieces of skin from the beasts which they had killed; but the teeth of their enemies were regarded as a far more precious decoration. There were some who covered the arms, knees, and head, with feathers not inelegantly disposed. Marriages were settled between the parents, without consulting the inclinations of either party. It was a singular custom, that the wife chose the place of abode, and wherever she was pleased to settle the husband took up his dwelling. They had seldom more than one wife, for which their poverty, that is to say, the scantiness of food, is assigned as a cause. Adultery in the woman was deemed infamous, and oftentimes punished with death. If the mother died the infant was buried with her; and if she had twins she buried one of them, from a notion that both could not properly be nourished at the breast. When the aged became helpless they were put to death by their children; and if any young children were left, the elder put them to death also, which they said was better than letting them live, when there was none to provide for them. Such people were not likely to treat their enemies with humanity: they tortured their prisoners

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CHAP. XXXIV.

as well as ate them, .. a practice which seems not to have prevailed among any of the Tupi or Guarani tribes. Their burials were performed with little ceremony: the relations dug a grave, and accompanied the body thither; then divided the property of the deceased, and appeared to forget him. But the Retoroños, Pechuyos, and Guarayos, manifested their feeling for the dead by a remarkable custom: when the body had mouldered they dug up the bones, reduced them to powder, and mingling it with maize, composed a sort of cake, which they considered it the strongest mark of friendship to offer and partake. Some of the first Missionaries were regaled with this family bread, before they knew what they were eating. The Guarayos were a wild and formidable race, who hunted other tribes for food, and were believed to have no settled habitations, because the ghosts of those whom they had eaten continually persecuted them with their cries. The Tibois moulded the skulls of their new-born infants into a pyramidal shape.

Lettr. Edif. 8. 105.

Almanach de Lima.

Hervas. 1. 4. § 68.

Report of Amazons in the country.

The varieties of character and manners among savage tribes, are as great as among civilized nations. The Tapacures had separated from the Moxos, with whom they had once formed one people; they had neither the strength nor the courage of other hordes; and if, at any time, they were attacked, they instantly took to flight; but they were a docile race. Their country was near the mountains which trend from East to North; and they assured Baraza, that towards the East there was a nation of women, who admitted men to visit them at a stated season in the year, killed all their male infants, and bred up the girls in warlike habits. Baraza was a man whose veracity might implicitly be relied on; and it is worthy of notice, that in this same direction Hernando de Ribera heard of the Amazons. The Canisianas were always on the hunt for their neighbours, whom they cooped and fatted for their feasts. A prisoner made his

Lettr. Edif. 8. 101—102.

Vol. 1. p. 157.

The Canisianas.

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CHAP. XXXIV.

escape to one of the new Reductions, and reported that he had left thirteen of his countrymen in the fatting net. F. Agustin Zapata set out immediately, and offered some hatchets as a ransom for them. The proposal was joyfully accepted; and the Canisiana Chiefs, marvelling why any man should give tools of such value for an object of so little worth, enquired of the guides, whether the person who had paid this absurd price for the captives, intended to eat them. They were told that Zapata wished to make all the Indians happy, and instruct them in a good law, given by a good God, whose will it was that men should love one another like brothers, do good to all, and evil to none. Savages as they were, this was language which they could understand and feel; and its effect was such, that they immediately offered to follow the Jesuit. No other tribe, however, seem to have persisted so madly in cannibalism; for, in the Reductions, they would steal children, and even cast lots among themselves who should give up a child, .. so devilishly did this vice possess them. It was at last found necessary to make every woman give notice to the Missionary when she was delivered, and frequently present the child to him from time to time.

Hervas. 1. 4. § 73.

Baraza explores a way across the mountains to Peru.

Baraza in the course of five years collected about two thousand of these wild people; other Missionaries were then sent to his assistance, and leaving to them the charge of his converts, he advanced farther into the country. He had now acquired a sufficient command of their languages, had accustomed himself to their manners in all lawful things, and won at once their good-will and their respect by kind offices, unweariable benignity, and superior knowledge. He dressed their wounds; he administered medicine to the sick; he taught them weaving, carpentry, and agriculture; and going to Santa Cruz to obtain cattle for their use, he set out on his return with a herd of two hun-

[page] 206

CHAP. XXXIV.

dred, and after a journey no less perilous than fatiguing, of fifty-four days, succeeded in bringing a sufficient number to stock the country in the course of a few years. The second settlement which he formed, and which was dedicated to the Holy Trinity, contained more than two thousand neophytes, who made bricks and mortar under his instructions, and built a church which was the wonder of all the surrounding tribes. Having heard that there was a pass across the mountains, which would materially shorten the road to Peru, from whence these Missions were supplied, he employed three years in exploring it, and at length gained the summit of the Andes, and saw before him the low country toward the sea. He fell upon the ground and returned thanks to God for the successful termination of his search: but though he had been absent twenty-four years from the country upon which he then looked down, and where there were dear friends whom he yearned to behold once more, such was his sense of duty, and his willingness to forego all earthly gratifications, that he sent some of his companions to announce the discovery to the nearest College, while he himself returned to his station. The discovery was of great importance; for a journey of fifteen days by this route would bring Missionaries from Peru to the Moxos.

He goes among the Baures.

Baraza was near the end of his meritorious career. He had proceeded to the Baures, a people to the Eastward of the Moxos, and the most improved of all these numerous tribes. Their villages were built on high places, with some regularity; each was a fortification, so palisadoed as to be secure against any sudden attack, and having loop-holes for the use of their own archers: as a farther precaution, pitfalls were concealed in their paths. The largest and loftiest building was at once their temple and banquetting-house, as among the Manacicas. Their shields were made of platted cane, covered with cotton and fea-

[page] 207

CHAP. XXXIV.

thers, and thus rendered arrow-proof. The women were decently clad: adultery in the female was punished with death, and also the crime of procuring abortion, so commonly practised among other tribes; here it was supposed to bring a mortal plague upon the settlement wherein it was committed, .. a belief which not improbably may have been designedly inculcated. When a guest arrived whom they desired to honour, the women spread before him a large cotton cloth; they had the virtue of hospitality, for they had reached that grade in society of which hospitality is one characteristic; but they were noted for treachery likewise, and are said to have possessed 14 a deadly knowledge of poisons. Drinking was a public concern, and therefore the plants from which their liquor was made were cultivated in a piece of common ground. The Baures were under hereditary Royalets, whom they called Aramas, and of whom there appears to have been one in every settlement. But the Cayubabas, a tribe resembling the Baures in other customs, had one supreme Chief, who was also the High Priest, and whose title was the Paytiti. Here then is the great Paytiti and the great Moxo, whom the early conquerors supposed to have succeeded to the Inca's treasures, and to have founded a richer empire in the centre of the continent than that which Pizarro overthrew. The more improved customs of these people were in reality the wreck of 15

14 They were the only tribes who used the coca or betel, to the use of which the Peruvians are as much addicted as any of the East Indian nations. They are said to have employed it in their superstitions and witchcrafts. And they had also some ill-formed idols. Almanach de Lima.

15 The Lima Almanach says they killed the Jesuit-Missionary of the Reduction of S. Simon, by throwing something into his apartment which emitted a mortal vapour.

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CHAP. XXXIV.

Lettr. Edif. 8. 112.

Almanach de Lima. Garcilaso. l. 7. c. 13—15.

Peruvian civilization: it is true indeed, that where the Incas introduced their arts, they established with true policy their that true policy their language also; and no traces of that language have been detected tribes, though it is widely diffused among the nations of Tucuman: but this country was the last conquest of the Incas, and there had not been time to effect so great a change before the Spaniards entered Peru, and the communication ceased between that country and this remote province.

1702.

Martyrdom of Baraza.

Flourishing state of the Moxo Missions, at his death.

In many of the Baures' settlements Baraza was well received, and listened to with apparent complacency. But being lodged in one which he had not visited before, his companions were alarmed during the night by a great sound of tambours; and as they knew the manners of the people, they were instantly aware that their destruction was intended. Without a moment's delay they urged Baraza to fly; he had scarcely attempted to leave the place, before the barbarians rushed out: he was disabled by a flight of arrows, and then dispatched with a hatchet, in the sixty-first year of his age, after having laboured twenty-seven years among the Moxos. Thus ended the meritorious life of Cypriano Baraza; and it is worthy of remark, that the Jesuits seem never to have larded his history with miracles, as if they felt that no fables were required to exalt his character, or exaggerate the success of his labours. At the time of his death the Moxo Missions vied with the Guarani in every thing, except m population, and perhaps excelled them in some things; certainly they were more progressive. Fifteen settlements had been formed, containing about two thousand inhabitants each, and from twenty to thirty miles apart. Each family had its portion of ground which it was required to cultivate for its own use; and it had an allotment of cattle. There were public lands and public herds for the use of the Church and the Hospital, into which all persons were received who were past their labour. From these funds the public

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CHAP. XXXIV.

Lettr. Edif. t. 8.

Almanach de Lima.

expences were defrayed, and when a new establishment was to be formed, all the others contributed in proportion to their means. The Churches were large, well built, and richly ornamented; for the Spaniards of Peru encouraged these Missions, and sent costly offerings of this kind; and the Indians had made such proficiency in carving and painting, that they were thought skilful artists in that country. Maize, mandioc, rice, plantains, and other esculent indigenous plants, were cultivated with success. Cotton was raised in all the settlements, cacao in many, .. the best it is said in all America, but so unctuous, that the chocolate which is made of it becomes rancid if it be kept very long. Vanilla, copayba, and American cinnamon, are found in the woods, and the tree from which Mary's oil is extracted, .. a name implying that the greatest virtues are ascribed to it. Bees-wax, yellow and white, is found plentifully, and a sort of grey wax in ant-hills; but this is of little value. The Indians evidently possessed an activity not existing in the Guarani Missions, where men having no individual interest in the result of their labour, wanted the strongest motive for exertion which is applicable to the mass of mankind. Here the best workmen were well drest, and even gaily, in cloth and silks, which they obtained by trading with Peru. Nothing was wanting to the prosperity of these Missions, except a better climate. But though the dryest and least insalubrious spots were chosen whenever a Reduction was founded, whole Reductions have been cut off by endemic diseases: and though the women were very prolific, the civilized population would have been thus lamentably extinguished, if the Jesuits had not continually brought in fresh converts from the wilderness. Still however the work of depopulation was going on: for in their scattered and wandering modes of life the natives were only liable to the unwholesome influence of the atmosphere; but when collected into large

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CHAP. XXXIV.

settlements, they were exposed to infection also. On the other hand, more children were born into the world, and the practices of child-murder, war, and cannibalism, were abolished.

Uncertain boundary between the Spanish and Portugueze possessions in this part of the continent.

The limits between the Spanish and Portugueze territories were as yet no where defined, except upon the side of the Plata; and even there, with such studious ambiguity on the part of the Spaniards, that there remained matter enough for future negociation and future bloodshed. Had the demarcation of the interior been made at the same time, any imaginary line that might have been drawn would have assigned some of the richest metallic ground to Spain. But while the Spanish Jesuits were extending their settlements from Santa Cruz and Peru toward the centre of the continent, the Portugueze from S. Paulo and Minas Geraes, were pushing forward toward the same point; and before the limits became matter of discussion, these resolute adventurers occupied the debateable ground.

[page 211]

CHAPTER XXXV.

Troubles in Paraguay. Usurpation of Antequera. Montevideo founded. Rebellion of the Commons. Antequera put to death. Expulsion of the Jesuits from Asumpcion. Murder of the Governor. The rebellion suppressed, and the Jesuits re-established.

CHAP. XXXV.

The Jesuits encountered no opposition from the Spaniards in forming their establishments among the Moxos and Chiquitos. The situation of these establishments was such as not to interfere with the vile interest of the Encomenderos, or traders of any description. Both in Peru and at Santa Cruz they seem to have been favourably regarded by the Governors, and by the people with whom they carried on a commerce, beneficial to both parties. But, in Paraguay, the old hatred against them, which had been smothered since the affair of Cardenas, for half a century, broke out with renewed violence.

1721.

Antequera sent to Asumpcion as Judge.

D. Diego de los Reyes, an inhabitant of Asumpcion, had been appointed Governor, somewhat to the surprize of the people, and to the displeasure of those who, till then, had been his superiors in rank. Cabals were formed, and, at length, criminal charges preferred against him by a powerful party, before the Royal Audience of Charcas. That Tribunal nominated a Judge

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CHAP. XXXV. 1721.

He takes upon himself the Government.

1722.

from its own body to take cognizance of the cause upon the spot, but overlooked the important circumstance, that D. Joseph de Antequera y Castro, the person appointed, had received a commission from the Viceroy of Peru to succeed D. Diego, when the five years of his term should have expired, and was therefore, of all men, most peculiarly interested in the cause which he was to decide. He arrived while D. Diego was visiting the Parana Reductions; the malecontents easily persuaded him to take upon himself the administration; and D. Diego, as soon as he returned, had his Commander's staff forced from him, his person was put in arrest, and proclamation made, that whosoever refused to acknowledge Antequera as Governor, should be regarded as a traitor to the King and the Country. D. Diego had friends among the men who were appointed to guard him; by their help he got out at night, in the disguise of a slave, horses were ready for him, he fled to the nearest Reduction, and embarked for Buenos Ayres, meaning to proceed to Spain, and there appeal to the Sovereign. He learnt, however, in that city, that the Archbishop of Lima, who was then Viceroy, had highly disapproved the conduct of the Audience in appointing for Judge a person who was interested in the decision; that he had annulled the proceedings, ordered the cause to be brought before his own tribunal, and had commanded Antequera to leave Paraguay. Shortly afterwards D. Diego received dispatches from Lima, reinstating him in his appointment; and as he had no suspicion that any resistance would be made to the Viceroy's authority, he set out on his return.

Charlevoix. T. 3. 3—16.

The lawful Governor, D. Diego, is compelled to fly.

But Antequera was as little scrupulous in maintaining his power, as in assuming it. He sent Ramon de las Llanas, one of his most violent partizans, with two hundred men, to arrest D. Diego on the way. The Governor was within twenty-five leagues of Asumpcion, when he received intelligence that this party was

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CHAP. XXXV. 1722.

at hand, just in time to take flight, and again save himself in the Parana Reductions. His son, D. Agustin, who had preceded him, was seized, and, though in orders, was treated with great indignity, and carried prisoner to the city. Antequera assembled the Council, told them that he had accepted the government only for the good of the province, but that it was incumbent upon him now to obey the Viceroy's decision; nevertheless, he would not do this without their consent, for it would be abandoning them to the resentment of a man, from whom he well knew what was to be expected. They required him to continue in his charge, while a fresh representation should be made to the Viceroy. The only two members, who had courage to express a different opinion, were suspended from their offices the next day; and some persons, who refused to sign the fresh charges which were now drawn up against D. Diego, were put in irons.

Charlevoix. 3. 17—20.

Antequera threatens the Reductions.

There was a rumour that D. Diego was coming from the Reductions, to establish himself by means of a Guarani force. Antequera knew that he should attach a strong party to himself if he declared against the Jesuits; and believing, or affecting to believe this report, he put himself at the head of the troops, and marching nearly to the Tebiquari, dispatched letters to the Reductions, denouncing the severest threats against the Indians, if they should make any movement in favour of the deposed Governor. The Jesuit, who presided in the settlements between that river and the Parana, wrote immediately to intreat that he would proceed no farther, lest the Indians should be compelled to defend themselves against the license in which his army indulged. The letter was written in terms of cautious respect; he, in an angry reply, ordered the Magistrates of these Reductions to attend him: they were accompanied by two Jesuits, who assured him that no movement should be made from their settlements without an express order from the King, or the Su-

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CHAP. XXXV. 1723.

perior Tribunals. He extorted the same promise from the Guarani Magistrates, who were as much terrified by his menaces, as they were surprized at being charged with any responsibility; then he marched back to Asumpcion. There the profligacy of his private life attracted notice even among a licentious people, and his rapacity kept pace with his ambition. These latter vices will always find supporters in those who partake of the spoil; and Antequera had powerful friends in the Audience of Charcas, and made his cause good before a Court, which was, in no slight degree, accessary to his usurpation. This Court, either unwilling to acknowledge its original fault, or deceived by the attestations which he had remitted from Asumpcion, sent him fresh orders, prohibiting any person, under a penalty of ten thousand escudos, to make any change in the existing government till the Viceroy should make known his determination, through the channel of that Audience. The Audience had no intention of disputing the Viceroy's authority; they expressed themselves thus inadvertently, because they supposed that, in consequence of the part which they bore in the affair, the dispatches would naturally take this course; and they wrote to the Viceroy, intimating, that as Antequera's commission was effected, it would be prudent to recall him. The Viceroy made answer, that he had already been ordered to withdraw from Paraguay; not because a commission was discharged, which ought never to have been entrusted to him, but because of his conduct, and the troubles which he had excited. The Audience, he added, were already informed, that the charges which Antequera preferred against the Jesuits had been investigated at Lima, and declared to be calumnies; they were now informed, that D. Diego was to be reinstated in his government, and ordered to facilitate his restoration by all means in their power.

Charlevoix. 3. 20—25.

Antequera had eagerly interpreted the dispatches from

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CHAP. XXXV. 1723.

He disobeys the Viceroy.

Garcia Ros instructed to re-establish D. Diego.

Charcas, to the letter, in his own favour. But when farther advices arrived, and he found that he could no longer expect support from that quarter, he declared that he would maintain possession of the government, in defiance of any orders from Lima. It has been supposed, and not without strong grounds, that he thought to make himself King of Paraguay. Men of his temper derive no benefit from the experience of others; and knowing how loosely allegiance sate upon a people so remote from the Court, and from all the superior Tribunals, in a country rendered easy of defence by its extent alone, as well as by all other circumstances, he might flatter himself, not altogether unreasonably, with hope of success. The Viceroy's orders were, that he should immediately leave Paraguay, and appear before the Audience of Lima, bringing with him copies of his edicts, all which were annulled. D. Diego, and they who had been displaced for adhering to him, were restored by these dispatches to their respective offices; but that Governor was forbidden to take cognizance of any proceedings against the persons who had contributed to depose him, this matter being reserved for the ordinary courts of justice. The property confiscated by Antequera was to be restored. D. Balthazar Garcia Ros, the King's Lieutenant of the Plata, who had formerly been Governor of Paraguay, was instructed to see these orders carried into effect. There might be some danger in this service; three other persons therefore were named in succession to undertake it in his default, and a fine of four thousand escudos was imposed upon either of the four who should refuse to accept the commission, without a valid reason for declining it. D. Diego sent a copy of his instructions to his son D. Agustin, who since his capture was living in Asumpcion, and charged him to notify them to Antequera in such a manner that the fact might be too

[page] 216

CHAP. XXXV. 1723.

D. Diego seized at Corrientes, and put in irons.

Charlevoix. 3. 25—30.

public to be denied. D. Agustin took the opportunity of a sort of tournament, held in the Square before the College on S. Ignatius Loyola's eve. Antequera was present at the show; and he, with two other priests accompanying him, held up the dispatches, and required that an assembly of the Cabildo should be convoked, in which he might formally present them. But Antequera took the papers, and neither attempting to restrain his anger, nor dissemble his contempt of the Viceroy's authority, ordered the three Priests to be confined in the sacristy of the Cathedral. Upon examining the papers, he found that one of the persons nominated to execute the orders, in case Garcia Ros should not be able, was D. Francisco de Arce, who was then in Asumpcion; he arrested this officer, exposed him through the city upon a lean horse without a saddle, imprisoned him, and confiscated his property. Then, knowing that D. Diego was at Corrientes, he dispatched his trusty partizan, Ramon de las Llanas, to seize him. Ramon embarked with two boats' companies of soldiers; he arrived at night, and obtained access to D. Diego's chamber upon the plea of having dispatches; thirty of his men followed, under favour of the darkness: they seized him and his papers, hurried him on board in his nightgown, as they had found him, and carried him to Asumpcion, where he was thrown into a dungeon, in chains. The Usurper, as he may now fitly be called, suspected the Jesuits had advised the notification of the dispatches at their festival, and this renewed his animosity against them; the libels of Cardenas, and his Procurador Villalon, the lying Franciscan, were now again brought forward, and a memorial was addressed to the King in the name of the Cabildo, recapitulating calumnies which had so often been confuted, and praying that the Reductions might no longer be under the Company's direction; but that seven of them might

[page] 217

CHAP. XXXV. 1723.

be converted into Encomiendas, and the Indians from the others reserved for the use of the people of Asumpcion, who were greatly in need of them.

Garcia Ros returns to Buenos Ayres.

Garcia Ros having reached Corrientes, announced his approach from thence, in a letter addressed to the Cabildo, and to all the officers for the time being, including Antequera. Upon this a council was called of Antequera's partizans, for they had been appointed to all offices, civil and ecclesiastical; the Usurper, in a concerted scene, laid down his Governor's staff, and was required to take it up again, and continue to govern the province till the Viceroy should have nominated such a successor as they should recommend. A Captain, at the head of an hundred men, was dispatched to notify these proceedings to Garcia Ros, and warn him to quit the province, if he should already have entered it, or to abide in it at his peril. There was no demurring to an order backed by such ruffian force, and therefore he retired to Buenos Ayres; but he first visited the Parana Reductions, and lest they might be occupied by the rebels, suggested that those which were most exposed should be strengthened by detachments from the remoter settlements. But the Provincial, F. Luiz de Rocca, being there upon his visitation, prevented any measure of this kind; for Antequera, he said, upon the slightest military movements in that quarter, would execute his threat of expelling the Jesuits from Asumpcion, and delivering them to the Guaycurus, if the Guaranies should take arms against him.

Charlevoix. 3. 30—43.

Disputes concerning the territory of Colonia.

The course of this incipient rebellion was awhile suspended by events which led to important consequences. Spain, notwithstanding the concessions which it had made at the peace of Utrecht, could brook no competitor in the Plata. It soon rid itself of the Slave-factory which had been granted to the English. In the war with England, which Alberoni provoked by his

VOL. III. 2 F

[page] 218

CHAP. XXXV. 1723.

Coxe's Memoirs of Sir R. Walpole. Ch. 19.

1718.

5 Nov. 1716.

Protesto do Governador da Colonia. MS.

Instruccam ao Joze da Cunha Brochado. 24 May, 1725. MS.

great projects of ambition, the persons, as well as property of the British traders in that river, were seized, although, in case of hostilities, the Assiento expressly allowed eighteen months for the removal of their effects: the annual ship had made but one voyage at this time, and thus this disgraceful arrangement, wherewith Harley and Bolingbroke had deluded the nation, ended in the ruin of those who were engaged in it. The terms with Portugal, concerning Nova Colonia, were not more faithfully observed. Colonia, indeed, was restored; but Spain would not admit that the question concerning its territory was decided; and when the Camp-Master, Manoel Gomez Barbosa, took possession of the place, the Spaniards refused to withdraw a body of troops from the river S. Juan, where they were posted to keep possession of the country. The Portugueze Commander accepted such cession as was made, rather than give occasion of breaking the peace, and drew up a formal protest, that the claims of his Government might not be prejudiced. When complaint was made to the Court of Spain, and full restitution demanded, that Court pretended that no farther extent of ground belonged to Colonia, than the cannon from its walls could command. The point was debated by the Portugueze Ambassadors at Madrid, year after year, against a Government characteristically pertinacious, and impenetrable to any reasoning that contradicted its own inveterate notions. They were referred to the Council of the Indies, and to the Council of Castille; and one of those Ambassadors, a man of strong sense and caustic manner, observed in his dispatches, that it would be easier to persuade these tribunals, and this nation, to abolish the Inquisition, than to cede a single foot of ground in America to any European people, and, least of all people, to the Portugueze.

Brochado. Cartas e Negociaçoens na sua ultima Missam. MSS.

Portugal had always believed that its share of America extended to the Plata; nor, indeed, could any thing be more evi-

[page] 219

CHAP. XXXV. 1723.

The Portugueze determine to occupy the North bank of the Plata.

dent than this, that if it had a right to establish itself at Colonia, its claim must be equally valid to the whole territory between that point and the sea, wherever the interior limits might be drawn. Accordingly, eight years after the signature of the treaty, the Portugueze Government reasonably concluded that no right, in such cases, was so good as that of possession, and therefore determined to occupy a situation which should secure to it the country in dispute. A better choice was made than when Colonia was founded. A hill, about two hundred and fifty feet in height, shelters, in a great degree, from the West wind, the best harbour on the North shore of the Plata; it is the highest ground in that part of the land, and its name from this time became well known, having been given to the town of Montevideo, which was founded on this occasion. The harbour is of an oval shape, and very commodious. Two rivulets of good water run into it. The bottom is muddy, and so soft, that though, in the deepest part, the lead only gives three fathoms and a half, vessels of greater draught may enter at high tide without damage, and bed themselves in the mud at low water. The town, which covers the extremity of a peninsula, and is built on sloping ground, affords some shelter from the East; and the landing-place is within the Eastern point of the harbour's mouth, in perfectly still water.

Voyage to the Plata. MS.

They begin to fortify Montevideo.

The Governor of the Rio, Ayres de Saldanha de Albuquerque, dispatched an expedition under the Camp-Master Manoel Freitas de Fonseca, to take possession of this port, and settle a colony there. The measure would have been wise, if it had been well supported; but never was any important object more feebly attempted, or with more insufficient means. The Portugueze even seem to have calculated, in some degree, for success, upon the chance of establishing themselves before the Spaniards should be informed of their arrival; but when they entered the harbour,

[page] 220

CHAP. XXXV. 1723.

27 Nov.

they found a launch from Buenos Ayres engaged in intercourse with the natives. Manoel Freitas landed, with the Engineer, Pedro Gomez Chaves, and his officers, to chuse a site for the intended settlement; and, for the sake of water, they fixed upon a spot at the eastern point of the harbour, though it was commanded by higher ground. This disadvantage they thought to remedy by raising their works; but it was a loose soil, they were not provided with fascines, and could procure none: for the country round consists of open downs, and the nearest wood is upon the river S. Lucia, twenty miles distant. They were obliged, therefore, to support the parapet with some planks which happened to be on board a vessel bound for Colonia. These wretched works were hastily thrown up, under an apprehension of immediate danger; for the Indians, with whom the Spanish launch had communicated, manifested no friendly appearance; a dispatch from Colonia warned them to be upon their guard; and, on the fifth day after their arrival, two hundred Spanish troops appeared. They encamped near the site of the intended town, posting centinels upon the very ground where the Portugueze, till then, had stationed theirs; and, after a few days, the Commandant demanded, by letter, for what reason the Portugueze had thought proper to fortify themselves upon the territories of the King of Spain.

Requerimento de Manoel Freitas de Fonseca, MS.

The Spaniards compel them to withdraw.

D. Bruno Mauricio de Zavala, then Governor of Buenos Ayres, had been equally prompt and decisive in his measures. He had immediately dispatched as many troops as could possibly be got ready, and he did not rely too much upon the weakness of the Portugueze; for, perhaps, he thought it incredible that the Governor of the Rio should have attempted this measure, unless he meant to support it with an adequate force: and as he supposed that Garcia Ros would, by this time, have restored the royal authority at Asumpcion, he sent for assistance from Para-

[page] 221

CHAP. XXXV. 1723.

Charlevoix. 3. 33.

1724.

guay. Antequera received the order, and gladly obeyed it; because it gave him an opportunity of sending away such troops as he distrusted, and this obedience might afterwards be pleaded as a proof of his loyalty. The Jesuits were also called upon for their service, and supplies of men, stores, and ammunition, arrived every day for the Spaniards; while the Portugueze, in all the misery of conscious feebleness, were proceeding hopelessly with works, which, if they could have been finished, would have afforded them no security. Their tools were bad, their means were insufficient; the expedition had been wretchedly fitted out; and when, upon the first day of the new year, they hoisted the Quinas, and fired a salute, the shock of their own guns threw down part of the parapet, and before they could repair the damage, a thunder-storm demolished the rest. Well might the poor Commander lament the hour in which he was ordered upon such a service. Neither aid nor instructions could be expected from the Rio, because of the distance; and Colonia was so little able to assist him, that the Governor of that place having sent him forty horse, was fain to request that ten of them might be returned, as otherwise he could not mount his own guard. Could he have made the works defensible before the Spaniards came up, he would, probably, have defended them without scruple: the celerity of their movements prevented this; and now, when they carried off, in his sight, the cattle which he had purchased for his people, so sensible was he of his weakness, that he dared not make even a show of resistance; his only hope now being, that he might not incur the double demerit of failing in the expedition, and bringing on hostilities with Spain. In this situation it was a relief to him, when he was advised from Colonia that the Spaniards were preparing to blockade him by sea as well as by land, and when the Captain of the King's ship, which had escorted him, refused to expose his vessel in the vain

[page] 222

CHAP. XXXV. 1724.

Manoel Freitas. Requerimento. MS. Peramas Agullii Vita. § 19—20.

attempt of defending the port. No alternative was now left him, so he re-embarked his people, meaning to proceed to Colonia; but the Captain, without regarding his wishes or intentions, made sail for the Rio, as soon as he had got them on board; and, on their arrival, Manoel Freitas and his officers were put in confinement by the Governor, for a failure which was attributable to his own misconduct, not to theirs.

Montevideo founded by the Spaniards.

This attempt was fatal to the just claims of the Portugueze. Zavala saw the importance of the position upon which they had fixed, and was resolved not to lose the occupancy which he had gained. Sending back, therefore, half the Guaranies, he retained two thousand, with two Jesuits to superintend them, and employed them in erecting fortifications, and laying the foundations of a town, while the Portugueze confined their exertions to the humiliating task of making vain remonstrances at the Court of Madrid. A double marriage was, at that time, negociating between the house of Braganza and the Spanish Bourbons; but this did not produce the slightest alteration in the inflexible policy of Spain. The Portugueze Minister presented memorial after memorial, requiring that the Spaniards should be withdrawn from Montevideo; but he clearly perceived that the only use of these memorials was to prevent the Spaniards from saying, at some future time, that the Court of Portugal had tacitly relinquished its claim: a plea which they would gladly have used, had it been afforded them. Meantime the works were vigorously carried on; colonists were sent out, during many successive seasons, from the 1 Canaries; and, in a very few

Brochado. Cartas e Negociaçoens. MSS.

Peramas Agullii Vita. § 21—22.

1 The last of these colonists, a woman, by name Cabrera, died in 1787. (Peramas.) Charlevoix (3, 33,) is exceedingly erroneous in his account of these transactions. He says, that the Spaniards had begun to fortify Montevideo, which was the only fort remaining to them on that side of the river, and that before they had completed their works, the Portugueze came to menace them there. The account in the text is derived from a memorial drawn up by the poor Portugueze Commander, during his confinement at the Rio, and from the official correspondence of the Portugueze Ambassador at Madrid.

[page] 223

CHAP. XXXV. 1724.

years, Montevideo became the most flourishing of all the Spanish settlements in these provinces, Buenos Ayres alone excepted.

Garcia Ros marches against Asumpcion.

Meantime D. Joseph Palos, who had been appointed Coadjutor of Asumpcion, arrived at Buenos Ayres on his way to that city: the Bishop was detained in Spain by habitual infirmities, which made it impossible to take possession of his See. He found Garcia Ros preparing to set out a second time on his commission, armed with proper powers for employing force if his authority should be resisted. That officer would fain have persuaded the Coadjutor to accompany him; but he, who was a man of great prudence as well as goodness, perceived how important it was to avoid exciting any prejudice which might impede the service he hoped to perform, and therefore he went no farther with him than the Falls of the Uruguay. From Los Reyes the Spanish Commander wrote to the Superior of the Reductions, requiring that two thousand Guaranies, with stores for two months, might be ready for him in six weeks on the Tebiquari; he called upon the Commandant at Corrientes to be ready with two hundred Spaniards upon the first summons, and he also summoned the militia of Villa Rica and Espirito Santo; but from these places not more than fifty men joined him, because a contagious disease was prevailing in that part of the country. He found the Guaranies punctually at the time and place appointed; Ramon de las Llanas, with two hundred of Antequera's troops, was on the opposite bank, and made no at-

Charlevoix 3. 36—38.

[page] 224

CHAP. XXXV. 1724.

tempt to oppose the passage; but retiring a little way before them, he required Garcia Ros to withdraw from Paraguay in the name of the Royal Audience of the Charcas; and he sent to Asumpcion for fresh instructions.

Antequera prepares to oppose him.

The Jesuits are expelled from Assumpcion.

Charlevoix. 3. 38—40.

Antequera immediately fired a cannon as a signal for his partizans to assemble. The people did not take arms in his behalf with so much alacrity as he expected; he therefore spread a report that he had received a letter from Garcia Ros, threatening, if the slightest resistance should be made, to burn the city, put all the men to the sword, and deliver up the women to the Guaranies of the Reductions. This villany succeeded, because men who are possessed with a spirit of sedition will believe any calumnies, however absurd, against those whom it is their duty to obey. A day was fixed for marching against Garcia Ros, and an edict appeared, in the names of all the magistracy, commanding the Jesuits to quit the city within three hours. There were not wanting persons who proposed to batter down their College, and their Church, if they made the slightest demurral. It availed them not to plead their innocence, their common rights, and their peculiar privileges. The second summons was enforced by a body of armed men drawn up in the Plaza before the College: the Vicar General of the Diocese then took the Pix from their altar to deposit it in the Cathedral, and was followed by the Jesuits in procession, two and two, with tapers in their hands. No interruption was offered, for speculative irreligion had not yet entered South America: but as soon as they were returned, they were ordered by a third summons, instantly to leave the College, unless they chose to be buried in its ruins: so each man took his crucifix and his breviary, and leaving every thing else to their enemies, they set out to make their way as they could to the Reductions. That they were treated less brutally than on their former expulsion, must be imputed not to

[page] 225

CHAP. XXXV. 1724.

any melioration in the feelings or manners of the people, but to the difference of temper between Cardenas and Antequera.

Antequera marches against Garcia Ros.

On that same day Antequera set out to put himself at the head of his forces; all Spaniards capable of bearing arms were ordered to join him on pain of corporal punishment and confiscation of property. In such a country the summons was easily disobeyed; yet he found means to collect one of the largest forces which had ever been brought together in that part of the world, consisting of about three thousand men of all shades of colour. He left orders for strangling D. Diego publicly upon a scaffold, if tidings of his defeat should arrive; the Alguazil-Mayor, D. Juan de Mena, was charged with this commission, .. and so ready was he to execute it, that he urged Antequera not to delay the act; but his advice was overruled, and his ferocious disposition controlled, by D. Sebastian Rodriguez de Arellano, who was left with the command in the city. As soon as Antequera joined the troops he promised in an harangue to reward them with the whole plunder of the Enemy's camp, and of the College, and of the Reductions, and to distribute the Indians of the Reductions among the officers and the chief families in Asumpcion. When the two armies came in sight, Garcia Ros began to distrust the Guaranies in whom his chief strength consisted; but on the other hand, when he perceived by a few shot that were fired, how ill the enemy's artillery was served, he acquired confidence, and was less upon his guard than the consciousness of his own inferiority would otherwise have made him. He wished however to avoid an action, in hope that the sense of duty might operate among the Spaniards in his favour; and Antequera, on his part, would not provoke one, because he expected to find an opportunity of attacking the Guaranies unawares, and securing a victory which would be equally easy and compleat; .. for he knew that, under the moral discipline of the Jesuits, they were rather

VOL. III. 2 G

[page] 226

CHAP. XXXV. 1724.

He deceives end slaughters the Guaranies.

to be regarded as great children than as men. Accordingly as he had anticipated, they soon began to quit their posts for the pleasure of bathing; and as no hostile movements were going on, they learnt ere long to consider the opposite army rather as an, object of curiosity, than of vigilance. Every day some of them drew nearer to look at it, till at length, by Antequera's management, they were encouraged to enter the camp, and some of them were brought before him. He treated them with great affability, and assured them that he was at least as good a servant of the King their master, as any of those persons who were now making war upon him; in proof of which, he said, he should celebrate the King's birth-day on the twenty-fifth, with great rejoicings; and he advised them to do the same, and gave them an account of the ceremonies which would be observed by his people, that they might imitate or vie with them. That the Jesuits should have kept no better watch over their soldiers, is indeed surprizing; that the Spanish Commander should have disregarded the commonest precautions of military duty, would appear so, if we did not know the strange and inveterate indiscipline of a Spanish army. On the day appointed, which was the festival of King St. Louis, the Guaranies thought of nothing but the holyday show; and being especially curious to see what would be done in Antequera's camp, they drew near for that purpose. He suffered them to advance so far from their own lines as to be beyond all chance of protection, and then slowly moved towards them at the head of his cavalry. The Guaranies believed this to be part of the ceremony; till, to their utter astonishment, the Spaniards suddenly spurred their horses and charged them sword in hand. So little was Garcia Ros able to afford them any assistance, that he had not time even to save his papers; with only his chaplain in company, he fled full speed to the Reduction of S. Ignatius, hastened from thence to

[page] 227

CHAP. XXXV. 1724.

Corrientes, and there embarked for Buenos Ayres. One of the officers in Antequera's army had compassion upon the miserable Guaranies, and checked the slaughter; but about three hundred were massacred in the first assault, and many were butchered in the woods on the succeeding days, by the more brutal of the enemy. The Spaniards were more intent on making prisoners; and all that were taken were shared among them as slaves. In this affair, which was as disgraceful to the one party for their negligence as to the other for their treachery, the Camp-Master of the Loyalists was mortally wounded, and the two Jesuits who superintended the Indians, were taken.

Charlevoix. 3. 40—45.

He advances to the Parana Reductions.

A requisition was now presented to Antequera in the name of the Province, that he should advance against the Reductions, and reduce the Guaranies to the service of the public, and of those individuals who deserved to be rewarded. The force which he had dispersed had been drafted from the four nearest Reductions, and these were the first objects of his vengeance. But no sooner was his approach known than the inhabitants fled to the woods; and when he reached N. Señora de la Fé, the first of these establishments, no person remained there except F. Felix de Villa Garcia, who met him at the entrance. This was a sore disappointment to Antequera; for some of his officers, and the Camp-Master among them, were averse to the enterprize, and he wished much to have gratified his more violent partizans, who had been in great measure induced to join him, by the hope of obtaining an allotment of slaves. Howbeit, he accommodated himself with some grace to circumstances which he could not overrule, treated the Missionary with respect, and by his means induced about an hundred families to return, protesting that he had no intention of molesting them in any way, and that he only required them to acknowledge him as Governor. For the sake of exercising this authority, he appointed

[page] 228

CHAP. XXXV. 1724.

Antequera returns, in apprehension of an attach.

Charlevoix. 3. 45—53.

some of those who returned, to the offices of the establishment. From thence he proceeded to S. Rosa, where, as in the former instance, he found a deserted town, and the Jesuit F. Francisco de Robles to receive him. Antequera, seeing that his first object was entirely frustrated, had now thought of gratifying his partizans in another manner: he accosted the Missionary, therefore, with a demand that the Reductions should indemnify him for all the expences of the war, in which they had had the temerity to engage. A Jesuit was never at a loss for a prudent answer. Robles replied, he should not oppose such a demand, but it was necessary that a Judge appointed by the King should first condemn them to this amends; and it was obvious, that nothing could be exacted from them while the people continued in the woods. Antequera was not prepared for such a reply, and just at this time he was informed that a body of five thousand Indians, who had been collected to reinforce Garcia Ros before his retreat, were within a few leagues of S. Rosa, burning to take vengeance for their brethren. He had no inclination to meet a force so greatly outnumbering his own, and now in a temper which it would not have been easy to deceive; therefore he gave orders for returning immediately to Asumpcion. His people, thus disappointed in all their hopes of booty, committed havoc as they went along, destroying the few scattered habitations in the Guaranies' country, and butchering the horses and cattle whose owners had not had time for driving them to a place of safety. Antequera was received in the city like a victorious Prince returning to his beloved people. Triumphal arches were erected in the streets, and a soldier in his train trailed the royal flag in the dust. A service was solemnly performed for the souls of the few that had fallen on his side; and the wives and families of those persons who had joined Garcia Ros, were put in confinement.

[page] 229

CHAP. XXXV. 1725.

The Coadjutor goes to Asumpcion.

The Coadjutor had good reason now to rejoice that he had accompanied the military expedition. He proceeded with a small retinue; Antequera went out to receive him, and he was conducted into the city with the honours due to his rank. There, in the exercise of his spiritual functions, he soon discovered that some of the leading men were discontented with their situation, and desirous of re-establishing the lawful authority. His presence contributed greatly to restore some appearance of subordination, and he found means to inform the Audience of Charcas, and the Court, of the real state of things. Meantime a new Viceroy arrived in Peru, and one of his first measures was to direct that Zavala should go to Asumpcion with a sufficient force for reducing the rebels, send Antequera prisoner to Lima, and appoint a proper Governor. The Jesuits were instructed to supply him with any number of Indians that he might require. While Zavala prepared for the expedition, he sent advice of his orders to the Coadjutor and Antequera, saying also that he was authorized to pardon all those who should voluntarily return to their duty. Many persons pledged themselves to the Coadjutor to avail themselves of this pardon, whatever part Antequera might take: he would have prepared for resistance, but he found his schemes counteracted by the silent measures of the Coadjutor; and having then recourse to dissimulation, wrote to Zavala, and signified his readiness to submit. Yet he tried every means to recover his former ascendancy by inflaming the people, alarming them sometimes with reports that the Jesuits were bringing a force of the wild Charruas against them, and sometimes with the more probable apprehension, that Zavala would never pardon them for having seized D. Diego in a town of his jurisdiction. These schemes were so far successful, that the Cabildo presented a Memorial to the Coad-

[page] 230

CHAP. XXXV. 1725.

Antequera flies.

Barua appointed Governor ad interim.

Charlevoix. 3. 53—69.

jutor, requiring him to interfere, and dissuade the Governor from entering Paraguay with an armed force. It was presented by Ramon de las Llanas; and, perhaps, Antequera may have wished that this desperate rebel might engage the Cabildo in some act of violence against the Coadjutor. The Prelate apprehended such an intention, and avoided the danger by promising that he would advise him to enter with no other force than his guards. Ramon was now sent round the nearest settlements, to secure them in their doubtful fidelity to Antequera; but the fall of this vain adventurer was near: the Coadjutor, by means of clerical agents, was before hand with him, and feeling that the moment was come for acting decisively in the King's service, he assembled the Chapter, and issued a decree of excommunication against any person who should oppose the reception of the King's Governor. Excommunications had not been played with, as in the days of Cardenas; this, therefore, had its effect, and Antequera, with his Camp-Master Montiel, and Juan de Mena, fled down the river. Zavala advanced without opposition; and even Ramon de las Llanas, who had used every exertion to excite a resistance, found it expedient to go out, and meet him at his entrance. He brought with him, from Santa Fé, D. Martin de Barua, whom he thought a fit person to be Governor till the King should appoint one; and having established him in that office, and delivered D. Diego from prison, the general appearance of submission persuaded him that tranquillity was perfectly restored, and he returned to Buenos Ayres. The conciliating conduct which he had adopted by the Coadjutor's advice, contributed in no slight degree to this appearance; for D. Diego had been advised not to leave his house, or receive any visits, till his health would permit him to embark for Buenos Ayres; and the payment of a fine, which the Viceroy had im-

[page] 231

CHAP. XXXV. 1726.

posed upon those who had disobeyed his commands, was suspended till the result of the Coadjutor's intercession with the King should be known.

Barua's misconduct.

Apologia da Companhia. MS. § 10.

It soon appeared how little the submission of this turbulent people was to be trusted. They cared little for Antequera; the Spaniards were still a jealous race of men, and his licentious manners had made him some personal enemies, and might alone have lessened him in the general opinion, even if his day of popularity had not gone by. But when a decree of the Audience, for re-establishing the Jesuits in their College, was received, the majority of the Cabildo voted that a representation against it should be transmitted to that Tribunal. Barua was inimical to the Jesuits, .. some of his memorials against them are among the innumerable libels of this kind, which were presented to the Court of Spain, and triumphantly confuted; he therefore made no effort to carry into effect the known intentions of the Viceroy and the Court. This party was farther encouraged by the appointment of D. Bartholome de Aldunate to the Government. At this time the Jesuits were beginning to lose that favour in the Catholic Courts which they had so long possessed; and Aldunate owed his promotion to a project which he had transmitted, for establishing Spanish Corregidores in the Reductions, throwing open the trade of those settlements, and raising the same poll-tax there as upon the Indians in Peru. That part of the scheme, which promised an immediate increase of revenue, was adopted; but, before the order reached Buenos Ayres, Aldunate, for some misconduct in that city, had been suspended from all his employments. Barua thus remained with the government till another successor could be appointed; and the intention of raising the capitation was laid aside, in consequence of events which put the utility of the existing system to the test. An order came out for restoring the Jesuits; and, as a means of

[page] 232

CHAP. XXXV. 1728.

The Jesuits are restored.

preventing farther disputes, the Reductions on the Parana were placed under the jurisdiction of Buenos Ayres instead of Paraguay. After many delays the expelled Religioners at length made a public entry; the Provincial came with them, and their re-establishment could not have been attended with greater ceremonies, if all the demonstrations of joy had been sincere. The Sacrament was carried back from the Cathedral to the College by the Coadjutor, as solemnly as it had been removed; and the very soldiers, who had been the instruments of expelling the Company, assisted now to do them honour.

Charlevoix. 3. 69—83.

Antequera sent prisoner to Lima.

Antequera, when he fled from Asumpcion, landed above Santa Fé, and made his way across the country to Cordoba, where for a time he appeared in public, and sent abroad various writings against the Jesuits. After awhile he thought it prudent to take shelter in the Franciscan Convent; but aving learnt that orders for seizing him, dead or alive, were come from Lima, he escaped by night in disguise, and got to Chuquisaca, where he expected that the Audience would favour him: there he was put in irons, and sent to Lima, with his partizan Mena, who, in a like confidence, had taken the same course. Such is the capricious administration of justice under a Spanish Government, that he was detained there five years, under no other circumstance of inconvenience than that of being lodged in the prison: for he was allowed to go whither he pleased by day, about the city, and the adjoining country. During this time he did not fail to make numerous friends: men are easily inclined to think well of those who appear to be oppressed; and rival Orders eagerly accredited any representations which impeached the Jesuits, whom they hated. He found means also of keeping up a correspondence with Paraguay, and encouraging his partizans there, who were also assured of Barua's protection. This emboldened them so greatly, that when a Judge arrived from Lima with a commission

[page] 233

CHAP. XXXV. 1728.

to proceed against the leaders of the late rebellion, and confiscate the property of the guilty, Ramon and Montiel, who had been permitted to return, attempted to raise an insurrection. They failed in this; Montiel absconded, and Ramon was arrested: but no sooner had the Judge departed, after having performed his commission, than both these men appeared in public, with the knowledge, and therefore manifestly not without the approbation, of Barua.

Charlevoix. 3. 83—90.

Faction of the Commons begun by Mompo.

As soon as the Viceroy understood in what manner Barua was acting, he saw the necessity of removing such a Governor without delay, and dispatched D. Iñigo Soroeta to supersede him. A certain Fernando Mompo, who had escaped from prison at Lima, was in Asumpcion when the news of this appointment arrived. He was one of those men who are usually among the prime movers of popular revolutions; who, being without personal courage, are audacious when they have a multitude to support them; who boast of their public virtue, while they live in the habitual breach of every private duty; and who are never at a loss for words, because they are too ignorant to understand their own ignorance, and are alike regardless of logic and of truth. Such men naturally desire to promote an order of things in which authority shall be conferred by the rabble, and loquacity and impudence be the all-sufficient qualifications. This fellow began to teach, that the authority of the Commons was superior to that of the King; he advised that, in the name of the Commons, they should refuse to admit Soroeta; and argued, that what should thus be done in the name of the collective body, could never be proved as a crime against any individual. Remote colonies tend inevitably toward republicanism: .. his doctrine found willing disciples the few who opposed it were designated by the invidious appellation of Contrabandos, while the Comuneros triumphantly gave the law, and proclaimed

VOL. III. 2 H.

[page] 234

CHAP. XXXV. 1730.

that they would have no Governor except Barua. Barua, meantime, had two objects in view; .. he wished to keep his situation as long as possible; but he was especially anxious to avoid any overt act, which might one day draw upon him the punishment he deserved. When, therefore, letters from Soroeta came, stating that he had reached Santa Fe on his way to Asumpcion, he proposed that a deputation should be sent to welcome him; but at this very time Mompo, Ramon, and Montiel, were exciting the people in the adjoining country to insurrection, and two officers of the faction were actually raising troops. At this juncture the Coadjutor, who had been absent on his visitation, returned to the city; and understanding the state of things, he spoke to the Governor immediately after he had performed mass, in presence of the Chapter, the Cabildo, and all the clergy, told him he was well informed that a conspiracy was going on, and warned him of the specific measures which had been taken to forward it. Barua received this address with no good will; coldly replied that he was ignorant of any such proceedings, and even vouched for the good conduct of Mompo and the two officers. Before two days had elapsed these officers approached the city, at the head of an armed force; and, in reply to a message from Barua, forbidding them to advance, said, they had matters to represent, on the part of the Commons, to the Governor and the Cabildo. So they entered, dispersed placards against the Viceroy, the Coadjutor, and the Jesuits; and declared that they would not admit Soroeta, nor have any other person for their Governor but Barua himself.

Charlevoix. 3. 90—92.

Barua resigns his office in fear.

Barua, who was always calculating how to excuse himself to the Court, when subordination should be restored, was frightened by these proceedings, and resigned his office. This could only make the present evil worse: moderate men entreated him to retain his authority, till he could surrender it to his successor;

[page] 235

CHAP. XXXV. 1731.

the Coadjutor, twice, at the head of all the superior Clergy and Religioners, represented that this was his plain duty; and the more violent, who were still desirous of having a semblance of legality on their side, exclaimed that he should be compelled to resume the staff which he had laid down. At length he promised to consent, provided the Coadjutor would obtain an engagement from the Commons that they would not resist Soroeta; and they agreed to this, upon the Coadjutor's pledging himself that Soroeta should not proceed against them for any thing which had hitherto been done. Their words having been given to the agreement, they went to hear Mass. This ceremony should have been the seal of the accord; but, during the performance, some agitators succeeded in inflaming them more than ever, and they left the Church, exclaiming, with one voice, that Soroeta never should be their Governor. Barua then persisted in his resignation with undissembled fear; and the Commons, taking the authority into their own hands, began to exercise it, as authority so obtained, and in such hands, is usually exercised. They displaced the existing magistrates, elected new ones, threw into prison those persons whom they disliked, cried out that the Jesuits must be peremptorily and finally expelled, and plundered friend as well as foe. The more respectable leaders of the party were startled at these excesses, and withdrew to their estates, that they might not appear to sanction what they were unable to prevent. They left a guard over Barua, for the security of his person; and stationed another at the Town-house, where some of the new Magistrates were held in durance, because they would not consent to the expulsion of the Jesuits.

Charlevoix. 3. 92—94.

Soroeta arrives at Asumpcion, and is compelled to withdraw.

By this time Soroeta had reached the Tebiquari; there he received advises from Barua, informing him of the conduct of the Commons; and from the Coadjutor, cautioning him not to proceed without a safe conduct. A safe conduct was sent him

[page] 236

CHAP. XXXV. 1731.

by the Magistrates, and, as soon as he had crossed the river, he was met by a party of about fourscore soldiers, who said they were sent to escort him. However little he might have wished for such an escort, he perceived that it was intended he should not retreat; and the escort increased, as he advanced, till it amounted to some thousand persons. But he, being a man of prudence and of courage, demeaned himself so as neither to betray any mark of apprehension, nor draw upon himself any personal indignity. Barua had not thought proper to quit the Government-house. Soroeta, therefore, was conducted to private apartments, and a guard assigned him, who suffered no person to communicate with him in private. On the following day he presented his commission in the Town-house; the Magistrates received it, and promised obedience; but the demagogues, immediately assembled the Commons in insurrection, and Soroeta was ordered, in their name, to quit the province. Such orders could not be disobeyed so safely as the King's. Before he departed he learnt how it had been concerted, with the leaders of the Commons, that Barua should be acclaimed Governor on the near festival of St. Blaise, who is one of the patron Saints of Asumpcion; and in taking leave of this poor intriguer, Soroeta said, "Adieu, Sir: as soon as my back is turned you will resume your staff." The hint was conveyed with no friendly feeling; but it had its effect, and intimidated Barua from an act which might have drawn upon him the punishment of treason. Soroeta returned by land, as he came: had he gone down the river, as he was advised by persons who affected a concern for his safety, it is said that measures had been taken for destroying him by the hands of the Payaguas.

Charlevoix. 3. 94—96.

Barreyro protects the Jesuits.

It is remarkable that the Jesuits should still have been allowed to continue in their College. But they had good friends in office; and, perhaps, the thoughts of the people were for a time

[page] 237

CHAP. XXXV. 1731.

He arrests Mompo.

He is compelled to fly.

Charlevoix. 3. 96—102.

P. Geronimo Herran.

Lettr. Edif. 9. 164.

drawn off them, when the disturbances had assumed the character of a contest between the Commons and the Crown. The Coadjutor had declared, that if any wrong was offered them, he would lay the city under an interdict; but when he understood that, notwithstanding this declaration, the Commons were determined upon their expulsion, he thought it better to withdraw, than expose the authority of the Church to contempt. He acted wisely in this, for he was greatly and generally respected; he had made no personal enemies, though he never shrunk from the performance of his duty; and it may be, that the Commons did not proceed with violence, as they had intended, because they hoped that this moderation might induce him to return. The Jesuits had also a protector in D. Joseph Luis Barreyro, whom the prevailing faction had chosen to be one of the Alcaldes, and now, having intrusted the Government to a Junta, appointed him to be its President. Barreyro was bold, subtle, and loyal at heart. He thought the best service which could be effected, would be to rid the province of Mompo; and decoying this demagogue to the Tepiquari, he there arrested him in the King's name, and sent him prisoner to Buenos Ayres: from thence he was ordered to Lima for trial; but he escaped on the way, and taking refuge in Brazil, was heard of no more. Barreyro maintained his authority a few months after this act of vigour; but when he would have brought some other criminals to justice, and had condemned them to death, the Commander of the troops declared against him; and after vainly endeavouring to resist force by force, he was compelled to leave the city, and after many dangers effected his escape to the Reductions. The Commons did not yet expel the Jesuits, though they sought to make them withdraw by means of insults, and perpetual vexations. But they were not long without a protector; for the

[page] 238

CHAP. XXXV. 1731.

Coadjutor was encouraged to return, and his presence again restrained the populace.

Antequera condemned and put to death.

The Viceroy had little expected that his authority would be so openly defied at Asumpcion; and learning, upon Soroeta's return, that Antequera and Mena still continued, through their partizans, to influence that unhappy city, he threw them into strict confinement, and hurried on the proceedings against them, which had been so long suspended that the prisoners apprehended no danger from the result. They were found guilty of sedition, rebellion, and treason, and condemned to death. Antequera was taken from prison upon a horse caparisoned with black, and a crier went before, proclaiming his crimes. Two scaffolds were erected in the great square, one higher than the other; upon the more elevated one he was to be beheaded, and Mena to be strangled on the other. Antequera was exceedingly penitent as soon as his fate became certain; but the justice of his sentence was not so readily admitted by others as by himself. The Jesuits had many enemies in Lima, and he had made many friends: moreover there seemed capriciousness at least, if not injustice, in leaving his cause so long undecided, and then, after many years, during which he had scarcely been subjected to the forms of confinement, condemning him to death for an offence, of which the whole nature, extent, and magnitude, had been known from the first. The streets, therefore, were filled with a tumultuous multitude when he was brought out; loud cries of indignation were set up; a Franciscan mounted the scaffold, and stood there, crying out "Pardon!" with all his might; even the least intemperate of the mob repeated this call, and there appeared a determined intention of rescuing the prisoner. Against this danger the Viceroy had provided, by sending for a detachment of troops from the port: and when the tumult increased, he

[page] 239

CHAP. XXXV. 1731.

himself rode to the place of execution. His presence only irritated the people; stones were thrown at him, and seeing the necessity of instant decision, he gave orders to fire upon Antequera, who was still on horseback: he fell instantly, and expired in the arms of the Religioners who were attending him. Two Franciscans, actively engaged in the insurrection, were marked and shot; this effectually intimidated the multitude, and not a murmur was heard when Antequera's body was decapitated, and the head held up. Mena was then brought from prison: the executioner who should have strangled him was not to be found; but this occasioned no delay, for the Viceroy had him beheaded.

Charlevoix. 3. 102—107.

The people of Asumpcion are incensed at this, and again expel the Jesuits.

The people of Asumpcion, though they had not manifested any strong attachment to Antequera while he was living, were both alarmed and exasperated at his execution. His daughter, the widow of Ramon de las Llanas, and then in mourning for him, threw aside her weeds, and went abroad in her richest attire, saying it did not become her to wear any marks of sorrow for a father, who had suffered so gloriously in the service of his country. Antequera and Mena were now publicly eulogized as martyrs for liberty. A meeting was held in the Town-house, where it was decreed that the Jesuits should immediately be sent down the river; that all persons who had deserted the part of the Commons should be put to death; that guards should be set upon the Coadjutor, to prevent him from quitting his house, or showing himself to the people; and that no person, on pain of death, should publish the excommunication and interdict with which he had threatened them. The first of these resolutions was immediately executed; the College was broken open and pillaged, and the Jesuits driven out, and compelled to embark, without allowing them time to deposit the Sacrament in safety, or take their breviaries on this occasion. The Coadjutor, or Bishop,

[page] 240

CHAP. XXXV. 1732.

Letter of the Bishop in Charlevoix.

Pieces Justif. clxi.

P. Herran. Lettr. Edif. 9. 171.

Charlevoix. 3. 110—115.

as he should now be called, (for at this time he had succeeded to the See) would have accompanied them in their banishment, had it been in his power; he would fain, he says, have shaken the dust from his sandals at the gate of the city, and leaving it accursed for ever, have departed finally from a province, which was worse than Gomorrah. But though he was himself under durance, he found means of having the excommunication published: the rebels did not execute their menace, but they stopt their ears while it was read, supposing that they should not be bound in conscience by censures which they did not hear; and when he ordered the bells to be rung, for announcing the interdict, they surrounded the tower, and suffered no person to approach. This casuistry did not satisfy the troops; and when an alarm was spread, that the Guaycurus were approaching in great force, they declared that they would see the city destroyed, and not lift a hand in its defence, unless the interdict and excommunication were taken off. The Bishop consented, on condition that the parties concerned should swear, in the presence of the Sacrament, that they would not again violate the immunities of the Church. These mutual concessions were made: the Guaycurus retreated when they saw the preparations for attacking them, and the city remained in a state of anarchy. Barua no longer acted as Governor; and the men, who had rashly accepted offices of authority under the Commons, found that popular favour is as inconstant as the wind, and as little reducible to rule or reason.

Intrigues of the Bishop of Buenos Ayres with the Commons.

Zavala, meantime, was taking defensive measures, till he could act more decisively. The Guaranies were ordered to defend the Tebiquari, lest the insurgents should attack the Reductions; and the Commandant at Corrientes was instructed to reinforce them with some Spanish troops. But the people there had entered into an alliance with the Commons: they seized the Commandant,

[page] 241

CHAP. XXXV. 1732.

put him in irons, hand and foot, and sent him to Asumpcion; and having received succours from that city, they attempted to secure an important position in the rear of the Guaranies; but their purpose was foreseen, and prevented. The people of Corrientes were ardent in their new cause: they sent deputies to Buenos Ayres, to require that the form of government which they and their allies had established, should be recognized and approved by the King, as being for his service. It appears, indeed, that whatever might be the views of the leaders, the people, amid all their excesses and acts of rebellion, still regarded rebellion as a crime, and sought to conceal from themselves that they were rebels. The Bishop, who understood this feeling, and relied upon it, as soon as he knew that a Governor had been appointed, endeavoured to prepare the way for his reception; the Camp Master Montiel, and other persons of considerable influence among the soldiers, were well disposed to co-operate with him, and the Commons began to fear the overthrow of their power. They were, however, at this time, about to bring forward a personage of considerable importance in their favour, who had not yet appeared in these transactions. This was P. Fr. Juan de Arregui, Bishop-elect of Buenos Ayres, who was coming to Asumpcion to be consecrated by the Bishop of that diocese. Arregui was a Franciscan, and decidedly in favour of the insurgents, .. in consequence, perhaps, of the envious ill-will borne by his order against the Jesuits. On his arrival, he proposed to Palos that they should exchange sees, saying this arrangement would doubtless be agreeable to the Bishop of Paraguay, now that circumstances had rendered him unacceptable to the greater part of his flock. This impudent proposal was made in the assembly of the Commons; they testified their approbation by clamours; the whole faction took up the cry, and said that Arregui should be their Bishop; but Palos, with his

VOL. III. 2 I

[page] 242

CHAP. XXXV. 1732.

Charlevoix. 3. 115—122.

characteristic firmness, disappointed the project, by declaring that he never would consent to such a measure: and that if Arregui did not, upon that assurance, allay the tumult which he had raised by so unwarranted a scheme, he would not consecrate him, but would excommunicate all who had been engaged in exciting the disturbance, and interdict the city.

Ruiloba appointed Governor.

July 27. 1733.

Arregui, though baffled in this project, chose to linger in Asumpcion, instead of returning to his own diocese, and he openly encouraged the Commons; but he was of some use, when the Commons themselves, splitting into parties, were on the point of taking arms one against another; his influence, with that of the Bishop, was then successfully exerted, and prevented bloodshed. Things were in this state when the new Governor, D. Manuel Agustin de Ruiloba, arrived upon the Tebiquari: he was met there by Deputies from the Cabildo, by the President and Chiefs of the Commons, and by the Bishop of Buenos Ayres. The Bishop of Asumpcion remained in the city, that it might not be said he had sought the first opportunity of prejudicing the Governor, and advising the measures which were likely to be taken. Ruiloba, as he apprehended, was deceived by the honours which were paid him, and the readiness with which his authority was recognized. He was heard with silence, and, as he supposed, with respect, when he declared that the name of the Commons, being a rebellious appellation, must be used no longer; and no opposition was expressed, when he deprived some of the chief military officers of their posts. But he did not venture to move the restoration of the Jesuits; and the Provincial, whom he consulted by letter upon that subject, agreed with him that things were not ripe for such a measure, and that nothing was endangered by delay. Ruiloba thought this concession to the popular feeling would win him the general good will; but the Commons had only dissembled their deep resentment; and

[page] 243

CHAP. XXXV. 1733.

He is murdered by the Insurgents.

the officers whom he had dismissed, raised troops against him in open war. He advanced to give them battle. When the armies were opposed to each other, one of the insurgents came forward, and, in a loud voice, called upon all who acknowledged the Commons, to arrange themselves under its banners. The summons was obeyed by all Ruiloba's people, except a few of the principal officers. The collected force then moved towards him; he took off his hat as they drew nigh, and exclaimed, Viva el Rey! but he was answered by Muera el Gobernador! .. an exclamation which proved that his death had been determined. One Ramon de Saavedra fired, and missed him; a troop of horsemen, cowardly as they were cruel, then beat him from his horse with the but-end of their carabines; Gabriel de Delgado cleft his head with a sabre, as he lay on the ground; and many swords were plunged into his body at the same time. His son, a Mercenario Friar, was present at the butchery, and absolved him as he expired. One of the Regidores also was murdered; others were saved from the like fate by the Bishop of Buenos Ayres. They stript the dead body, and were hardly prevailed upon by the least inhuman of their own party, to allow it christian burial.

Charlevoix. 3. 122—130.

Subjugation of the Insurgents.

The Rebels now appointed the Bishop of Buenos Ayres Governor; the appellation of the Commons was changed for that of the General Junta; and D. Juan Ortiz de Vergara was chosen president, with the title of Defender. Here, indeed, the chief authority was vested; and the ambitious Bishop soon found himself a helpless and miserable puppet in their hands, compelled to issue edicts against the loyalists, and to subscribe and sanction acts which he abhorred, and yet had not courage to resist. Repenting now of the part which he had taken, and listening, at last, to his faithful adviser, the Bishop of Asumpcion, he found means to withdraw; for it was necessary, he pleaded, that he should go to his own diocese, if it were only to deposit

[page] 244

CHAP. XXXV. 1733.

in sure hands the memorials for the Court, which he had drawn in justification of the people of Paraguay. On his arrival at Buenos Ayres he was summoned to answer for his conduct, both before the Royal Audience at Lima, and the Council of the Indies in Spain. He pleaded his great age, being fourscore and two, as discharging him from either journey; and the plea would, probably, have been admitted, if death had not soon removed him beyond the reach of earthly tribunals. Zavala, mean time, as soon as he was informed of the last insurrection, and its atrocious circumstances, prepared to take effectual means for suppressing it. He had been appointed Governor of Chili, and President of the Royal Audience in that province; but he considered this as a business of too much importance to be left unsettled, especially as a war with Portugal was apprehended; and, in that case, his successor, when he should arrive, would find full employment at Nova Colonia. But, for this reason, he could not weaken the military force at. Buenos Ayres; he took with him, therefore, only an escort of forty men, and five cavalry, trusting to the Reductions, and to the troops which he might collect on the way. At Corrientes, where he landed, the inhabitants, guilty as they had been, submitted with little difficulty; for they relied upon the known mildness of his character. By this time the natural consequences of popular revolution had been felt in Asumpcion: wealth, birth, and respectability of any kind, were regarded with envy and hatred by those who were destitute of all, and served only to mark the possessors for insult and danger. The Junta, however, sent out two hundred of their partizans to raise the province: they displayed the royal standard against the King's Governor, and they took post at Tabati. But the rebel army retreated before a detachment of Zavala's force, under D. Martin de Echauri; and that officer, pursuing them closely, cut off the rear guard, with the artillery and ammuni-

[page] 245

CHAP. XXXV. 1734.

Charlevoix. 3. 130—149.

tion, and captured most of the leaders. Only six of the Junta escaped: a reward was offered for apprehending them, and four were in consequence delivered up; the others fled into Brazil, and there concealed themselves. Three were condemned to be hanged; but, as no executioner could be found to perform the sentence, they were shot. One of Ruiloba's murderers, and the man who had murdered the Regidor at the same time, were condemned to be hanged, and afterwards broken on the wheel; but, because of the contrition which they expressed, the sentence was changed for one less ignominious, and they also were shot. Another of the murderers was apprehended in Asumpcion, and hanged there; and a few of the most criminal were publicly flogged. No resistance was now offered to the recall of the Jesuits, and they made their entry with the honours of a procession to meet them, and Te Deum for their arrival. The Rector prudently declared, that he required no restitution of the plundered effects of the Company, from those who were not rich enough to make it; and that they who were should be left wholly to their own conscience, for no process would be instituted against them. Zavala now appointed D. Martin de Echauri Governor; and leaving the province in perfect tranquillity, set out for Chili: but he died at Santa Fe, upon the road, greatly and deservedly lamented by the Spaniards.

[page] 246

CHAPTER XXXVI.

Danger from the Negroes in Minas Geraes. Mines of Cuyaba discovered by the Paulistas. Disturbances there. Attempts to check the spirit of adventure. Administration of Gomes Freyre. Capitation introduced. Discovery of diamonds, and laws respecting them. Disputes with Spain. Siege of Nova Colonia.

CHAP. XXXVI. 1720.

D. Lourenço de Almeida Governor of Minas Geraes.

15 Jannary, 1724.

Fifths established.

D. Lourenço de Almeida succeeded, under favourable circumstances, to the Government of the Mines. He came out with doubtful instructions, given him under an apprehension that the people might be ready to resist his authority, or, perhaps, actually engaged in a formidable rebellion. He found them intimidated by the fate of the ringleaders in the insurrection, and perfectly submissive to whatever might be the will of the Court. The act, therefore, for establishing the fifths, was promulgated at a meeting of all the magistrates, officers, and chief persons of the various towns, held at Villa Rica, in the Church of S. Quiteria. The royal Smelting-house was to open on the first of October, and to stamp the gold during four months, without fifthing it, that no person might suffer by paying fifths for gold, which had been collected while the commutation subsisted. The commutation was to be paid up till the fifthing should begin,

[page] 247

CHAP. XXXVI. 1724.

making, with what was due at the time of this meeting, a term of eighteen months; and it was thought better, for the purpose of saving unnecessary trouble, that the assessment should be made for raising the whole by one payment, rather than by two. A Mint, at the supplication of the Camaras, was to be opened at the same time. The King, it was said, conceived this to be the greatest mark of favour which he could bestow upon the people; and a hope was expressed, that this mint would exceed all others in reputation, for the perfect integrity of its dealings, as it was to be established and directed by the Superintendant-General, Eugenio Freire de Andrade, in person. The Act of Promulgation is remarkable for its ostentatious loyalty; the Speakers throw themselves prostrate at the feet of his Majesty, to acknowledge his great bounty; and the Notary 1 extols, in the highest language, the obedience, honour, and loving services of the people.

Forma, &c. Pinheiro Collection. Vol. 1. No. 25. MS.

Danger from the negroes.

Ordem. 12 Jan. 1719. MS.

The people of the Mines had escaped a danger which, in all likelihood, was provoked by their own barbarity. The Negroes had formed a conspiracy for massacring all the Whites, on Holy Thursday: an officer discovered the scheme in time; and, perhaps, in consequence of the discovery, so many Negroes took to the woods, that the same evil was apprehended which had been experienced in Pernambuco, and an establishment of Capitaens do Matto, or Bush Captains, was instituted. These officers already existed in other parts of Brazil, and the regulations

1 The person, whoever he was, from whose copy of this act the transcript in my possession was made, was not so well satisfied with it as the majority of the Miners appear to have been. His opinion is expressed in the title which he has affixed to it, .. "Forma com que se estabeleceu a Caza da Moeda das Minas, … ou para melhor dizer, a sua perdiçam, como se tem visto, ve, e vera."

[page] 248

CHAP. XXXVI. 1724.

Laws respecting fugitive slaves.

Regimento dos Capitaens do Matto. MSS. 17 Dec. 1722. § 1.

§ 2.

§ 3.

§ 4.

which were now enacted for them shew, that they were almost as dangerous to the community, as the justifiable marauders whom it was their business to extirpate. A reward of four oitavas was to be paid them for every Negro, Mulatto, or Slave (a word which, notwithstanding the laws, must here be synonimous with Indian) apprehended within a league of any town, Arrayal, or settlement, where the Capitam Mor, Sargento. or Bush Captain resided; but such persons were not to be apprehended, except at the desire of their owners, unless they came from another district. For every one taken more than a league off, and within two days' journey, the head-money was eight oitavas; if at more than two days' journey, and within four, it was increased to twelve; to sixteen, for a distance from four days to eight; and for any farther distance the sum was twenty-five. If more than four Negroes were found in a Quilombo 2, with their huts, vessels for peeling rice, and means of subsisting themselves there, it was considered of so much importance to destroy one of these settlements before it acquired strength, that the head-money was increased to twenty oitavas. A Negro, when taken, was to be examined by the Juiz Ordinario, without delay, or by the head of the district, in his absence; if he was found to be a runaway, he was to be put in the prison, where there was one, or otherwise held in safe custody, and immediate notice given to his owner to redeem him, upon payment of the reward. This

2 Antonio de Moraes Silva, in his Dictionary, explains this to mean a house, or habitation, belonging to the Calhambolas, or Bush Negroes, in the woods, or the wilderness; but, from the words of the Regimento, it evidently means more than this, .. probably a rude fortification, like the Mocambo of the Pernambuco Maroons. Both words have a family complection, and are certainly African, .. Angolan, I believe.

[page] 249

CHAP. XXXVI.

§ 5. 6.

Addiçam.

§ 1.

§ 9.

§ 8.

reward naturally gave rise to a new trade of kidnapping: to prevent which, the Bush Captains were prohibited from going beyond their own district, in pursuit of Negroes, without a special order from the Governor. The general patents which some of them possessed were annulled, because of the injury, confusion, and disorders, which had resulted from them; and the Governor was to be informed if any of these Bush Captains made a practice of catching Negroes, who were not runaways. They had devised another mode of roguery, which was to detain the Negroes, and profit by their work; therefore, if a Negro were not produced within fifteen days after his apprehension, the Bush Captain was not only to lose the reward, but to pay the owner the value of the slave's daily labour, from the time of his capture. Knaves in this occupation, who liked their own ease, used, instead of going in search of Negro fugitives, to pay Negroes for running away, and coming to them. This fraud could only have been practised upon humaner masters. As a prevention, the Magistrates were instructed not to let the Bush Captains reside constantly in any town, or Arrayal, but to keep them on their duty in the woods. If they fell in with the Chief of an exploring party (Capitam Mor das Entradas), they were required to obey him; but their gains were still to be their own. And whereas some of these men had behaved with great cruelty when they captured a Quilombo, such conduct was reprehended; only in case of resistance they were authorized to exert what the law here curiously called, the natural right of defence; if they acted otherwise, cognizance was to be taken of their conduct. This mild denunciation was not likely to be so effectual as a sense of interest; the head-money for a Negro slain in the attack of a Quilombo was six oitavas, whereas it was twenty if he were taken alive; yet the ferocity of these Captains sometimes prevailed over their love of gain.

VOL III. 2 K

[page] 250

CHAP. XXXVI.

Jealousy of the people of colour.

Ordem. 27 Jan. 1728. MS.

Ordem. 13 Jan. 1731. MS.

Ordem. 27 Jan. 1726. MS.

Ordem. 26 Oct. 1722. MS.

The great importation of Negroes into this Captaincy, occasioned fears which were not felt in any other part of Brazil. The free Blacks and Bastardos had been formed into a separate company of Ordenanza, at Sabara; an order came out to forbid this in future, and to mix them with white soldiers, that they might be the better kept in subjection. Soon after, a second dispatch recommended, that all the inhabitants of the district should be added to these corps; and the practice was again prohibited, as being highly prejudicial to the state, and highly dangerous to the tranquillity of the people. For the same reason, because of the prevalence of people of colour, no person, who was a Mulatto within the fourth degree, might be chosen Vereador, Juez Ordinario, or hold any office in the municipal government of the towns in Minas Geraes; nor any person, who was not either married to a white woman, or the widower of such a marriage. Such fears were not acknowledged in the other Captaincies. The Governor was required to make a regular report of the state of his province to the Governor General; and even if nothing had occurred, he was to let him know that there was nothing to be reported.

Improved method of mining.

Rocha Pitta. 8. § 66.

The method of mining had now undergone a considerable alteration, introduced by some natives of the mother country. Instead of opening catas, or searching places by hand, and carrying the cascalho from thence to the water, they conducted water to the mining ground, and washing away the mould, broke up the cascalho in pits, under a fall of the water, or exposed it to the same action in wooden troughs. A great expence of human labour was thus spared; but, as soon as the advantage was well understood, the Poderosos took possession of the watercourses, and diverted them to their own grants. Persons of less influence were then obliged either to purchase water from these great men, at an exorbitant rate, or pursue the old manner of

[page] 251

CHAP. XXXVI.

Laws respecting water.

working. There are many things in which the Brazilian manners resemble the worst parts of the feudal system; but, in the Mines, there had been no time for manorial rights of this nature to be established, and the attempt to arrogate them became a more frequent cause of disputes and litigation, than any other grievance. At length the Guarda Mor, Garcia Rodriguez Paez, represented the matter to the Court, and requested that some regulations might be made for putting an end to the continual acts of injustice, and consequent contention, which arose from this practice. A power of deciding summarily in such cases was requisite; because, while suits were pending at Bahia, or, perhaps, at Lisbon, the Mines remained unworked, and the revenue suffered. The Guardas Menores, therefore, were empowered to allot the water, according to the means of the miners; and an appeal lay from them to the Superintendant of the Comarca. No person might appropriate the waters of a stream without a written licence from the Guarda Menor; and that license was null if he had no grant to work, or no slaves wherewith to work it: for there were persons who, having neither ground nor hands in this employ, used to get possession of the water, and thus prevent others from working, unless they purchased the use of the stream. Custom, however, comformably to justice, was allowed to establish it as lawful for those, who brought water-courses upon the mining-ground at much expence, to dispose, in that case, of the water. If a spring was found, upon digging in a grant, it belonged to the grantee. The surplus water from any reservoir which the miners made, was at the Guarda Mor's disposal. Even the water which fell from Heaven was matter of litigation, and the Guarda Mor was obliged to mark out the limits within which each miner had a right to collect it for his use.

Regimento dos Agoas. 24 Feb. 1720. MS.

Advance of salaries.

The attention of the Portugueze Government was now parti-

[page] 252

CHAP. XXXVI.

Ordem. 4 July. 1718. MS.

Provizam. 16 May. 1722. MS.

Ordem. 23 Dec. 1723.

Do. 29 July, 1726. MSS.

Do. 28 July, 1723. MS.

Do. 27 Oct. 1739. MS.

cularly directed to this part of Brazil; and if justice was not administered there with purity, it was neither for want of good laws, nor of jealous regulations. The Governor's salary had been fixed, in Silveira's time, at eight thousand cruzados; that of the Ouvidores at five hundred milreis; that of the Secretaries of Government at four hundred, payable in gold coin, not in oitavas: a specification which was always made in the Governor's commission. Four years afterwards the Governor's salary was raised one-third, making it about twelve hundred pounds. All offices, however, then existing in Brazil, or thenceforth to be erected, except such as were proprietary, were to be purchased from the Crown; and the deputies who served proprietary offices were, at the end of the year, to pay into the treasury, each a third part of the gross profits of the place; but from this, offices which did not render more than two hundred milreis, were afterwards exempted. The sale of judicial offices in France, and of commissions in the English army, has been found to produce no practical inconvenience, because in both countries the power of purchasing implies that the purchaser is of that class of society in which a proper sense of honour is always to be presumed: but such a system can never be adopted with impunity by a people, among whom public opinion has no influence, and the standard of honour is debased. At the end of their term the Governors and Judges were subject to a severe enquiry under a special commission; the remedy introduced an evil as great as that which it was intended to correct, and the history of Spanish America is full of instances of the enormous abuse of the inquisitorial power with which these commissioners were entrusted. The Governor of Minas Geraes was charged to see that such commissioners received no emoluments of any kind within his jurisdiction. No Intendant might succeed another to whom he stood related within the fourth degree, lest there should be any collusion be-

[page] 253

CHAP. XXXVI.

Ordem. 16 Jan. 1723. MS.

Do. 25 June, 1728. MS

Carta Regia. 27 March, 1734. MS.

Ordem. 12 April, 1725. MS.

Do. 5 July, 1725. MS.

Do. 16 Feb. 1733. MS.

tween them. Ministers and officers of the courts of justice were forbidden to act as Procuradores in any cause which should be brought before any tribunal; their wives and children also were under the same prohibition; nor might they present memorials in any cause, nor give letters of favour. It had become a practice for creditors to make over their debts to the servants of the Governor, that thus through his favour they might obtain payment before other claimants; .. the Governors were charged to prevent this mode of injustice. Persons holding judicial offices in the conquests were forbidden to marry without special permission from the King; if they disobeyed the injunction, they forfeited their situations immediately, and were to be compelled to embark in the next fleet for Portugal. The courts of justice must have been dreadfully corrupt, when so many precautions against undue influence were required. The power also of the Governors and inferior Commanders was frequently abused. The Capitaens Mores, in whom no such authority was vested, took upon themselves to imprison persons, or release them. This the Court forbade by an express order: and when the Governor had thrown a man into prison for forming a combination to defraud the revenue by keeping the bidding low when the import duties were let by auction, he was reprimanded, and admonished that the offender ought not to have been confined before a process against him had been instituted according to law. It was found, that private letters were intercepted and opened, under pretext of discovering what persons were engaged in the clandestine exportation of gold: the Governors were forbidden to continue this practice, because, it was said, nothing could be more shameful than thus to lay open private secrets and private affairs without urgent cause. These orders indicate a proper sense of equity and honour in the Portugueze Government: but its practice corresponded little

[page] 254

CHAP. XXXVI.

to these principles; and men who knew how the laws were despised and the course of justice perverted at home, might well suppose, that their mal-administration in so remote a part of the colonies would expose them to little inconvenience, if they had good interest at Lisbon.

Restrictions upon emigrating to Brazil.

Ley. 20 March, 1730. MS.

Ordem. 14 April, 1732.

Do. 20 Feb. 1733. MSS.

The discovery of the Mines had occasioned a great increase 3 of activity and wealth, notwithstanding the loss of the sugar-trade which it had occasioned, and the jealous restrictions by which the commerce of Brazil was now fettered. These restrictions were now exceedingly severe. Not only were all foreigners forbidden to enter the country, but no person whatever might embark for it, unless he were appointed to an office there; he might then take with him only such number of servants as should be deemed necessary, and all these were to be Portugueze. Portugueze going on business must have passports; and of the clergy, none were allowed to embark except Bishops, Missionaries, Prelates, and Religioners of Orders already established in that state, and belonging to that province; ships were of course permitted to carry each a Chaplain. No women might embark without the King's permission, except wives who accompanied their husbands.

Discovery of the Mines of Cuyaba.

The Paulistas, outnumbered as they were in Minas Geraes by the influx of people from other Captaincies and from Portugal, submitted to the loss of their ascendancy with more moderation than might have been expected from so resolute and lawless a race, especially as they had some cause to complain of ill

3 It appears by a memorial from the British Factory at Lisbon, to the Board of Trade, dated July 31, 1715, that within the thirty preceding years, the woollen trade to Portugal had increased two parts in three; and this increase was ascribed to the improvement of the Portugueze trade to Brazil, and the great quantity of gold brought from that country. Walpole Papers. MSS.

[page] 255

CHAP. XXXVI.

Method of travelling from S. Paulo to Cuyaba.

The Tieté.

treatment from the Forasteiros, and partiality from the Government. They were perhaps gratified by having their country formed into a separate Captaincy, and their capital made a City; and being impatient of inaction, it was not long before they hunted out new mines of gold in a remoter part of the interior. It was in the very centre of South America that the Paulista, Pascoal Moreira Cabral, discovered the mines of Cuyaba, .. mines, which long ere that time would have fallen to the Spaniards of Paraguay or S. Cruz, had they possessed half the enterprize and activity of the Brazilians. The Paulistas at this day follow the same route to Cuyaba as the first settlers, and it is still a journey of great difficulty and considerable danger. The adventurers embark in canoes at Villa do Porto Feliz, about eighty miles West of S. Paulo, upon what was formerly called the Anhembi, now the Tieté, which is said to mean, the river of many waters: its navigation is interrupted by nearly fifty falls and rapids, at some of which a portage is necessary, and others can only be past with half cargoes and at great risk. The Tieté rises in the mountains on the coast, behind the towns of Santos and S. Sebastian: its course is estimated at seven or eight hundred miles. The woods through which it flows afford abundance of fruit, .. among others the Jataiz, the produce of a singularly useful tree; its bark being thick and tough, is used both by the Indians and the Sertanejos for canoes, better fitted for rough river navigation than if they were composed of firmer materials; the timber, because of its hardness and durability, is preferred for the Sugar Works, and from its roots the Indians procure a resinous substance in great abundance which they burn for lamps, and of which they make ear and lip-trinkets, resembling amber. Fish of excellent quality abound there, and of such great size, weighing even when dried from forty to sixty pounds, that it has become a trade to cure them for sale. The

[page] 256

CHAP. XXXVI.

The Rio Pardo.

Tieté falls into the Parana, where that great river is about two miles wide; and the travellers falling a little way down the stream, make for the Rio Pardo, which joins it from the north. This river they ascend almost to its source, a voyage of about two months, and rendered difficult as well as tedious by the force of the current and the number of falls and rapids. The water is remarkably clear and good, and is supposed to derive great virtue from the sarsaparilla which grows upon its banks: the want of fruit along its course is compensated by the abundance of honey and of game; but there is danger in pursuing the chace to any distance from the boats, for the Caiapos, a race of unsubdued and wily savages, possess the country. This part of the journey ends at a place called Sanguisuga, .. either because leeches abound there, or for the labour which there becomes necessary, and the expence which must be incurred. Here the canoes are mounted upon wheels, and drawn by six or seven yoke of oxen; the cargoes are packed in carts, or upon the backs of Negroes and hired labourers; and in this manner the party proceed, with an armed escort to protect them against the Caiapos, a stage of some ten miles, to an establishment formed for the purpose of facilitating this portage, and called Capamoan, from the little river upon which it stands. This is considered the half way point, and here the travellers lay in stores for the remainder of the journey. They re-embark here and descend the stream; it is so shallow that the canoes can only be half laden; therefore they unload when they reach its junction with the Coxiim, and deposit the goods under a proper guard in huts made of palm leaves, while the boats return for the remainder of the cargo; this occupies about three weeks. Eight or ten days then hurry them down the perilous rapids of the Coxiim till it falls into the Taquari; and after they have gone six or seven days down this river, they halt at a place called

[page] 257

CHAP. XXXVI.

Pouzo Alegre, .. the Joyful Resting Place: such it must be to those who return from Cuyaba, .. not so to those who are bound thither: for the broads and flooded plains which extend from thence to the Paraguay (a voyage of something more than a fortnight) are infested by the Payaguas; and here the travellers must collect all their canoes, sixty or seventy in number, arm 4 some of them as a convoy for the rest, and put themselves in military order under a commander. At night they rest upon some of the wooded islands which are found every where along this wild navigation. The first business is to clear the ground; they then plant the Captain's tent, for which a tall strong cane, called the taquare, serves for the central pole; and a woollen covering lined with linen is thought to repel the rain better than any other. The negroes and common men swing their hammocks from the trees, and cover them with a long cloth which hangs down to the ground, and is even more necessary as a protection against winged 5 insects than against the weather. Watch is kept upon the water; and they have always dogs with them upon shore. When they reach the Paraguay the danger becomes greater, for this is the country of the Payaguas, who

Danger from the Payaguas.

4 The Latin translator of Charlevoix, who brings down his history to the year 1767, says that they used horse-hair wadding for their guns, for two reasons; that no spark might remain in the gun after it had been discharged, and because they thought the piece was less heated when this kind of wadding was used, though it might be more frequently and faster fired. Each armed canoe carried one small gun, a falcon between three and four feet long, fixed upon a swivel so as to turn in any direction; it was served by four men who had every thing in excellent order, and were admirably expert at their business.

5 The author of the Supplement says somebody declared that these tormentors were syncatagorematically infinite.

VOL. III. 2 L

[page] 258

CHAP. XXXVI.

of all the American tribes have defended their native land with most perseverance and most success against all invaders. They owe this success to the nature of their country, and to their amphibious habits, which enable them to profit by its advantages. All the tribes of this region are such fearless swimmers, that even broad and rapid rivers, like the Paraguay and the Parana, afford no protection against them; but the Payaguas live so much in the water, that for that reason the men wear no clothing whatever: with their manner of life any kind of clothing is incompatible, and therefore, though other tribes regard their nakedness as abominable, they are not ashamed. Every family has its boat, which is of great length, very narrow, and curved at both ends so as to resemble the new moon: the head and stern are shaped alike, .. it moves therefore with equal facility in either direction, and is impelled by means of a single oar, which is long enough and sharp enough to serve also for a spear. However rough the wind and the waves may be, the Payagua has no fear of either; he gets to the one end of his boat and drives it along, half out of the water; if it should upset (which very seldom happens) presently you see him, says Dobrizhoffer, astride the keel, as if he were riding a porpoise. In case of danger from an enemy, they upset it themselves and rise under it, breathing there as in a diving bell, and protected by it as by a shield. They would dive in the whirlpool, and bring up fish at a wide distance from the spot where they went down: and they would remain so long under water, that many persons, supposing it impossible for a human creature to exist so long without respiring, have absurdly insisted, that they carried with them a cane through which they breathed. Their weapons were the macana, the spear, and the bow and arrow, with which they shot point blank. Their larger war-canoes held forty men, and were excellently made, though with no better instruments than stone

[page] 259

CHAP. XXXVI.

Peramas de Tredecim. p. 206. 300. Dobrizhoffer. 1. 128—133.

Noticias de Paraguay. MSS.

Azara 2. 157—159.

Summa Itinerarii, annexed to the translation of Charlevoix.

Patriota. May, 1813. p. 50—61.

axes, and the aid of fire: these, when upon an expedition, they could impel at the rate of twenty miles an hour; and they drew so little water, that they lurked among the islands, or in the smallest creeks and streams, and lay undiscovered under the boughs which touched the water. Such a people, with some fitness in their fables, believed themselves to be the progeny of a fish called the 6 Pacu, and looked for a Paradise after death where the souls of the meritorious Payaguas were to dwell among aquatic plants, and feast upon fish and crocodiles. These people made the journey to Cuyaba so dangerous, that when that colony was fairly established, a vessel strongly armed was always sent from thence to wait for the traders when they entered the Paraguay, one expedition only being made in the course of the year. The greatest vigilance was still necessary: the canoes proceeded one after another up the stream; and never ventured to pass the mouth of a river, or creek, on either side, till the armed vessels had gone before and stationed themselves to secure them against an ambush. The same caution was necessary when they entered the Rio dos Porrudos. After ascending this for five or six days, they came to the mouth of the Cuyaba: here wild rice is found, better in quality than what the Brazilians raise; and here there is a considerable extent of ground covered with banana plants, in such profusion, that neither traders nor Indians have ever found the produce fail. A farther voyage of fifteen days brings the adventurers to their desired port, which is about a mile from the town of Cuyaba. But

6 The Dorado, they say, produced the Spaniards, who for that reason, though otherwise so very inferior a people to the Payaguas, had the advantage of a better complection. The Guaranies were children of the Toad, and therefore a despicable race. Azara, 2. 159.

[page] 260

CHAP. XXXVI.

Supplementum Hist. Parag. p. 335—336.

even the latter part of the voyage was not without danger from the Payaguas; and the Caiapos, according to very recent accounts, still infested the immediate vicinity, to the great detriment and danger of the inhabitants.

Settlement of Cuyaba.

1721.

This, which is the route at present pursued from S. Paulo to Cuyaba, was the course taken by the first adventurers; and as soon as they had fixed themselves there, and the richness of the ground was known, cattle and supplies were carried to them with infinite difficulty and marvellous perseverance, overland; but they were sold for prices which well repaid the persevering speculators, till produce could be reared upon the spot. But about Cuyaba there was a danger from the Indians to which the settlers in Minas Geraes had not been exposed; for that country, before its mines were discovered, had been in great measure cleared by the slave-hunters. Some kind of military discipline was soon found necessary for self-preservation; Fernando Diaz Falcam, therefore, was elected Capitam Mor, with full powers military and civil, till the King should be pleased to supersede him. He was a Paulista of good family. Many restless spirits from Minas Geraes resorted to this new ground; but all private and provincial quarrels seem to have been suspended: for the savages, who looked upon every man of European blood as their enemy, made them all feel as countrymen who were embarked in one common cause. By means of the good discipline which was now established, Cuyaba began to flourish as rapidly as Minas Geraes had done.

Rocha Pitta. 10. § 86—88.

A way by land opened.

Rodrigo Cesar de Menezes, brother to the Viceroy, had been appointed Governor of S. Paulo when that Captaincy was separated from the Mines. As the way by water to Cuyaba was so circuitous and difficult, he offered a reward for opening a communication by land; and this desirable object was effected by the exertions of Manoel Godinho de Lara. A House was then

[page] 261

CHAP. XXXVI.

Tyranny of the Lemes.

They are put to death.

established at the point where the Parana was crossed, to register the gold, and collect the fifths; heavy penalties were enacted against those who should attempt to evade the duties, and a third part of the seizure offered to the informer. But a mode of collecting, which it was not difficult to evade in the Mines, proved absurdly inefficient in such a situation; and after much deliberation it was judged expedient to recur to the old method, of a poll tax upon the slaves. By the choice of the Senado of S. Paulo, Lourenço Leme da Sylva was sent to Cuyaba as Provedor: he was preferred to this office, because he knew that part of the country well, and had many kinsmen and dependants there; and in order to gratify him and strengthen his authority, his brother Joam Leme was appointed Camp Master. These brothers proved to be two of the most atrocious ruffians that had ever figured in Brazil; and the power with which they were intrusted produced in them that insanity into which the wicked fall when they are emancipated from every kind of restraint. They collected about them a band of desperate wretches, to whom they compelled the richest settlers to give their daughters in marriage; others of these unfortunate women they took by force, as many as they pleased for themselves; they put to death persons of whom they were jealous with their own hands, and with their own hands quartered them. At length their enormities became so crying, that Rodrigo Cesar sent a force against them from S. Paulo. The well-disposed part of the inhabitants gladly joined it; and the ruffians, after attempting vainly to defend themselves in their strong holds, were hunted down. Lourenço was killed in the woods, like a wild beast; Joam was taken prisoner, and beheaded at Bahia. Among other acts of tyranny, these Lemes had ordered the Forasteiros to leave Cuyaba. Slight occasion indeed would have revived the old feud, now that the danger from the savages was inter-

[page] 262

CHAP. XXXVI.

Rocha Pitta. 10 § 89—96.

Ordem. 29 April, 1729.

Do. 15 Feb. 1730. MSS.

mitted; and for this reason, when Almeida had begun to open a communication from Minas Geraes to Cuyaba, the Home Government instructed him to suspend the work, lest the Paulistas, under an apprehension of being outnumbered and overpowered there also, should relax in their researches, and perhaps forsake the settlement; for this cause the people of the Mines were ordered to take the road of S. Paulo.

Restraints upon mining.

Carta Regia. 8 Feb. 1730. MS.

Successful as the discoverers had been, it was found that the frequent rumours of new discoveries occasioned much evil in Minas Geraes, by unsettling men who were already prone to an adventurous and wandering life. The miners, eagerly following after vain reports, hurried from one place to another, and frequently abandoned sure profit for the hope of a richer contingency. The injury, both to the revenue and to individual trade, became so great, that the Court sent out an edict forbidding for the present all persons from going upon discoveries in parts which were wholly separated, and at great distance, from the existing mines, unless they had the King's special permission. Perhaps there were other reasons, now that the Mines were so abundantly productive, for endeavouring to check the spirit of adventure. Something like social order had, not without much resistance, been established in this Captaincy. Government had felt the difficulty of reducing such a people to habits of obedience, and was well aware that this, which had unexpectedly become the most important part of the Portugueze possessions, was at the same time held by the most precarious tenure. But every fresh discovery endangered the authority of the laws: for now, when Minas Geraes was perhaps more populous than most of the other Captaincies, such multitudes flocked wherever gold was newly found, that it was no longer possible to observe the old regulations concerning grants; and the Government found it expedient to yield an authority which could not be maintained.

[page] 263

CHAP. XXXVI.

Relaxation of the laws of the Mines.

Bando. 22 March, 1728. MS.

Bando. 24 Nov. 1728. MS.

Portaria. 2 May, 1734. MS.

The concession was made in time, and in such a manner as to appear an act of grace rather than of necessity. Great crowds had assembled in a new discovery at the Morro de S. Vicente, upon the Rio das Pedras, one intruding upon the ground which another had appropriated; so that instead of extracting gold, all were engaged in tumults and contention. The Governor therefore proclaimed that the ground here should be common to all the people, and that no grants should be made; only a certain distance was to be left between the openings. The Camara of S. Joam d'El Rei, represented, that a few individuals claimed to themselves the whole hill at the Rio das Mortes, and the people, because they had no mining ground whatever, were deserting the town. In a case of this kind there was no time for a reference to the Home Government. D. Lourenço therefore gave notice, that no man should appropriate more ground than his legal proportion, according to the number of slaves whom he employed; and as the hill was of great extent, there was room enough, he said, for the negroes of the inhabitants to mine and search for gold, without interfering with the works of those who had brought water to the ground; for, he added, it had always been the custom in these towns, that the adjoining hills should be common gathering places for all the inhabitants. Here the grasping disposition of a few Poderosos had provoked resistance: but six years afterwards, when the Morro de Cattas Altas was opened, the people demanded that it should be declared common property, free for all to work who chose; and it was proclaimed accordingly that no person should appropriate ground to himself under any title, but that all might take the benefit of it, and employ their slaves there. Wherever a party of miners were hutted in one of those Arrayeis, or Camps, from which so many towns have grown, a set of harpies followed, who opened booths and drinking houses, which were injurious to the miners

[page] 264

CHAP. XXXVI.

Bando. 24 Nov. 1728. MS.

Portaria. 2 May, 1734. MS.

in every way: slaves were debauched from their work, and tempted thus to spend the gold which they had collected for their masters; and drunkenness led to quarrels, rioting, and bloodshed. Rigorous edicts therefore were issued against these pests of the community. The stores were confiscated, the negresses by whom such places were usually kept, were to be imprisoned, and if it was discovered that the real owner was a free person, he was to be imprisoned also till he paid fifty. oitavas toward the works of the Church. No goods of any kind were to be sold publicly or privately by man or woman in these camps; and the people were authorized to demolish any shops or stands that should be erected: .. these edicts were always proclaimed by beat of drum. The prohibition of trade in these places may have arisen from the double motive of encouraging the fixed traders in the elder settlements, and preventing the disorders with which fairs were likely to be attended among such a people.

Coiners and false mints.

Ordem. 18 Feb. 1719. MS.

Do. 18 June, 1725. MS. Carta Regia. 8 Feb. 1730. MS.

Hitherto the goldsmiths had been the great agents and allies of the miners in their perpetual endeavours to avoid the payment of the fifths. It was not possible to ascertain whether wrought gold had been fifthed or not; and they made it up into trinkets, and pieces of such rude workmanship as evidently to betray the purpose for which they had been fabricated. There was a law which ordered all these craftsman to be expelled, and condemned those who should endeavour to continue in the Captaincy, to confiscation of their effects, and six years banishment to India. After awhile, such goldsmiths as might have taken to other occupations, were exempted from this severe decree; but their frauds were now so palpable, and the mischief so great, that directions were sent out to enforce it, and confiscate all the gold which should be found in their possession. These persons, however, were succeeded by more artful enemies to the revenue. A firm of Coiners, who had practised for some time at the Rio

[page] 265

CHAP. XXXVI.

Carta Regia. 12 August, 1732. MS.

Carneiro. MS.

removed to the Mines, and established themselves first at Paraipeba, afterwards in the house of the Guarda Mor, Luiz Teixeira, at the Rossa da Itaberaba. It is a proof of remarkable vigilance on the part of the Court, that information of this false mint should have been communicated from Lisbon to the Governor; in consequence the party were surprized, the principal, one Ignacio de Sousa, was arrested, and a great seizure was made of gold, in dust and in ingots. This discovery, and the certain knowledge that frauds were practised to an enormous extent in evading the fifths, induced the Government to think once more of changing the form of the impost, which was moreover so unpopular, that D. Lourenço had consented to reduce it to twelve per cent. Neither had this been the only concession. The Crown winked at frauds which it had no means of preventing, and which it was afraid of pursuing to the utmost: all its dispatches expressed a full sense of the weakness and instability of its authority over such subjects, in so remote a country. An order came out, that bars which were brought to the Mint should not be examined whether they had been marked with a false stamp, for fear of such disturbances as had arisen at the Rio, .. probably from some such cause; and also lest persons should be deterred from bringing bars which had been duly stamped, by an apprehension that they might possibly be condemned, although innocent, and brought under the severity of the law: the Treasury would thus lose its Seignorage, which was something more than five per cent.

Ordem. 27 Feb. 1731. MS.

Capitation again attempted.

Because of these numerous inconveniences the capitation was again taken into consideration, as the simplest method, and one which was recommended by the ablest 7 of the Portugueze states-

7 It seems to have been adopted at this time, on the recommendation of D. Luiz da Cunha. This great statesman, while he was employed in embassies, seems to have frequented the society of Portugueze Jews, whom many of his countrymen would have shunned with abhorrence, or in apprehension of the consequences to themselves when they returned within the sphere of their then terrible Inquisition. D. Luiz enquired of a Jew, who was born at Rio de Janeiro, and whom he praises for his sound understanding, what could be the reason that the King of Spain derived so much larger a revenue from his mines than the King of Portugal, though the Spanish mines were silver and those in Brazil were gold. The Jew replied, there was no other means of explaining it, than by the frauds which were practised concerning the fifths; for it was certain, that he who took to the mint two arrobas to be stamped, administered a bribe in the proper place, and paid only for one. The means of remedying this, the Jew said, would be to tax not the gold, but the persons who were employed in extracting it. One hundred thousand slaves were engaged in this employment; each of them collected, upon a moderate average, one oitava per day; which, excluding Sundays and the few holydays observed in the Mines, would be two arrateis, or pounds, every year; and the fifths upon this quantity ought to be forty thousand arrateis, .. an enormous difference this, from the quantity which was actually paid. (The hundred arrobas were twenty-eight thousand pounds weight: .. the fifths when collected probably fell short of twenty thousand, .. and were therefore not half what they ought to have been, according to the Jew's estimate.) The Jew added, that, in stating the slaves at one hundred thousand, he was below the mark; but the numbers might be ascertained with perfect certainty by the Priests; and the Owner who had fifty slaves, ought to be called upon every fifth day for fifty oitavas; but as an allowance for sickness and accidents, he proposed that the master should only pay for four-fifths of the hands whom he employed. D. Luiz objected to this, that although in the streams the supposed daily quantum might be collected with sufficient regularity, it was otherwise where the gold was procured by digging; for in such places the labour of many days must oftentimes produce nothing. The answer to this was, that when a vein was found, the produce was so abundant that it more than compensated for the unproductive time. A last objection was, the danger of exciting an insurrection by such an impost, among a people upon whom the bonds of duty and allegiance sate so lightly: but the Jew, who knew them, replied, that if the King left the arrangement to the people themselves, and not to the Governor, he was certain that the measure would succeed; for they regarded any mark of honour from the King more than any considerations of interest; and nothing would be lost by making the experiment. Carta ao Marco Antonio. MS.

D. Luiz perceived the danger, that by this, or by some other means, the negroes might learn to estimate and understand their great numerical superiority. For this reason he advised, that one place in the Captaincy should be well fortified, and have a strong citadel, with a regiment of infantry to keep the country in obedience. Perhaps he thought this precaution advisable not against the negroes alone.

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Carta Regia. April 24, 1732. MS.

Carta Regia. Oct. 30, 1733. MS.

men. When therefore the Conde das Galveas, Andre de Mello e Castro, succeeded D. Lourenço, he was instructed to propose this measure; and perhaps as a means of inducing the people more readily to acquiesce in it, he was to exact the full fifth as long as the present mode should be continued. But they proceeded with great caution. After awhile the Procuradores of all the Camaras were assembled to deliberate upon the matter: they were unanimous in disapproving the proposed alteration, and as the Count agreed with them in opinion, and had moreover a discretionary power, for fear of resistance, it was deferred for the King's farther consideration. Meantime, till his pleasure should be known, a smelting-house was established in

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Carneiro. MS.

every Comarca; and the Camaras engaged to make up to the Treasury the yearly quantity of one hundred arrobas (about one hundred and sixty-eight thousand pounds sterling), if the fifths should fall short of that amount. But in apportioning this impost great injustice was committed. Some Camaras were taxed more heavily than others; and they in their turn laid on the burden unequally among the people within their jurisdiction, oppressing those who possessed no influence, and favouring the Poderosos. The Court in consequence instructed the Governor to make the assessment himself, and by no means leave it to the Camaras. The readiest mode was supposed to be by a capitation on the slaves, which the Camaras themselves affected to adopt: but if such difficulties and unforeseen disorders should arise that it

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Cartas Regias. July. 18, 1734. MSS.

might appear dangerous to put this plan in practice, it was left to his discretion how to make up the sum; and he was charged to take counsel in what manner the frauds which were committed in paying the fifths, might be prevented.

Gomes Freyre Governor.

Jan. 2, 1735.

This compromise did not prevent the contraband practices: more secret Mints were discovered, and the Court was then determined to establish the Capitation; but the perilous task of introducing it was left to the new Governor, Gomes Freyre de Andrada, who was removed from the Government of Rio de Janeiro to that of Minas Geraes, when the Conde das Galveas was promoted to the Viceroyalty of Brazil. If there was one Portugueze family more than any other from which pure loyalty and uncorrupted patriotism might have been expected, it was that of 8 Freyre de Andrada. This Gomes Freyre had not derogated from his illustrious name during his administration; and he was destined to bear a more conspicuous part in South American history than his high-minded father, but not one upon which his posterity might look back with equal satisfaction. Upon his removal he received a remarkable letter, not less honourable to the Sovereign from whom it came, than to the subject unto whom it was addressed. … Gomes Freyre de Andrada, it began, Go-

8 When Sebastian was inspecting his army, immediately before the fatal battle of Alcacer, he stopt at seeing a party of only five knights among those who were attached to the royal standard, when all the other parties consisted of six; and he said with some degree of anger, here is one knight wanting! It was Gomes Freyre de Andrada, with two sons on his right hand, and two on his left; the old man lifted his bever and said, Methinks, Sir, a father and his four sons, who are come to die for you, may supply the want of a sixth. .. I place this fine anecdote here, because while I was employed upon this part of the text, the news arrived that the representative of this illustrious family had suffered death by the hands of the executioner at Lisbon!

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vernor and Captain General of the Captaincy of Rio de Janeiro, Friend, I the King, greet you. The good reputation which you have obtained in your government causes me particular satisfaction, since it confirms the judgement with which you were chosen for it. And although on this account it may seem superfluous in any manner to remind you of your duties, nevertheless, I esteem it a fitting and peculiar mark of my good will towards you, and of my expectation that you will in all things justify the choice which I have made, to prepare you with some useful advice, though you stand in need of no admonition. On this occasion especially, when I send you into a country ruder even in customs than in cultivation, where evil examples have struck deep root, where opportunities for misconduct are more frequent, and the remoteness of the Sertam more easily deludes men into a persuasion that their excesses may remain undiscovered; all the light which my instructions can give you, will be useful, in order that the provisional authority which you will exercise in Minas Geraes may accredit my choice, and serve as an example to your successors. The King then observed, that there was the more necessity for his maintaining justice, and setting inferior officers an example of maintaining it, because the more distant the country, the more slowly could the King apply any remedy to the disorders which might arise. He reminded him that there were more ways than one by which a Governor might incur an ill reputation, and fail in his duty; he might do so either by breaking the injunction against engaging in trade, which was imposed upon the Governors for just cause; or by receiving gifts, which, though they might seem to be mere compliments, carried with them always a kind of subornation for future occasions. He was to beware also of showing any undue indulgence toward his servants and favourites; for by this means some Governors, though otherwise upright and disinterested men,

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Collecçam dos Regimento, &c. MS.

had given occasion to as many inconveniences as would have resulted from transgressing in their own persons. Against this fault, into which men sometimes fell, less from ill intention than from an excess of good nature, he was especially warned; and he was charged not to suffer his servants to accept gifts, (which in reality were bribes) nor to use any influence, nor to engage in any trade; for they could not do this without abusing the authority of their master, and drawing upon him the suspicion of being privily concerned in their transactions. "Finally, (said the King,) set before your eyes the difference between a fortune acquired with the public esteem, protected by the royal pleasure, and founded upon good services, which constitute a claim to future honours; and a fortune gained by vile means, arraigned by the cries of the miserable, and never secure from the rigour and displeasure of the sovereign. Let this consideration suffice to make you seek for advancement by those means only which become a man of sound judgement, who respects the reputation of my service, and loves the public good. And I expect that these admonitions, in which you ought to recognize the distinction and benignity wherewith I treat you, will remain in such manner impressed upon your mind, as continually to make you careful that in whatsoever you do you may give me the satisfaction of seeing my anxiety for you well bestowed, and rendering yourself worthy of my especial favour." … At the expiration of the year, the King granted to Gomes Freyre six thousand cruzados in aid of his expences, because the words of the grant expressed, as his Majesty did not choose that he should derive any profit or accept any presents in his government, contrary to the laws, so it was not the King's intention to fail in supplying him with what was necessary for supporting himself suitably to his station.

Avizo. 30 Jan. 1736. MS.

Capitation Tax.

It was doubted at Lisbon whether the Capitation could be

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safely introduced. Indeed any change in the mode of levying that share which the Crown claimed from the produce of the mines was sure to be unpopular, because it deranged the settled method of evading that which was established; for this was always so successful, that upon every change the miners doubted whether the new frauds to which they should have recourse would answer as compleatly as those which were now become a matter of routine. The proposed tax was an impost of two oitavas and twelve vinteins of gold every half year, upon every slave male or female, excepting only the females who were employed in vendas and shops, and children either black or mulatto born in the Captaincy, under fourteen years of age, and not employed in mining, or in any hard work. Free persons of European birth or extraction, who worked as miners, were liable to the tax; and free negroes and emancipated people of colour who possessed no slaves, but worked themselves either in agricultural or mining employments; and a shop tax was imposed at the same time of four, eight, or twelve oitavas, according to the extent of the 9 business. To superintend and collect these imposts, five

Regimento da Capitaçam. 14 Jan. 1736. MS.

9 The Intendant of a Comarea, by this edict, was subject only to the Governor of the Captaincy, and to the Captain General of Brazil; all other persons were subject to him in his department. There were also for the management of the capitation in each district, a Fiscal, a Secretary, a Treasurer, and a Meirinho; and where the business required it, an Assistant-Secretary. Every year the Ultramarine Council was to send from Lisbon a proper number of billets for the matriculation; the Governor was to distribute these to the Intendants, send back the surplus, and account for the rest. Twice a year, in January and in July, all slaves were to be registered, by name, surname, age, country, and such other individualizing designations as the form required; and the Intendants and Fiscals were charged to observe that no owner should enter two slaves of the same name without clearly distinguishing them. The name and dwelling place of the owner were also to be specified. At each matriculation two oitavas and twelve vinteins of gold were to be paid for every slave, without regard to the condition and quality of the owner, or occupation and worth, or worthlessness of the slaves: the only exceptions were those stated in the text; and boys below fourteen were chargeable if they were employed in any work which required as much strength as mining, or was of equal convenience to their owner. Sickness did not exempt a slave; but the owner was not required to pay for the blind, the incurable, or those who from any other cause were totally unproductive. Slaves newly introduced were to be presented within two months, taxed for the current half year, and entered in a separate book; runaways retaken after some lapse of time were in like manner to be produced. The owner received a billet for every slave, and the forgery of one of these papers was punishable by ten years transportation to the Isle of S. Thomas, and the confiscation of all the criminal's goods, unless he had parents, or children; in either of which cases the transportation of the offender was properly thought a sufficient punishment. Every slave who had not been matriculated was to be forfeited to the Treasury, if discovered by the enquiries of Government, or to the informer who should prove the fraud: and if it were proved that a slave had been concealed, whose person could not be discovered, the owner was to forfeit another in his stead. A slave thus concealed, who either by himself, or by another person, should give information of the deceit, was to be rewarded with a deed of freedom, gratuitously, in the King's name. Free persons of European race who were liable to the tax, might pay it either in person or by attorney; so in like manner the free negroes and mulattoes who had been emancipated: in either party, the attempt at evasion was punishable by a fine of one hundred oitavas, and banishment from the Mines. Persons also were to present themselves who kept store-houses, or shops of any description (loges, vendas, boticas, cortes de carne); the larger were to pay twelve oitavas, those of intermediate size eight, the mascates and loges pequenas four. They were to be rated upon testimony given by two persons on oath; and if it were proved that any had been under-rated, the owner was to be fined in a double impost. Loges in which any kind of food was sold in small quantities, were to be rated at least as vendas, and so were the boticas, cazas de pasto, cortes de carne, and estalagens. The books were to continue open during two months; persons bringing slaves to enter after they were closed were to pay one tenth more to the Intendant for re-opening them, and another as a fine for their negligence. The Treasurers were to be careful that they received good gold, without any mixture or deceit, and not of low touch (de toque notoriamente baixo); they were therefore not to accept in payment, the gold of Borda do Campo, Congonhas de Sabara, or Pitangui, except from persons residing, or having slaves at work there. They who had not gold to pay the capitation, might leave pledges for it, which, if they were of wrought gold or silver, might be redeemed within such reasonable time as the Intendant should appoint; but if they were articles which might impair in value, or were liable to any other risk, they were to be redeemed or sold in time. In the two last months of every half year, the Intendant was to go through his district and inspect it: if the circuit were too large, he was on the next journey to visit those places first which had been omitted in the preceding visitation. The Intendant, his officers, and the soldiers who accompanied them, both as a mark of honour and for their protection, were not to call upon the inhabitants to supply them with beds or provisions of any kind, except capim for the horses, this being by custom a royal right, and an acknowledgement of lordship. Whosoever took any thing without paying for it, or extorted it by force, should be punished as a robber. The Intendant might shorten his visitation at the close of the year, at which season travelling is difficult, and make a longer journey in the other half year, by trespassing on the month of July. On these visitations he was to receive secret information concerning subtracted slaves. Where there was great suspicion, he might summon the party with all his slaves, and read the list before them of all whom the owner had matriculated, telling them, that any person who was not inserted in that list, and who would reveal himself, would obtain his pardon. And he was to go to any farm or works within a certain distance, where he might suspect that slaves were concealed. … The chief duty of the Fiscal was to watch, as Procurador of the Treasury, that no slaves were subtracted, and to enforce the penalty in such cases. For this purpose he was to examine the parochial lists, and collate them with the alphabetical accounts of the matriculation. The Governor might bring the Intendants and their officers to trial for misconduct; and if it were needful, carry into effect, sentence of death against them.

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Intendants were appointed in Minas Geraes, for the districts of Villa Rica, Ribeiram, Rio das Mortes, Sabara, and Serro Frio;

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Carta Regia. 31 Jan. 1736. MS.

four for the Mines of Goyaz, Cuyaba, Pernagua, and Perampa- nema, which were then included in the Captaincy of S. Paulo, and one for those of Arasuahy and Tanados in Bahia. The newly erected offices were exempted from the tax of the thirds;

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Carta Regia. 8 Nov. 1735. MS.

and as the former Intendants had represented that their appointments barely sufficed for their ordinary support, and were altogether inadequate to defray their inevitable expences in preventing, or detecting, the ways by which gold was clandestinely carried out of the country; an increase of five hundred milreis was made to their salaries. When the edict for the Capitation was fixed up in the public places throughout the Captaincy, as usual, the inhabitants in the districts of Papagayo and S. Rumam tore them down and determined to resist the tax. Gomes Freyre knew how difficult it would be to punish this outrage; and dissembling therefore his resentment, he pursued so wise a course of conciliation with these people, that they were induced to pay it before any of their neighbours. Far as the impost fell short of the real value of the fifths, it was thought burdensome, and in reality was so to all except the miners; .. they certainly paid less than before, because the receipts of the Treasury were not increased by the new method; but it relieved them at the expence of all other persons. Fresh mines however were opened about this time at the Morro da Gama, and Papa Farinha, and Paracatu; and these rich discoveries gave such impulse and activity to the whole Captaincy, that it is said there was scarcely a man who did not in some measure partake of the general benefit.

Carneiro. MSS.

Discovery of diamonds.

A curious question, in which the value of individual property was implicated, as well as the rights of the Crown, was at this time under the consideration of the Portugueze Government. The administration of D. Lourenço had been distinguished by the discovery of something more rare and more valuable than gold itself; but instead of deriving any advantage from this good fortune, he drew upon himself a sharp reprimand for the negligence with which he had regarded an affair of such importance. Bernardino da Fonseca Lobo found, in the Serro do Frio,

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Resoluçam de S. Magest. 12 April, 1734. MS.

certain stones which he supposed to be diamonds: .. a rumour that such precious stones existed in that part of the country had long been current, and specimens were sent home to Portugal two years before the Governor thought proper officially to mention the subject. The expectations of the discoverer were well founded; and for his reward he was made Capitam Mor of Villa do Principe for life (subject to a triennial investigation of his conduct,) and vested in propriety with the office of Tabelliam, or Public Notary of the same place. But D. Lourenço was told that his negligence was inexcusable; it was the duty of a Governor faithfully to report every thing which occurred within his jurisdiction, and it was highly unfit that a matter of so much importance should first have reached the King through any other channel. At the same time the diamonds were declared to be royalties, and subject to the same duties as gold.

Carta Regia. 8 Feb. 1730. MS.

Consequences of this discovery.

Ordem. 18 March, 1732. MS.

Carta Regia. 15 May, 1733. Avizo. 16 May, 1733.

Carta Regia. 30 Oct. 1733. MSS.

But it was not possible to collect these duties in the same manner; for neither by number, nor weight, nor measure, could any equitable means of taking a fifth be devised. A capitation upon the slaves employed appeared the only practicable means, and this was first fixed in Portugal at the very moderate sum of five milreis; but before the order reached Brazil, D. Lourenço had agreed upon an assessment of four times that amount for the ensuing year. In the course of the year he was superseded, and his successor, the Conde das Galveas, was instructed to double this, and raise it even to fifty milreis, if he found it practicable. The diamonds were to be remitted as gold was, only in the King's ships, and pay one per cent upon their value for freight. Ere long it was perceived that the value of diamonds was more factitious than that of gold, being sustained by fashion and opinion only, not by common convenience and the necessities of civilized life; and the sudden influx and diminution of their value, (for in the course of only two years they fell more than three

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fourths in price,) threatened such serious injury to individuals, that it was found necessary to take some means for limiting the extraction without delay.

Plans for regulating the extraction.

For this purpose four projects were laid before the Government. By the first it was proposed that all Brazilian diamonds should be purchased by the Treasury, or by a Company to be established for that purpose, and a suitable penalty enacted for selling them to any other purchaser. It was objected to this, that in all monopolies of the Crown, depending as they necessarily must upon the good management, ability, and integrity of many agents, there had always been a loss upon summing up accounts at the end; that as to forming a Company, it would be difficult to find persons who would engage in it, because of the immense capital which was required; and in either case the holders of diamonds, particularly those who were least necessitous, would frequently conceal and dispose of them undetected, to the injury of the lawful trade. A second plan proposed, that the diamonds should be extracted by a Company of Miners, who should either pay to the Crown a fifth of what they found, or an adequate compensation. The objection, that this Company engaging for a certain number of years might collect so many stones in that time, as would render the contract of no value to any future contractors, was anticipated by the proposers, and to be obviated by employing only a certain number of slaves; and the best mode of payment they said would be by a capitation, as had provisionally been adopted. This arrangement might prevent a glut in future, but offered no remedy for the present urgent evil, which was the depreciation of the stones already in the market. The third project recommended, that all farther extraction should be prohibited, till the present stock was sold. To effect this the establishment of a Company was advised under nine Directors, each being a subscriber to the amount of more

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than twenty thousand cruzados, to be elected by those subscribers who had vested property to this amount, to hold their office one year, and not to be re-elected till after a year's interval; a tenth Director was to be appointed by the King. The diamonds now afloat in Brazil might be permitted to circulate freely in that country, but when they came to Portugal all must be sold to the Company without reserve: the price was to be fixed now at a valuation favourable to the owners, and at this price those which were afterwards imported would be taken, all that should be withheld being liable to seizure and confiscation. This Company was to be called into existence, by incorporating all persons who possessed these new-found diamonds, so that there was no difficulty either in finding members or capital, the stones themselves being the capital. They would have the benefit of the certain rise in value, and their shares would be disposable like those of any other company. If any of these persons were poor and wanted immediate money, the Crown might purchase their shares; or monied subscribers might be admitted, and the capital thus introduced be appropriated to the purchase of such shares. The King was to have a tenth of the Company's gains, as an indemnification for his loss while the farther extraction of diamonds was prohibited. It was not to be admitted as an objection, that this was a compulsory arrangement and interfered with the liberty of commerce, because such interference becomes a duty when it is for the public good, and was already practised in the case of all exclusive companies. The reservation of the royal tenth, though an obvious objection to the scheme, was obviously just, because the Crown would lose the amount of the annual capitation, and would also incur the expence of watching the diamond country, while the prohibition should be in force. And the Company would gain through this interference of the Crown, far more than the tenth which was

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paid for it because of the certain advance of price, and the certainty that no more diamonds would be brought into the market till their stock was exhausted. Moreover, it was estimated that by the advantage of sorting the stones, which no contraband trader could enjoy, they would be increased a fifth in value. Nevertheless it was admitted, that many diamonds would be withheld for the sake of avoiding this tax, and a contraband trade be carried on in them, which would not be the case if the owners could look to their share of profit without deduction; and it was acknowledged, that extreme caution would be needful to prevent injustice in valuing the stones, and that to effect this when they were valued, it must not be known to whom they belonged. The fourth plan proposed, that the diamonds thenceforth should be extracted by an Exclusive Company open to all who chose to engage in it, either with diamonds or money, and chartered either for a term of years, or in perpetuity. The quantity extracted was to be kept secret from all but the Crown, and the Crown to have a tenth, which the Company would sell faithfully with their own, and also a tenth of the gains. The diamonds at present in the market were either to be sold to the Company at the present price, or consigned to them to be sold for the owners at a commission of two per cent: if they remained unsold for three years, the Company would then take them at the current price, but would no longer be charged with the business of individuals. This was in fact compelling all holders to embark in the Company, or sell their stock to it; and the difficulty of finding capital was an obvious objection.

Arbitrios que se deram a S. M. MSS. Pinheiro Collection, T. 1, No. 37.

Opinion of Dr. Joam Mendes.

These proposals were referred to some commercial men for their opinion, and a curious memorial upon the subject was presented in reply by Dr. Joam Mendes de Almeyda, .. animated, as he says, to the task by the fear of God, the love of his neighbours, the respect due to the King, and the fidelity of a good

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subject. The object in view was to prevent diamond's from losing their estimation; and this, he affirmed, was the most important affair that had ever been brought forward from the beginning of the world. Till this time large capitals had been employed in the diamond trade; now, owing to the incredible quantity which came from Brazil, there was no disposition to purchase, because there was so little vent for them. Two years ago they had sold for eight milreis a carat; of late two milreis would not be given; and now, when it was known that more were expected in the next fleet, there were no purchasers at any price. Of the four projects, he said, the third was the only one which required consideration; and the formation of such a Company as was there proposed, would be ruinous. It was in fact a scheme which certain foreigners and Jews in the north of Europe had set on foot through their agents, and the persons with whom they were connected. They had bought up so largely that they knew not what to do with their stock, and it would be many years before they could cut the brute stones which were already in their hands: what they were aiming at, therefore, was to lock up the diamonds of the Portugueze in a Company, which would be their prison, or rather burial place, while their own would have a free sale, and the whole market to themselves. For who in Portugal would purchase diamonds? not the Portugueze, it was well known; and certainly not foreigners, while they had any upon their hands: .. the case was indeed palpable; for at this time they would not purchase at any price. Another evil would be, that the directors of the proposed Company would be all connected with these foreigners and Jews, and look of course to their interest, not to that of the country: for the Lisbon Exchange was greatly fallen from what it had been, and foreigners had now got possession of the trade of Portugal. There were yet farther objections. Secresy, which is important in all

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trades, was especially so in the diamond trade; but all sales by the Company must be public. The valuation was another difficulty, for in this the most experienced persons might be deceived. There were in diamonds differences of colour and of water; one might be more chrystalline, another more brilliant; .. delicate matters for the judgement and the conscience; and where it was so nice a point to do right, what complaints would there be of wrong! Men bear patiently the losses which they bring upon themselves; they are impatient under those which are brought upon them by others. And in this business they would have opportunities, if left to themselves, which a Company could not possess. A Company would deal only at stated times; an individual at all times. His advice therefore was that all these projects should be rejected; that the diamond country should be reserved for the King's use, under peculiar laws, and the diamonds extracted for the King's account, slowly. The oriental diamonds had been kept up to their price, because they were few in number; and the practice of the Dutch with the spices was a case in point. Such stones as, because of their size and beauty, were fit for a King's use, should be deposited in the King's treasury, and the others reserved till those which were in the market should be sold, or sent into the market to sell at the market price, with which they would interfere little, because the supply would not be great. Indeed, an immediate advance might be expected; for as soon as it was known that the mines were to be reserved, foreigners would hasten to buy up the stones upon sale, before any other rise should take place in consequence, as the Jews had done with pearls in France. Upon this plan the diamonds would gradually recover their price, and thus they might be kept up.

Reposta aos Arbitrios. MS. Pinheiro Collection, Vol. 1 No. 38.

Contract for extracting diamonds.

After mature deliberation, the Court resolved to reserve the diamond country, according to this advice, and to limit the ex-

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Carta Regia. 30 Oct. 1733. MS.

Condiçoens para à Extracçam dos Diamantes MSS.

Ordem. 4 Feb. 1746. MS.

Ordem. 23 April, 1744. MS.

Effect upon the Diamond Trade.

traction, but not to undertake it on its own account. The Dezembargador, Rafael Pires Pardinho, was therefore charged, with the assistance of proper persons, to mark out the limits of the forbidden district, and a very heavy capitation was to be imposed, so that few persons would undertake to search for the stones upon such terms: thus it was thought that they must necessarily be sold at a high price when they came to market laden with such costs. It does not appear at what the tax was fixed during the seven years next ensuing; but under Gomes Freyre's government, a contract was made for employing six hundred effective slaves in the extraction, paying an annual poll tax upon them of two hundred and thirty milreis; and in favour of the Contractor, a law, reserving stones above a certain size for the Crown, which had been past in 1734, was repealed, and such stones were only to be tendered to the Crown before they were offered to any other purchaser. This contract was for four years, and was found so gainful, that, at the expiration of that term, the capitation was raised to two hundred and seventy milreis; with this condition, that the Treasury should every year give the Contractor credit for sixty thousand milreis, of the hundred and sixty-two thousand for which he stood engaged. The views of Government happened to coincide with the interest of the European lapidaries, and of all persons engaged in the trade. While the market was glutted they kept back their stock, aware that the price of the articles must soon be restored by the restrictions which were now imposed; and therefore, they waited for the certain profits of delay. And they were not scrupulous in the means of promoting this object. At first they diligently spread a report that the Brazilian diamonds, if indeed they were diamonds, for this was sometimes denied, were decidedly inferior to the Oriental. The assertion was false: but what they bought as Brazilian, they sold as Oriental, profiting in both transactions

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by the fraud. It is even said, that for awhile they sent the Brazilian stones to Goa, and thus introduced them into the Indian market, to find their way from thence to Europe through the old channel, till the authenticity and equal value of the Brazilian diamonds were fully established.

Mawe on diamonds. chap. i, § 37.

Description of Minas Geraes.

14 Jan. 1714.

The Serro do Frio, in which these stones were found, had been first explored by Antonio Soares, and Antonio Rodriguez Arzam; and its capital, Villa do Principe, had been made a town about fourteen years before the discovery, .. a discovery which accelerated the peopling of the district, but in every other respect has produced much more evil than good. When the Captaincy of Minas Geraes was separated from the Government of S. Paulo, the boundaries were to be traced between the new Captaincy and the adjoining ones of the Rio, Bahia, and Pernambuco. The surveyors, who in this wild country were significantly called Pilots, performed their office only where it was necessary, on the side of those provinces with which there was a regular communication. Toward the North and West there was a wide extent of unappropriated territory; and even toward the coast, it was not till the year 1800 that the demarcation from Espirito Santo was made. The Province as at present defined, lies between the sixteenth and twenty-second degrees of South latitude. On the South it is bounded by the Captaincies of S. Paulo and the Rio, on the West by Goyaz, by Bahia on the North; and its communication with Espirito Santo and Porto Seguro, so recently as 1799, was cut off by the savages, who possessed a line of forests extending along the whole eastern frontiers. The whole Captaincy is part of an immense tract of mountains, which begins from S. Paulo, and has its main direction from South to North, sending off branches that extend through all Brazil. The seasons are not very distinctly marked there; the trees are not stript of their leaves by the moderate

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cold of June and July, and in August they present only a faint appearance of spring, by putting forth young foliage and flowers. A short winter of two months commences toward the latter end of May, when the average temperature in ordinary years is 50° of Fahrenheit's thermometer; in the hot season the glass rarely or never rises above 80°. The more marked distinction of the year is into its wet and dry seasons, the former continuing from October till May. The rain, especially at its commencement, is accompanied with frequent and tremendous thunderstorms; they come on suddenly, and having spent their force, leave the sky as clear and as serene as they found it, with a freshness which is felt by the inhabitants in every pulse. The rain is heavy while it lasts, which is sometimes for days, and even weeks. The greatest weight of water falls in November and December: in January there is an interval of fine weather, which is called veranico, or the little summer; and in February and March the rains become less frequent, till they cease. The North wind comes constantly with the wet season, and the East with the dry; the latter brings with it cold and fog, which go on increasing till the winter months. Notwithstanding this regularity of the winds, the changes of temperature are said to be sudden; in all other respects the climate is salubrious.

Manoel Ferreira de Camara-MS.

Joze Vieira-Couto. MS.

Its four districts.

The Captaincy is divided into four Comarcas, each having its Ouvidoria or Court of Justice, and its Smelting-house. That of the Rio das Mortes, which is the southernmost division, has for its capital S. Joam del Rey. Villa Rica, which is the seat of government, gives name to another; Sabara to that on the West; and this district almost surrounds the fourth, which is that of the Serro do Frio, having Villa do Principe for its capital. The river Doce with its two arms embraces almost the whole Captaincy; by its southern branch the produce of Villa Rica and Sabara might be exported; by the northern that of the Serro.

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The Rio S. Francisco runs under the mountains to the West, and its different branches are navigable through the greater part of the Comarca of Sabara. The Gectinhonha, which rises near Tejuco, and enters the sea in latitude 18°, where it is called the Rio das Caravellas, is, like the other rivers, navigable; but as yet no use has been made of these great natural advantages. Portage would be necessary in some places upon all these rivers; and assuredly, one day, an active intercourse through these channels will be carried on with the coast.

Joze Vieira. Couto. Ms.

Serro do Frio, and the Forbidden District.

In entering the Comarca of Serro do Frio from Sabara, a remarkable difference is soon perceived: the soil, which before had been a red fertile marle, becomes sandy and covered with small stones; the trees have no longer the same luxuriant growth, and the mountains which rise in the distance, instead of the dark verdure with which they are clothed in other parts of the Captaincy, are bare and black. On the summit of these uninviting fells the air is cold and the winds violent, whence the Comarca derives its name; and the surface of the earth is hard, arid, and full of imbedded stones. Here the Forbidden District of the Diamonds is in sight; and its appearance is such as might form a fit description in eastern romance, for the land where the costliest and proudest ornaments of wealth and power are found. Innumerable peaks are seen, some of prodigious height; mountains of bare rock and perpendicular elevation, others of more perishable materials, and in a state of dissolution, like the Alps of Savoy, with brush wood growing among the grass, and a sort of grey moss which clothes the surface wherever it is not newly scarred, or covered with recent wreck:..a scene of Alpine grandeur and Alpine desolation, but in one respect of more than Alpine beauty, for the waters are beautifully clear; they fall in sheets, in threads, in cataracts, and make their way, sometimes by subterranean channels, to the four larger rivers which carry off the

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waters of the district. Of these the Gectinhonha is the most renowned for its riches in gold and diamonds; the Arisuahy is next in estimation; both have their sources to the east of Tejuco, and flow nearly with a parallel course from North to South, till they meet at Tocuyos, where the latter loses its name, and they enter upon a country which is still possessed by unsubdued savages. These rivers collect all the waters of the eastern side. The Parauna rises to the South of Tejuco, and flowing toward the West, precipitates itself from the Serra by a famous cataract, a few leagues beyond the bounds of the Forbidden District: it then falls into the Rio das Velhas, which carries off all the western waters of the demarcation to the great S. Francisco. The fourth river rises five leagues E. S. E. of Tejuco, on the skirts of the lofty Serra de Itambe; and having received on its way the Itambe, the Turvo, the Rio Vermelho, the Guayana, and the Rio do Peixe, it becomes one arm of the Rio Doce: the other comes from the Comarcas of Sabara and Villa Rica.

Joze Vieira. Couto. MS.

The Forbidden District of the Diamonds is nearly circular in — form, and in diameter about fourteen leagues; in circumference, therefore, about an hundred and seventy English miles. It was supposed that no diamonds were to be found beyond the boundaries of this jurisdiction; but they have since been discovered in Cuyaba and Mato-Grosso, and more recently in many of the rivers and brooks which flow from Sabara to the river S. Francisco; and it is said that they exist in most parts of Minas Geraes, though nowhere in such abundance as within the forbidden ground. They are never found in veins, nor in the cascalho, nor imbedded in a matrix of any kind; but always on the surface of the ground, and generally in the bed of a stream; and they have been picked up on high table lands, and even on the tops of the mountains. Beyond the demarcation, the character of the country changes. The mountains lose their ruggedness, and dimi-

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nish in height till they terminate in a fertile tract of land, which continues some fourscore miles, to a place called Itacambira; there the surface again becomes rugged, and in the river Itacambiruçu diamonds of inferior value are found.

Joze Vieira. Couto. MS.

Disputes between Portugal and Spain.

The Portugueze Court was supposed to receive a much greater revenue from its gold and its diamonds than was actually derived, or could have been derived even if no means of defrauding it had been practised. Portugal was believed to be rich, and known to be weak; both circumstances tended to invite aggression; and notwithstanding the double marriage by which the Spanish Bourbons were connected with the House of Braganza, a bitterer spirit against Portugal never prevailed in Spain than during the latter years of Philip V, when that King was wholly under the guidance of his ambitious and restless wife, Elisabetta Farnese. It happened that the servants of the Portugueze Ambassador at Madrid rescued a malefactor from the officers of justice; and for this offence the Spanish minister Patiño ordered them to be arrested in the Ambassador's house and thrown into prison. The Portugueze Court complained of the manner of their arrest as a breach of the law of nations; and not obtaining the redress which it required, resented it by arresting and imprisoning the domestics of the Spanish Ambassador at Lisbon. Both parties were in so irascible a state that they would willingly have commenced war upon this wretched cause of quarrel; but a strong British fleet was dispatched to the Tagus, and this proof of the readiness with which Great Britain would, in case of extremities, have supported its old ally, induced the Court of Madrid to accept the mediation of France and the Maritime Powers. Hostilities were thus prevented in Europe; but while the negociations were going on, war was commenced in America.

Cure's Memoirs of Sir R. Walpole, Ch. 45. Do. Mem. of the Kings of Spain, Ch. 41.

Prosperity of N. Colonia.

Though the question concerning the country round about Nova Colonia was as undetermined as ever, the Portugueze had not

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1735.

Salcedo attacks it.

been disturbed in the use of it while Zavala was Governor of the province of the Plata; and they became exceedingly prosperous, not through the contraband trade alone, gainful as that was, and extensively as it was carried on, but by a general spirit of enterprize and industry. They exported to Brazil dried meat, hides, and considerable quantities of wheat. The annual consumption of cattle for the place itself and the shipping, was about seven thousand head; and the abundance of animal food had not barbarized the Portugueze as it has done the Spaniards of Paraguay and the Plata. They had introduced all the fruits of their native country, and cultivated all its culinary plants, with equal care and success. Their farms and plantations extended above sixty miles inland: Zavala suffered them to enlarge their borders without any serious remonstrances, perceiving undoubtedly that the more vulnerable they made themselves, the less likely would they be to provoke a war, and the greater the booty for Spain whenever war should arise. His successor, D. Miguel de Salcedo, manifested a different temper at his very arrival. Instead of taking the southern channel, which would have carried him straight to his destined port, he coasted along the north shore up to Colonia, reconnoitred the port and the works, and then crost the river to Buenos Ayres. It appears certain that he brought out with him hostile instructions, and his dispatches 10 were designed to gratify the inimical disposition of the Court: he represented that Buenos Ayres was distressed for provisions because the Portugueze usurped the country on the opposite

10 In a paper upon these transactions transmitted to England by the British Ambassador at Madrid, Salcedo is said to have represented, that the inhabitants and soldiers of Colonia were putting themselves in a condition of penetrating into Peru!! Keene Papers. MSS.

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Silvestre Ferreira. 25—43. Relation of what has happened at Buenos Agres. Keene Papers. MS. Extract des Lettres du Rio de Jan. et de la Colonie de S. S. Walpole Papers, MS.

shore; and he said that unless these enterprizing neighbours were restrained, they would push their settlements to the Rio Grande de S. Pedro. A few days after his arrival he dispatched a letter to the Governor of Colonia, D. Antonio Pedro de Vasconcellos, requiring him to appoint a time when they might meet and fix the demarcation. Vasconcellos replied, that he had received no instructions upon this subject; and Salcedo, after a second and third requisition to the same purport, informed him that if the Portugueze did not keep within the range of gunshot from the place, they must be responsible for all the evils which would ensue. This denunciation was followed by open war, as soon as the forces returned from Paraguay who had been sent there to quell the Commons. By the treaty of Utrecht it was stipulated, that the Portugueze should have six months allowed them after a declaration of war, to remove with their property from the Spanish dominions. In contempt of this stipulation the Portugueze were now ordered by the Governor to quit the Spanish territories on pain of death, and the same penalty was denounced against any person who should harbour one of that nation. A flotilla consisting of a frigate, a galley, and ten gun-boats, manned with six hundred and fifty men, captured the merchant ships of the Portugueze; and Salcedo himself landed ten leagues above the port: horses had been collected there for his army, and there he was joined by six thousand Guaranies from the Reductions, under F. Thomas 11 Werle. Salcedo laid waste the

11 Berly, he is called in the Portugueze history of the siege, and this looks like an English name written by the ear, .. but Werle was a Bavarian. The name was thus metamorphosed by the custom of pronouncing the W as a V, and the practice of indiscriminately using V or B, by which both the Spanish and Portugueze languages are sometimes strangely disfigured.

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country as he advanced, like a barbarian, burning huts, houses, and chapels, destroying plantations, gardens, orchards, and vineyards, and sending into captivity the unoffending labourers on whom he could lay hands.

Activity of the Portugueze Governor.

The population of Nova Colonia consisted at this time of two thousand six hundred persons, old enough to be under the care of the Confessor; in this number a garrison of nine hundred and thirty-five men was included. Some of these troops were old soldiers who had fought in the war of the Succession, but the greater part were bad subjects; for the ordinary punishment for most crimes in Brazil, was to serve in this garrison for a term of years. The works were mounted with eighty pieces of artillery, and were not in good repair. The Governor, with a supineness too common among his countrymen, had relied upon a continuance of peace: he bestirred himself now as the emergency required, and the children in the town were usefully employed in assisting at the necessary repairs. The horses were turned out and hamstrung, because they could no longer be driven to pasture, and it was impossible to support them: .. had there been any consideration of humanity as well as of policy, these poor animals would have been mercifully put to death at once. An act of characteristic superstition followed: Vasconcellos having appointed the stations for his men, and encouraged them to resist a general assault which he expected, went to the altar of St. Michael the Archangel, and prostrating himself before the Image, placed the Governor's staff in its hands and resigned the command to this "Prince of the Armies of Glory," declaring that from that time he should act under him as his Lieutenant.

Silvestre Ferreira. 43—72.

Progress of the siege.

Salcedo issued proclamations inviting the inhabitants and the slaves to come over to him, promising liberty to the latter, and to the former grants of land. The Portuguese Commander replied to this, by offering pardon and rewards to all deserters

VOL. III. 2 P

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who should return to their duty, and a bounty for all Spaniards who should desert. But he would not, he said, vie with the Spanish Governor in tempting slaves to fly from their masters, because this was contrary to the laws of Christian morality, which ought not to be trampled under foot by Catholics when at war with each other. The Bishop of Buenos Ayres had endeavoured in vain to dissuade Salcedo from undertaking the siege; he told him that the attempt thus to surprize the possessions of a Power with which Spain was at peace, was unjustifiable; and he warned him to remember that the men whom he was about to attack at their own doors were Portugueze, who had their property, their wives, and children, to defend. But Salcedo was confident of success: he took possession of the Isles of S. Gabriel, which the Portugueze abandoned at his approach, erected a battery upon the largest of these Isles, from whence he opened an useless fire, carried on his works against the place, and promised the Court of Spain that he would be master of it in the ensuing month, and keep the feast of the Conception in the Great Church. He destroyed the suburbs, without sparing two Chapels, one dedicated to Our Lady of the Conception, which is the favourite invocation in Brazil; the other to Our Lady of Nazareth, an appellation scarcely less popular: these edifices were razed to the ground, the ornaments were sent to Buenos Ayres, and the materials employed in constructing batteries: but the Portugueze regarded this as an act of sacrilege, and were at once exasperated and encouraged, by conduct which they believed would draw down upon their enemies the vengeance of heaven. On the twenty-eighth of November the batteries were opened, and in the course of twelve days a large and practicable breach was made. Salcedo then summoned the Governor to surrender. Vasconcellos replied, that before he could return a formal answer to the summons, he must know whether war had

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been declared between the two Crowns in Europe; and if it had not, whether Salcedo had received orders to commence hostilities in America; for his dispatches, he said, only informed him that the dispute concerning the Ambassador's servants had not been adjusted. Salcedo answered, that he would never communicate the instructions 12 which he received from his Sovereign; and on the night following he prepared to storm the breach: but a ball from the works happened to strike the centre of his column, where it killed and wounded so many men, that a general panic ensued and the intention was abandoned; and the Spaniards, not chusing to venture upon any more perilous service, contented themselves with cannonading and bombarding the town.

Walpole Papers. MSS. Silvestre Ferreira. 72—90.

1736.

The siege converted into a blockade.

Early in the new year succours arrived successively from the Rio, Bahia, and Pernambuco, more than a thousand men. Upon the arrival of the first ships the Spaniards abandoned the Isles of S. Gabriel, spiking their artillery and leaving their stores; and their station was immediately re-occupied and strengthened by the Portugueze. Salcedo also withdrew about three miles from the walls, and giving up all hopes of winning Colonia by force, turned the siege into a blockade. Many skirmishes now took place: Salcedo's son received a wound in the arm which maimed him for life; and as the father was sitting at dinner in his own quarters, the cup was struck from his hand by a cannon

12 When the Portugueze agent at Paris informed Cardinal Fleury of this correspondence, "his Excellency said coldly, M. Patiño denies the orders. I answered, your Eminency knows better than any body what value is to be set on M. Patiño's words. He smiled, and said, what would you have poor Patiño do, but to follow and execute the orders and passions of the Queen his Mistress, if he would preserve himself: nor is that enough, for he is even obliged to guess at her thoughts in order to content her." Walpole Papers. MSS.

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ball. The Sargento Mor of Buenos Ayres was killed in one of these rencontres; he was greatly esteemed, and his body was fought for with as much animosity as the Greeks and Trojans were wont to display upon like occasions, but with a better feeling, .. for when the Portugueze succeeded in carrying it off, they bore it into the town with military honours, and interred it in the Great Church with every mark of public respect. The Jesuit Werle was also killed; and the Guaranies 13, after four months service, were sent back without any reward, though there was an order that they should receive pay; and the privations which they endured during the siege were such, that this resource, which on other occasions the Jesuits had declined for them, would have been thankfully accepted.

Walpole Papers. MSS. Silvestre Ferreira. 90—95. Charlevoix. 3. 149.

13 Charlevoix says, Je n'ai pû rien apprendre du motif, ni du detail de cette expedition. The detail perhaps was not sought with much solicitude, because it did little credit to the military prowess of the Guaranies. Ces Neophytes n'eurent pas occasion de se distinguer beaucoup, he says, and leaves the event of the siege unnoticed, as if he were uncertain how it had terminated. Bernardo Ibañes de Echavarri, in what he has thought proper to call his History of Paraguay under the Jesuits, says, quant à la Colonie du Sacrament, si elle ne fut pas prise en 1735, ce fut uniquement parceque les Guaranis secoururent les assieges, en leur procurant de la viande et des nouvelles de l'Ennemi. T. 1, 278. This is a fair specimen of the impudent falsehood which pervades the whole of this rascally work! In another part, (T. 2, p. 16,) he says that Colonia would have fallen into the hands of the Spaniards at that time, si les Indiens Guaranis que les Jesuites amenoient à ce siege, pour faire une vaine parade de leur fidelité, n'y avoient pas fait entrer un convoi de bestiaux, et s'ils n'y avoient pas porté la nouvelle que l'on alloit abandonner l'entreprise le jour même que les Portugais, dénués de tout secours, étoient sur le point de se rendre. Joseph Ignacio Almeyda, Sergent Major de la Colonie, et le meilleur Portugais que j'aie jamais connu, avoit été témoin oculaire de cet evenement; et il m'en a rapporté plusieurs fois jusqu' aux moindres circonstances, que je crois inutiles de repeter ici. L'attaque fut changée en blocus. Peu de jours apres il arriva un barque d'avis, avec la nouvelle de la conclusion de paix. The blockade continued from January 1736, till October, when it was broken up by the successful sally of the Portugueze; and the tidings of the peace did not arrive till September 1737.

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The siege is raised.

1737.

Cessation of hostilities.

Salcedo had not given credit to the Portugueze for the military virtues which they possessed; and he was now as much disappointed by their patient fortitude as he had been by their activity and their courage. The troops from the northern Captaincies were ill able to bear the severity of a winter season on the shores of the Plata; they suffered severely from sickness, and their sufferings were increased by the want of wholesome and sufficient food. At length the supplies which Gomes Freyre dispatched from the Rio arrived, after they had long been retarded by bad weather. Upon this occasion Vasconcellos went with all his officers in procession to return thanks at the Church of the Sacrament; and as soon as his men by means of a proper diet had recovered strength, he marched out by night and surprized the enemy's camp. The Spaniards were caught sleeping: without waiting to dress themselves, they got on horseback, and fled as they could: their works were destroyed, and their magazines and stores fell into the hands of the Portugueze. A naval action afterwards took place off the Isle of Martin Garcia, in which the Spaniards lost two corvettes; and the Portugueze were thus victorious by land and by water, when, nearly two years after the commencement of this unprovoked attack, orders came out from Europe that hostilities should immediately cease, and the prisoners on both sides be released. The loss of the Spaniards in killed, wounded, and deserters, is said to have exceeded two thousand eight hundred men; that of the Portugueze was trifling in point of lives, but they suffered grievously in their possessions: two hundred and forty-eight country houses were destroyed, and all the chapels, potteries, windmills, and limekilns in the surrounding country; farms, gardens, orchards, and plantations, were laid waste in a spirit of brutal havoc; vineyards were extirpated, some of which were of such extent as to contain nearly one hundred thousand vines. Above eighteen thousand

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beasts of burthen were captured by the invaders, eighty-seven thousand head of cattle, and two thousand three hundred sheep. The loss in property, even before the bom bardment, was computed at one million two hundred thousand cruzados. Colonia recovered its commercial prosperity, and the cattle soon became as numerous as before; but the vineyards were not replanted; the humanizing employments of horticulture were not resumed, and the inhabitants of that country at this day have cause to execrate the name of Salcedo.

Walpole Papers. MSS. Silvestre Ferreira. 95—106.

Conduct of the Spaniards.

During the blockade the Spaniards apprehended an attack upon Monte Video, which might easily have been taken if the allies of Portugal would have encouraged the Court in its views of just resentment: but Portugal was withheld from any act of offensive war by the prudence of the English cabinet; and the Spaniards, emboldened by this forbearance, attempted, but without success, to establish themselves at the Rio Grande de S Pedro. They gained no reputation by this war, which was begun wrongfully, and miserably conducted; but they effected one part of their object, in reducing to a desert the fine country which the Portugueze had occupied; and for awhile they stopt the 14 illicit trade, which had been carried to such an extent that

14 During the year 1735, (and before the month of October in that year) thirty vessels laden with goods of all kinds for the contraband trade, entered the bay of Nova Colonia. Four of these were English ships, straight from Lisbon, with passes from both Governments, and carrying both flags, to use either as might be convenient. (Relation of what has past at Buenos Ayres since the arrival of D. Miguel de Salcedo.) Joam V said at this time to our Envoy, Lord Tyrawley, that the English would find the loss of Nova Colonia in their trade more than he should, for it took more of their woollen goods than the whole of Brazil beside. (Letter of Feb. 19, 1736.) It appears, however, by a dispatch from Azevedo to the Portugueze Minister in England, (31 July, 1736,) that the London merchants thought differently, He says, I do not like one thing I hear from certain merchants on the Exchange whom I believe impartial; this is, that the loss the English suffer at Colonia is for once, and of goods already there; but that as for the trade in general, it is indifferent to this nation whether they carry it on by the way of Cadiz, or that of Colonia." (Walpole Papers.) Dobrizhoffer, who was there in 1749, speaks of the place thus, in his lively and forcible manner: In adverso fluminis Argentei littore, quod orientem solem spectat, Boni Aeris urbi opponitur Colonia S. S. Sacramenti, quem Hispani, suo scilicet in solo a Lusitanis conditam olim, munitamque, expugnarunt toties, totiesque, dum pax in Europâ coalesceret, pactorum vi reddidere, palam plaudentibus Boni Aeris inquilinis, in quos ex clandestino cum Lusitanis commercio plurime redundabant utilitates. Ast privatorum hominum lucra Catholici Regis œrario fraudi erant maximopere ob debitorum vectigalium imminutiones. Urbecula hœc, tot discordiarum pomum, editiori fluminis ripœ incubat. E domibus et paucis et humilibus componitur, pago quam urbi similior. Neque spernenda tamen: miseris enim sub tectis, opulenti mercatores, omne mercium genus, aurum, argentum, adamantes delitescunt. Muro simplici ac pertenui clauditur, militari prœsidio, machinis bellicis, armorum supellectili, annonâ ad subitos belli casus affatim instructa. Nihil cœterum aut elegantiœ, aut roboris ostentat.— Territorium quod Lusitanici erat juris tam exigui est ambitus, intra semihoram a pedite vel languidissimo perambulari ut possit. Naves Lusitanicœ Anglorum Batavorumque mercibus, et, quœ ingenti cum fœnore in America veneunt, mancipiis Africanis onustœ, certatim ad hunc confluxere portum, e quo, delusis vel œre corruptis Hispanis excubitoribus, in Paraquariam, Peruvium, Chilenseque regnum res venales clanculum deportabantur. Fidem superat quot milliones ex vetito hoc mercatu Lusitanis accreverint, quot pericerint Hispanis. Prona hinc est conjectura, cur hanc coloniam quantovis demum sumptu conservendam Lusitani, quam primum evertendam Hispani sibi semper putaverint. T. 1, p. 6.

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it had almost ruined the commerce of Peru. The Court of Spain had just cause to be irritated at the use which was made of this port, in direct violation of treaty; but its own conduct was far more dishonourable. The Court of Lisbon was no otherwise implicated in the contraband trade, than that it connived at what it could not have prevented, even if the desire for preventing it had existed. And that it suffered itself in no trifling degree by the trade, is certain; for by this channel much

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of the gold and diamonds which were subtracted from the Treasury, found its way out of Brazil. But the chicanery respecting the territory, (it deserves no better name) was the act of the Spanish Government: that Government, in the present instance, disowned the orders which Salcedo had certainly received, and the whole transaction was as disgraceful to the faith of the Court, as to the military character of the Commander.

Representation des Ministres des Puissances Mediatrices MS. Walpole Papers.

France proposes to Spain a partition of the Portugueze dominions.

Walpole Papers. MSS.

Although Phillip V, during the latter years of his life, was the mere instrument of his wife's ambition, he entered cordially into her hostile feelings towards Portugal; for when the other allies, upon entering into the Succession War, spake only of obtaining for the Emperor a just equivalent for his pretensions, Portugal had stipulated that the Duke of Anjou should never be allowed to reign in Spain. The French Government relied upon this resentment; and when it was preparing for that war in which it hoped to drive George II from the throne, it endeavoured to tempt the Spaniards into a war against Portugal, by proposing a partition of the Portugueze dominions: Portugal and the Islands were to be seized by Spain, and France was to take Brazil as her portion of the spoil. But even the passions of Philip and his Queen could not blind them to the impolicy of this arrangement. Such however was the known disposition of the Spanish Court, and such the weakness of Portugal, that the ablest Portugueze statesman of that generation was induced to record his wish that the King should remove to Brazil, fix his Court at the Rio, and assume the title of Emperor of the West. Sooner or later, he foresaw that such a removal would become inevitable, and he seems to have regarded it rather as a glorious 15 dream of

15 What in such a case would become of Portugal, is the question which D. Luis da Cunha anticipates when he proposes this measure: and he asks in reply "What is Portugal? It is a slip of land (huma orelha de terra, .. the expression is stronger in the original) of which a third part is uncultivated, though capable of cultivation, a third belongs to the Church, and the other third does not produce sufficient corn for the inhabitants. The other powers of Europe would protect Portugal from Spain, and Spain itself would be deterred from attempting to seize it, by the fear of losing in return the Provinces of the Plata and Paraguay. .. In the event of such a removal a compleat demarcation in America would become necessary: the Wiapoc and the Plata ought to be the boundaries on the North and South, and in the interior, the Paraguay up to the Lake of the Xarayes; from thence an imaginary line trending westward for an hundred leagues, till it reached the Madeira." D. Luiz argued, that whether or not the removal of the Court took place, the Portugueze Cabinet should exert itself to have these limits determined. The Spanish Jesuits, he said, were neither better, nor more zealous Missionaries, than their Portugueze brethren; and indeed, the Jesuits were, like the Jews, a peculiar people, having the same character wherever they were found. By such an arrangement the King of Spain would sacrifice a considerable extent of country; but it was a country wherein he had only the mere right of dominion, and the Jesuits had the whole profit. They had satisfactorily proved that there was neither gold nor silver there; but there was the Herb of Paraguay, and he wondered that it was not introduced into Europe, like tea. He had tasted it in London with Dr. Fernandes Mendes da Costa, and that great Physician said it was much more wholesome than either tea or coffee. .. Returning then to the proposed removal, he says, Spain would tremble for Peru, and the whole line of country as far as the isthmus, because all men know that the rigour with which the miserable natives are treated by the Spaniards makes them always ready to throw off the yoke whenever any assistance shall be given them. And it might not be impossible to effect an exchange of the kingdom of Chili and the whole country to the Straits, for Algarve, which, because of its ports, would be very convenient for Spain. .. So many Portugueze would follow the Court, that in this respect there would soon be little difference between the cities of Brazil and of Portugal. "And as for the Tapuyas of the Sertam, I may say that they differ in nothing but complection from the rustics in our Provinces; and moreover, that when they have suffered themselves to be instructed, they observe the precepts of the Church better than our peasants, who either forget them, or disregard them. .. But the strong point is this; the King cannot maintain Portugal without Brazil; whereas, for maintaining Brazil, he stands in no need of Portugal: it is better, therefore, to reside where you have strength and abundance, than where you are in insecurity and need. .. I shall conclude this my vision by observing, that though this may not be the time for taking it into consideration, a time may come (from which God preserve us!) in which it may be remembered with advantage: .. Acabarei pois esta minha visam, dizendo a V. M. que sem embargo de nam ser ja tempo de fallar nella, pode vir algum (de que Deos nos livre) em que nam seja mal lembrada. Carta ao Marco Antonio. MS.

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ambition, than as matter for melancholy contemplation and natural regret.

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[page] 298

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[page 299]

CHAPTER XXXVII.

War between Spain and England. The French attempt to occupy the Island of Fernam de Noronha. Discovery and settlement of Goyaz and Mato-Grosso. The Portugueze reach the Moxo Missions. Voyage of Manoel Felix de Lima down the Madeira. Progress of the Portugueze up the Orellana, and its tributary streams.

CHAP. XXXVII.

Growing importance of Monte Video.

Could the British Ministers have foreseen how soon they were to be forced into a war with Spain, they would have engaged at once in the King of Portugal's just quarrel concerning Nova Colonia, instead of exciting his resentment and ill will by interfering only to patch up the dispute. They would then have had an efficient ally in America; and a better cause would have been found in the spirit and letter of existing treaties, than in the grievances, real or alledged, of men who were actually engaged in a contraband trade. The Ministers were driven into that war by the violence of an opposition which cared not what injury it might do the country, so it could but annoy the existing administration; and by the clamours of a deluded people. The war was unprovoked, impolitic, and unjust; and we deserved the disasters and disgrace which were incurred by ill planned expeditions against Spanish America. Spain also suffered heavy losses both in treasure and in men; but her strength in America

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was proved, and the events of the war contributed to the growth and prosperity of her settlements on the Plata. A squadron of six ships, carrying about three thousand five hundred men, under D. Joseph Pizarro, was sent to wait for the expedition under Commodore Anson. This squadron rendezvoused in the Plata, and was afterwards driven back there from Cape Horn in a miserable state: its long continuance upon that station, and the great number of the men who settled in the country (for of the whole number scarcely an hundred returned to Europe) brought a great increase of wealth and activity both to Monte Video and Buenos Ayres. The importance of the former position was now fully perceived, and these ports were from this time more rapidly progressive than any other part of the Spanish Colonies.

Anson's Voyage. Echabarri. T. 3, p. 133.

The French East India Company seek to occupy Fernam de Noronha.

1738.

Happily for itself and for Brazil, Portugal was not involved in the contest, nor in the wider warfare which soon ensued upon the death of the Emperor Charles VI. Their failure at Monte Video warned the Portugueze to make no farther attempts at enlarging their border where a superior force might be brought against them; and for this reason, they seem to have left the debateable ground in this direction untouched. But they guarded their own possessions with their usual jealousy. The new Governor of Pernambuco, on his arrival at Recife, was informed that some foreigners had established themselves upon the island of Fernam de Noronha: who they were was not known, nor in what strength; but seeing that Portugal was then at peace with all other powers, and that its right to this island had never been questioned, the presumption was that they were Pirates. This name had not lost its terrors in South America, and the Governor immediately dispatched a squadron strong enough to subdue any force which could possibly be found there. The squadron was dispersed on its way: one vessel arrived, and was at anchor off the island waiting for her consorts, when a Portugueze seven-

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ty-four, in its passage from Angola to Bahia, hove in sight; and the Captain, D. Miguel Henriquez, having learnt the state of affairs, took upon himself the direction, and landed part of his men with the Pernambucan troops. Five and twenty French-men were found on shore, who without any show of resistance came to meet the Portugueze, and said they had been sent there by the French East Indian Company, to take possession of the Island. The Portugueze Commander did not at first give credit to this account. The Island, he said, was incontestably part of the King of Portugal's dominions; and it was not possible that the King of France, being at peace with Portugal, should have authorized such an attempt; nor that a Company of French subjects should have the audacity to act thus upon their own authority. They seemed therefore, he said, to be Pirates, who had established themselves there for the purpose of infesting the Portugueze commerce; and they deserved the severer punishment for this falsehood, which they had invented as an excuse. The men, however, produced a formal act of possession drawn in the name of the French Company: a copy of this act was found inscribed upon two sheets of lead at the foot of a cross which they had erected; and the white flag, which was hoisted at their quarters, appeared to corroborate their story. It was properly determined, therefore, that they should be well and courteously treated till the truth of their statement could be ascertained. They were then desired to strike their flag; and upon their refusing to do this, the Portugueze took it down, delivered it with military honours into their keeping, and hoisted their own. At this time the remainder of the Pernambucan squadron arrived; they made an inventory of all the French property upon the island, and the poverty of the establishment made the Frenchmen's story seem the more incredible. It proved, however, to be perfectly correct.

Officies de Antonio Guedes Pereira. MSS.

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Isle of Fernam de Noronha.

Joannes de Laet. Verhael van West Indian, p. 47. Do. 110. Ulloa. Book 9, Ch. 3. Cook's second Voyage. Book 4, Ch. 10.

1602.

The island of Fernam de Noronha is about seventy leagues from coast of Brazil, and some twenty miles in circumference. Many little islets are divided from the main one, and from each other, by narrow channels. There are two harbours, or rather roadsteads: the best of these is well sheltered from the South and East, but both are entirely exposed to the North and West; and when those winds prevail, which is periodically, but for no long time, the shore cannot be approached without the greatest danger. The main island is mountainous, and one of its rocky peaks, when seen from the sea, so much resembles a church tower, that it is called O Campanario, or The Belfrey. There are some brooks which proceed from the mountains, and their sources are said never to fail; but this is the only water upon the island; and sometimes not months alone, but even whole years in succession pass without rain, so that every thing parched up. At the beginning of the seventeenth century a Portugueze factor was established there with some 1 fourteen negro slaves of both sexes; .. there were then goats, swine, and cattle, wild upon the island, where they had been put ashore

1 They had all been baptized, and called themselves Christians, but they were living without the Sacraments, or spiritual food of any kind, and were equally devoid of all charity. Thus they are described by the crew of the Galeon Santiago, who were set on shore there by the Dutch squadron. The tropic-birds frequented the island in great numbers, and were at first so fearless of men, that they suffered themselves to be taken by the hand; but they soon became shy, and discovered remarkable sagacity and boldness in defending themselves. A sailor struck one with a stick, and failed in killing it; the bird set up a cry which brought its companions to its aid, and they attacked the man so fiercely as to put him in considerable danger; nor did he escape till he had killed a dozen in defending himself. When the crew were in great distress for provisions, purslane sprouted up in abundance. Melchior Estacio do Amaral. Successos do Galeaō Santiago. C. 10. Hist. Trag. Mar. T. 2.

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by some of the early navigators who were so excellently provident in these things. Pigeons also were numerous there. About the year 1630, it was in possession of the Dutch: but after some years they abandoned it, becauseof a plague of rats 2 who multiplied so greatly as to destroy whatever was planted. The coast abounded with fish, and the Dutch during their dominion in Pernambuco, dispatched vessels there to profit by this never-failing harvest. At one time they sent a number of negroes 3 to maintain themselves upon the island, for the purpose of lessening the consumption in Recife when they were confined to its walls; afterwards they transported criminals there, whom they supplied with implements of agriculture, and left to fare as they could. If the Portugueze made any use of the island after the Dutch were driven out of Brazil, it could only have been by private adventurers, and only for a time. But this attempt of the French alarmed the Government, and they immediately gave orders for fortifying it strongly. The State was then rich enough to disregard expence; and no fewer than seven good forts were erected to secure it against all interlopers. From that time to the pre-

Nieuhof's Zee en Lant Reize. p. 6.

Present state of that island.

2 Amaral's narrative (p. 497,) mentions the great number of rats; but if the account which is there given of them be correct, it should rather seem that they were jerboas, though it is certainly difficult to imagine how this animal should have found its way there, ..tem os pes tam curtos que nam andam nem correm, e o seo fugir e meneyo he em saltos como pulgas, e assim os matavam facilmente: they have such short feet that they neither walk nor run, and thus their pace and mode of escape is by bounding like fleas, so that they are easily killed. .. Very possibly this race, like the old English rats, may have been exterminated by the Norway rat, .. the great sailor, and colonizer of this species.

3 A certain Gillis Venant commanded this colony, which remained there for some time, and cultivated the ground. The rats had probably turned cannibals after they had driven out the former colonists.

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sent, the island of Fernam de Noronha has continued in a most extraordinary and disgraceful state; .. it has been garrisoned, not colonized; no women are allowed to go there, and it is used as a place of banishment for male convicts from Pernambuco: the soldiers are relieved annually, and so is the miserable Priest, who is usually pressed into the service; for no men can be found to go voluntarily among this community of miscreants. It is wonderful that so detestable a system should ever have been introduced; but it is not possible that so moral and religious a Government as that of Portugal should suffer it to continue.

Ulloa. Book 9, Ch. 2. Koster's Travels, p. 39.

Gomes Freyre Governor of the Rio and Minas Geraes.

The Portugueze were now advancing in the interior of Brazil, and on the Orellana, with an adventurous intrepidity which the Spaniards could neither emulate nor oppose. Gomes Freyre had conducted himself so entirely to the satisfaction of the Court that he was appointed to the united Governments of the Rio and Minas Geraes: the appointment stated, that news could be conveyed from the Rio to Villa Rica in four days, he having performed the journey himself in that time; .. there would therefore be no inconvenience in his residing at that distance from the seat of his maritime Government. A wide extent of territory was explored and appropriated during his long administration. The Paulistas and the people of Minas Geraes spread themselves into that extensive region behind the Captaincies of Bahia and Piauhy, which now forms the Captaincy General of Goyaz; and from Cuyaba the Portugueze continued to advance, on the one side in a direction which brought them nearer to the Chiquito and Moxo Missions; on the other they came upon the great western branch of the Tocantins and its tributary streams; and they secured for Portugal, a country containing not less than two hundred thousand square miles, which is now the Captaincy of Mato Grosso.

Avizo. 5 Oct. 1737. MS.

Goyaz derives its name from the Goya tribe. The first person

[page] 305

CHAP. XXXVII.

who discovered the mineral riches of this country was the Paulista Manoel Correa, who sometime in the seventeenth century, made his way there at the head of a party of slave-hunters. He brought back a few oitavas of gold which had been collected in one of the rivers, and on his return he offered them, as his contribution towards a crown for N. Senhora da Penha, in the town of Sorocaba. Bartholomeu Bueno, the most renowned adventurer of his age, explored the same country after him. In one of his expeditions he found some rich samples of gold in the territory of the Aracys, upon one of the great rivers which flow into the Orellana, .. the. Araguaya as supposed by some, the Xingu by others; for the place, though often sought, has never been rediscovered. He named it Minas dos Martyrios; not, as might be supposed, on account of the sufferings which he and his companions had undergone in the journey, but because it is said, the site was marked by a natural representation of the instruments of the Passion, rudely formed by the veins of the rock. But it has been surmised, that in reporting this wonder Bueno designed to act upon the credulity of his countrymen, as he had been used to sport with the ignorance of the Indians: by playing tricks before the natives with burning brandy he had obtained the appellation of Anhanguera, The Old Devil, and had persuaded them that he could dry up the rivers by his art.

Goyaz first explored by Manoel Correa.

Bartholomeu Bueno the second explorer.

Almeida Serra. Patriota. T. 2. No. 1. p. 50.

Cazal. Coregrafia Brazilica. T. 1. p. 314. 312.

Bueno the son makes the first settlement.

In another expedition, wherein he was accompanied by his son Bartholomeu, then only twelve years old, he made some stay upon the Rio Vermelho, a river which flows into the Araguaya: and he observed, that the Goya women wore pieces of gold which they picked up in the beds of the torrents. This was in the year 1670. The discovery was not pursued at the time: the age of mining was not yet arrived; and when it came, the Minas Geraes were so productive, that for many years adventurers had little inducement to wander farther in the quest. More than

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fifty years therefore elapsed, before Bueno the son, then more than threescore years of age, proposed to the Governor of S Paulo to go in search of the place which he had reached in his boyhood, and still vividly remembered. The recent discoveries in Cuyaba excited in him this desire, and made the proposal appear reasonable; and the Governor, Rodrigo Cesar de Menezes, sent him upon this service with an hundred musqueteers and a numerous body of attendants. After the lapse of so many years, it was hardly possible that he should be able to retrace his way though a wild country. He got too far to the South, and found gold: some of his people, believing that they had totally lost all clue to the place of which they were in search, would fain have given up all farther exploring, that they might profit by the fortune upon which they had fallen. Bueno however persisted in his purpose, and continued to wander, till at the end of three years, having lost the greater part of his companions by disease, hardships, and accidents, he returned to S. Paulo. But this ill success had neither broken his spirit, non extinguished his hopes: his character stood high for probity, as well as enterprize and sagacity, and the Governor sent him out a second time, with better hap. After some months he came to a place where it appeared certain that some Portugueze must have been in old times: there he took up his quarters, and having caught two Indians they were immediately known to be Goyas. The first enquiry was, if they knew where the white men had formerly been encamped: they led him to a place not far distant, and Bueno recognized the spot which he had seen when a boy. He collected gold from five different streams, and returned with such rich and abundant samples, that he was presently sent back to establish a colony there, with the rank of Capitam Mor.

1722.

1726.

Corografia Brazilica. 1. 314. 317.

The colony flourishes.

He founded an Arrayal upon the place which he had so long.

[page] 307

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and painfully sought. It was probably named at first after St. John the Baptist, to whom the Chapel was dedicated; but when the miners removed to richer ground, the blacksmith chose to remain; and from him, as a personage of no little importance in a new country, it was called the Arrayal do Ferreiro, which name it continues to bear. The Goyas lived a while upon friendly terms with the settlers, till, upon suspicion of some treacherous design 3, which the recollection of foul treatment in old times rendered but too probable, they appeared in arms. Bueno knew their customs, and captured some of their women, .. to whom these people were so much attached, that rather than leave them in captivity they solicited for peace. As the price of this reconciliation they shewed the Portugueze where the richest veins were to be found. The Mines of Goyaz, in consequence, soon rivalled those of Cuyaba: and because the way to Cuyaba was very dangerous, infested as it was by the two most formidable of all the South American nations, adventurers who had yet their place to chuse, preferred a country which appeared to offer attractions as tempting, with the advantage of a shorter and safe communication. There was, therefore, a great influx of settlers; provisions came regularly from S. Paulo, but, gainful as the carrying trade was found, not in sufficient quantities for the

3 It has certainly always been the desire of the Portugueze Government that the natives should be treated with humanity and justice, and even with forbearance, In 1738, the Governor of S. Paulo was instructed to take care that the persons who were busied at some newly discovered mines in this country might be enabled to defend themselves; and if the savages continued to commit any excesses, he was to collect full evidence, that it might be seen whether there were just cause for proceeding to an offensive war against them, conformably to the laws. The exposition which the Superintendant of Goyaz had sent home, was not thought sufficient for such a determination. (Ordem, 12 April, MS.)

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population. The bushel of maize sold for six or seven oitavas, that of mandioc flour for ten, and the first milch cow was purchased for ten pounds weight of gold. It was not long before men began to rear cattle and cultivate the ground, finding that by this means they could enrich themselves with less labour and greater certainty than by mining. In the course of ten years after the first huts had been erected, the Colony required a separate jurisdiction, and was made a Comarca of S. Paulo; and twelve years afterwards it was declared to be a distinct Captaincy, having Villa Boa for its capital. This town, which stands upon low ground on both sides of the Rio Vermelho, a league westward of the first settlement, was originally called the Arrayal de S. Anna. It was chartered in 1739, and is at this time described as a large, populous, and flourishing place, with seven places of worship, and three bridges. Some of the first adventurers, whose disposition led them rather to explore the country for gold, than to labour for it when it was found, made their way, travelling sometimes by land and sometimes by water, to Para; but the difficulties which they underwent were such as to induce a persuasion, that it was not possible to open a communication between that city and the new mines.

Goyaz made a captaincy. 1737.

Corografia Brazilica. 1. 317. 318. 333.

Cartas de Aut. Guedco Pereira. MSS. C. 22 Feb. 1738.

Mines discovered at Mato Grosso.

The first mines in Mato Grosso were discovered upon the banks of the river Sarare, in 1734, by Antonio Fernandes de Abreu, a Paulista in the service of Brigadier Antonio de Almeida Lara, then stationed at Cuyaba. He and his companions built a Chapel for S. Francisco Xavier, which they thatched with grass; and taking the Saint for their patron, called the Arrayal which they founded after his name. Gold was so plentiful, that for the first year every slave commonly returned three or four oitavas a day: it lay upon the surface of the ground. But the thoughtless adventurers had made no provision for supporting themselves in the wilderness, and they discovered when too late,

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that in their situation food was more precious than gold. The land afforded them very little; a few white deer were the only animals, and the mangava the only fruit. The alqueire of maize sold for six, seven, or eight oitavas; the same measure of kidney beans rose from fifteen to twenty; a pound of pork, bacon, or jerked beef was two oitavas, four for a plate of salt, six for a fowl, six for a pound of sugar, fifteen for a bottle of rum, wine, vinegar, or oil. Higher prices have seldom been demanded in a besieged town, or during extreme famine, than these poor miners were glad to pay. The gold which they gathered was expended upon provision; .. all was not enough, and most of them literally died for want of food. At length Antonio de Almeida sent cattle from Cuyaba; but when they arrived the flesh and bone together were sold at an oitava and half per pound. The time when gold was most abundant is described by one of the survivors as a season of pestilence and famine; and the discoverer himself, who counted his gold by arrobas, died of leprosy.

Sufferings of the first adventurers.

Manoel Felix de Lima. MS.

Communication with Goyas opened.

The Bororos.

Noticias de Paraguay. MSS.

But the report of the riches of this land was more powerful in alluring adventurers, than the tale of misery in deterring them. Many people flocked thither from Cuyaba and from S. Paulo, and the supply of provisions became regular when a road was opened to Cuyaba from Goyaz, which was by this time become a great breeding country. Teodosio Nobre, and his son-in-law Angelo Preto, both Paulistas, were the men who established this beneficial communication. There existed upon the Rio dos Porrudos, a tribe called the Bororos, remarkable for their docility. They adorned their heads with feathers, but wore no clothing whatever. They were not given to excess at their feasts, neither had they any of the ferocity which habits of drunkenness excited and fostered in other tribes: and it is said of them, that if one of their women were captured by the Portu-

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gueze, all her family would voluntarily follow her into bondage. This attachment to their women, which is so rare among savages, seems to indicate that they were of the same race as the Goyas. Nobre and Preto had got a considerable party of these people in their service: at their head they penetrated through the country; and when the first persons who went with cattle along the road which they had opened, were cut off by the Caiapos, they made active war upon the savages in revenge, and cleared the way so as to render it safe. The Arrayal of S. Francisco Xavier began now to flourish. A capitation of four oitavas and three quarters upon every slave, was allowed without resistance; a shop-tax of sixty-four, or thirty-two, according to the extent of the business, and an impost of sixteen upon the vendas. A prison was built at the expence of the settlers, who seem to have contributed readily to every useful work. Churches were erected and hung with silk on holydays; for the finest silks which were imported into Brazil found their way to this new establishment in the centre of the continent, where the miners purchased them with characteristic prodigality.

Manoel Felix de Lima. MS.

Expedition of Manoel Felix de Lima down the rivers.

Manoel Felix de Lima, a native of the mother country, was one of the few companions of Antonio Fernandes de Abreu who survived 4 the miseries of the first year. He had held some honorary offices in the Arrayal, but he had not enriched himself: gold became every day scarcer, the prices of every thing continued high, and being weary of a settled life and of a pursuit which had lost its attractions, he found companions who

4 He escaped, he says, by miracle; but whatever part he may assign to N. Senhora da Conceiçam in preserving him through that year of famine, something is certainly to be ascribed to seventy boxes of marmalade from Taboate, which he consumed, and which cost him three and a half oitavas each, .. in the whole rather more than two pounds weight of gold.

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agreed to seek their fortune with him in an adventure down the rivers. Three of this party were, like himself, Reynoes, or Kingdomers, as those who were born in Portugal were at this time called in Brazil. Their names were Joaquim Ferreira Chaves, Vicente Pereira da Assumpçam, and Manoel de Freitas Machado. The Paulistas were, Tristam da Cunha Gago, a Licentiate who had the reputation of being a good scholar, his brother-in-law Joam Barbosa Borba Gato, Matheos Correa Leme, the Licentiate Francisco Leme do Prado, and Dionizio Bicudo: Joam dos Santos, another of the party, was a native of Rio de Janeiro; .. their slaves and Indians made up the number of fifty. Manoel Felix was at the sole expence of the 5 outfit, the others indeed had nothing but their persons and their slaves to embark; some were mere vagabonds, without character or means; the others, young raw men, unprincipled, and deeply in debt, some of whom had already fled from Cuyaba to Mato Grosso to avoid their creditors; and having now contracted new obligations, they engaged in this enterprize for the purpose of escaping. Before the preparations were compleated the creditors suspected their intent, and began to take legal means for preventing their flight; but the adventurers getting intimation of this, embarked in two canoes on the Sarare, fell down the stream till it joined the Guapore, and there at the point of junction, called A Pescaria, or the Fishery, built two more canoes, and laid in stores for the voyage without being discovered.

Manoel Felix de Lima. MS. Itens, &c. MSS.

The Campos dos Parecis.

The Sarare and the Guapore rise within three leagues of each

5 The account of this remarkable expedition is drawn from two manuscripts in my possession. The one is by Manoel Felix himself, and in his own handwriting; .. perhaps there may be no other copy in existence. The other contains the official examination of those persons who returned to the Arrayal, taken by the Ouvidor of Cuyaba, Joam Gonsalvez Pereira.

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other, in the Campos dos Parecis, as the highest tract of ground in Brazil is called, from a people once the most numerous of all its tribes; but now the few who have escaped from death and slavery are incorporated with the Cabixis and Mambares. These Campos are a succession of sandy downs in long ridges, one higher than another, and of very gradual ascent. The soil is so loose that horses sink over the fetlock at every step; and when they attempt to crop the plants which grow there, the roots come up with the stem, and their teeth are filled with sand. The tract ends in a chain of mountains of the same name, which extends some eight hundred miles in a N. N. W. direction. Thirsty as the soil is, it is every where intersected by streams, along the course of which the horses find subsistence during the difficult passage; and here the Paraguay, the Tapajos, and the Madeira, have some of their remotest sources. The Sarare is navigable, from the place where it leaves its native mountains to its junction with the Guapore. It was upon the Guapore that the adventurers embarked when all their preparations were compleated. Manoel Felix says they began their voyage in the name of Jesus, and trusted themselves to the course of the river, expecting to find gold.

Almeida Serra. Patriota. T. 2. N. 6. p. 58.

Do. No. 1. 51. 54. No. 6. 41.

Fourteen of the party turn back.

On the tenth day of his voyage they landed on the right bank, at the mouth of a stream where they found marks of a recent encampment, made, as they supposed, by a party under Antonio de Almeida Moraes, who had set out from the Arrayal six months before them, on an expedition to enslave Indians, and seek for mines. They encamped upon the ground and sent scouts in quest of these adventurers: on the second day the scouts returned, and Almeida came with them. He said that he had met with an old Indian who spake the general language, (so the Tupi is called) and by him he was informed, that if he proceeded down the river he would be in great danger from the

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natives, who were spearmen, very numerous, and warlike; but if he ascended the smaller stream, which there fell into the Guapore, he would find people in the interior who were less ferocious, and were, moreover, at war with these more formidable tribes: therefore he had taken the old Indian's advice; and having sent his men forward to explore the country, had remained with the baggage. This intelligence discouraged some of the party. The Licentiate, Tristam da Cunha, said their wisest course would be to join company with Almeida, for it would be madness to pursue their voyage and encounter these terrible savages, unless they had a greater force. Borba Gato supported this opinion: Manoel Felix said he would go on till he came to the Indians, and it would be time enough to turn back when he found it impossible to make his way through them. The Licentiate replied, that he must have a heart of brass to persist in such a resolution; but he desired that ammunition and provisions might be left for his brother-in-law and himself and those of their company, who were fourteen in number, and one of the canoes also. In this determination they persisted, after a dispute which continued through the night: the rest of the party declared that they would follow Manoel Felix till death, and scoffed indignantly at their late comrades as sheep-hearted adventurers, when they saw them actually set off with Almeida.

Voyage down the Guapore.

The more resolute, who were probably also the more desperate of the party, proceeded on their way. Presently they perceived great numbers of the birds called yacu, from their cry, eating the earth on the banks, and innumerable parrots covering the trees, who were come for the same food; .. the earth was salt, and therefore they concluded that salt was to be found somewhere near. The next day brought them into an inhabited country, where there were many huts on the left bank, and many landing-places cut through the reeds. They landed and

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entered a circular dwelling, the wood work of which consisted of poles resting at the top upon a central pillar; it was hung round with hammocs, for which this is the most convenient form of building. About thirty Indians fled at their approach: a woman remained, with three children, seated upon a little bench, made by some of those tribes who use the teeth of a fish for their instrument, Manoel Felix made a sign as if he wished to take one of the children; .. the woman embraced that child, but pushed another towards him. The one whom she thus offered was a boy with red hair and light complexion; and it was supposed that she was not his mother. He gave her some beads, served himself in exchange with a basket of mandubi and a small hammoc for one of his lads, and re-embarked. On the following day they came to an island which divided the river into two streams, so equal in size that they suffered the canoes to find their own course: the current carried them to the right hand channel. On both sides the land was low, and subject to inundation. During the whole day's voyage they saw the devices used by the Indians for catching fish; and coming afterwards to a grove of cacao, they concluded that they should find people there because it was a land fit for plantations. Manoel Felix therefore, with four Portugueze and four Negroes, went to explore. They entered a great lake, where the crocodiles were very large and very numerous, and presently they discovered a landing-place. As soon as they got upon a little rising ground, they saw some Indians and fired a blunderbuss to frighten them. This was not the best way of opening a friendly intercourse; the natives fled along a path which seemed to lead into a well frequented country; but one man of great stature, in running through a plantation, struck his foot and fell. Two of the Negroes caught him by the hair before he could rise; Manoel Felix came up, and thinking that his breast was covered with blood,

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began to blame the Negroes for having wounded him. The man had hurt his leg in the fall; but what Manoel had mistaken for blood, was oil reddened with roucou, with which they smeared themselves, for the double purpose of a defence from insects, and of making their skin so slippery that an enemy could not lay fast hold upon them. Manoel Felix made signs of friendship to the Indian, and followed him into a house thatched with palm leaves. Here there were ten or twelve jars full of a fermented liquor made from maize, some of which the Indian presented to them in a gourd; but Manoel cautioned them not to taste it, because they did not know what it might be. The house was well furnished with bows and arrows, and instruments so formed as to serve both for oars and macanas, the wood being hard and elastic, and the broad blade like a two-edged sword. Another large building belonging to the same owner was fitted up with ovens for a baking house; and the appearance of a large 6 domesticated bird sitting upon its nest, was another proof of settled life and improved manners. A woman entirely naked, and carrying a child upon each arm, stood by the house gazing at the strangers, without any semblance of fear; but the man after awhile went out, and looking toward the cultivated part of the country, twice set up a long and loud cry. Presently Joam dos Santos came up with two Indians behind him; one of them cried aloud, and going into the house, took one of the two-edged oars. Manoel Felix, among other necessaries for the expedition, had provided an image or portrait of Our Lady of the Conception, which in Brazil is the most in vogue of all her numerous invocations. He had as firm a trust

6 What this bird may have been it is impossible to discover. Manoel Felix says it was a hawk bigger than the American ostrich! .. tinham de xoco hum grande gaviam, maior que huma ema!

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in this as Ulysses in his guardian Goddess; and upon this occasion, he says, Nossa Senhora reminded him that he had left his canoe in the dock of these Indians, who, if they chose to seize it, might kill him and his companions, and eat them. He had previously given a knife to the first Indian, to put him in good humour; he now made one of his slaves take the weapon from the other, and moved toward the boat, going the last of the party, and giving some knives to the Indians as a peace-offering. Just as they reached the port three Indians came up with bows and arrows, which they levelled at them: his companions called out, and he was preparing his gun, when the first Indian spake to his countrymen, and they lowered their bows, .. a great miracle, says Manoel, of N. Senhora da Conceiçam in the canoe. He adds, that the Paulistas when they were few in number, never ventured to go among the savages in their own country by day, .. but that the Mother of God favoured the bold.

Manoel Felix de Lima. MS.

Rash provocation of the Indians.

On the following morning they renewed their voyage early, and proceeded in silence because they knew that the natives would be on the alert. On the right bank there were habitations the whole way, and canoes lying in their ports; but as soon as any of the people saw them, they set up a cry and ran into the country. Joam dos Santos and two Negroes went first in a small canoe, exploring the way, and shooting and fishing as they went. In the evening they came to the termination of the island, and there they met a canoe with an old man and woman on board, a young man and his wife, the two latter being handsomer than any Indians whom he had ever seen either in S. Paulo, Minas Geraes, Cuyaba, or Mato Grosso. Joam dos Santos, in his intercourse with the Indians, seems to have acknowledged no other code than the law of the strongest; and not expecting any resistance, he attempted to seize these people in their canoe; but they stood bravely upon their defence, the young woman sup-

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plying her husband with arrows as fast as he could use them. They got to shore and escaped, leaving their canoe with a few 7 mamoens on board, a prize for the Portugueze. But early on the morrow seven canoes came in pursuit of the aggressors: there were seven armed men in each, and the leader of the party was the youth who on the preceding day had been so wantonly attacked. He was now gaily ornamented with macaw feathers, as a gala dress of war, and they raised the war-whoop as they approached. The Portugueze had not yet begun their day's voyage, and were lying moored to the shore; and the Indians seeing this landed, leaving only one man in each canoe, and defied their enemies. Manoel Felix immediately gave orders to push off, and keep the mid stream; he answered their warwhoop with a shout, that no want of resolution might be betrayed; but seeing that the Indians did not begin the attack, he tried to conciliate them by holding up some iron hoops; then tying this precious metal to a piece of wood, he threw it into the water. Immediately the whole party re-embarked, took up the present, and came up to his canoes without fear or hesitation; they were bold beggars, and the interview might have ended in blood, when one of them seized the pistol and would not allow it to be wrested from him, while the muzzle was directed to his own breast, if their leader had not authoritatively interfered; for this he received a looking-glass in addition to his former gifts, and giving a friendly whoop at parting, they made signs to the Portugueze to continue their voyage.

Manoel Felix de Lima. MS.

They meet with some converted natives.

Three days afterwards they came to some high ground, and here they would have searched for gold; but having landed, they heard the natives singing in the woods, and thought it pru-

7 A sort of bread fruit, probably the Mammea Americana.

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CHAP. XXXVII. 1742.

dent to re-embark without delay. This day they past by many deserted habitations and many ports; landing at one and following a path, it led them to a house where there were many broken jars, and many graves: the mode of interment was strange and hideous; for though the bodies were concealed, the long hair of every corpse was carefully left above ground. It was supposed that the persons in this burial place had either perished in war, or been cut off by pestilence, which the number of forsaken dwellings renders more probable. The next day they shot an antelope which was crossing the river, and landing to skin the carcase, they found a piece of black cotton cloth, which was manifestly part of a tipoya, or sleeveless shirt of the converted Indians. Presently they perceived a little cross fixed upon a pole, some marks in a tree which appeared to have been cut with a chissel, and a boucan for drying fish; and they halted for the night with confidence, because, says Manoel, it had been the quarters of Indians already half christian. In the morning they met a canoe full of men and women, who made from them in such fear that the women paddled with their hands to assist the motion of the boat. But having reached the mouth of a lake or river, where they felt themselves safe, they repeated the words Capibari and S. Miguel, giving the Portugueze to understand that they belonged to that Reduction, toward which they pointed, and that they were hunting the capibari. They were clothed in black tipoyas, and they had beads round their necks, and crosses.

Manoel Felix de Lima. MS.

A Christian native undertakes to guide them.

These people belonged to the left shore; and Manoel Felix therefore kept that side of the river, which was here very wide. Upon meeting another canoe he hailed it, and asked one of the men if he was a Christian; the man replied, Ignacio; and in like manner told the names of all his companions; then in his turn repeated the word Christian in an interrogative tone, and Manoel in reply told the baptismal names of himself and his com-

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panions. Presents were now exchanged; the adventurers received some cakes of maize, and gave in return a portion of the smoked antelope's flesh, some fishing-hooks to the men, some large needles to the women, a looking-glass, which set them all laughing with wonder and delight, and lastly, a yard of ribband to Ignacio, who in his gratitude volunteered to guide the bountiful strangers; and taking the lead accordingly, entered a stream which joined the Guapore from the left. It was not long before they saw a canoe, from which they were accosted in Spanish with the religious salutation of 'Blessed and praised be the Most Holy Sacrament;' but the Indians who thus saluted them were in great fear, and running the canoe ashore, drew it out of the water and carried it overland to a place where they could embark without danger of being pursued. They met many canoes in the course of that evening, and most of them fled; though they saw that the Portugueze were guided and accompanied by men whom they knew. The adventurers were now amid a labyrinth of islands and channels, where they might have wandered, as they say themselves, till they became food for the crocodiles and insects, unless they had had a guide. About night-fall they came to a part of the river where the water was entirely covered with a matted weed called morurus. Ignacio then told them, that as their canoes were laden and made little way, they could not reach S. Miguel before the next evening: he gave Manoel Felix a piece of cotton dipt in cocoa oil, and made signs that he should rub his head with it to keep off a stroke of the sun: then, saying that he was going to hunt for capibari, he bade him farewell, and turned back, to the no little grief of the Portugueze, who were however too honourable or too prudent to make any attempt at detaining him.

Manoel Felix de Lima. MS.

They come to the Reduction of S. Miguel.

Ignacio however had only left them for the sake of passing the night in greater security than he should have felt in their com-

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pany. He rejoined them in the morning, and guided them among an infinity of channels, where it would have been impossible for them to have found their way. They saw many islands which were cultivated, and many canoes, all of which shunned them fearfully. At length Ignacio made known by signs that the port of S. Miguel was behind the next bending of the river, and Manoel sent him forward with a letter to the Missionary, complimenting the Father upon his labours, and letting him know who he was, and whence he came. The adventurers followed slowly; when they came to the turn they saw the port, and such multitudes of people assembled there to see the strangers, that the trees were clustered with them. An apprehension of danger came upon them, undoubtedly from a consciousness of what the Paulistas had deserved both from Jesuits and Indians; and they told Manoel Felix that it was his duty to run the risk of entering: .. Certainly, he replied, it was; but he added, they ought to understand that if he were killed, they themselves had no chance of escaping with life. So he drest himself for the occasion, to make the best figure which circumstances would permit: .. after a lapse of sixteen years, when Manoel Felix was in extreme poverty, he described with evident pride the grand costume in which he appeared that day. It consisted of a full dressed shirt, red silk stockings, breeches of fine green cloth, a miner's jacket of crimson damask lined with silk and laced with ribbands, morocco shoes, a wig, and a gold-laced beaver hat, which had been worn at the espousals of D. José, then Prince of Brazil. Thus equipped he got into a small canoe, taking with him two Negroes, with a musket for each, some of those 8 knives

8 Faca de ponte, a weapon, or instrument, commonly worn in Brazil, two-edged and pointed; the point so sharp and strong that it will strike through a piece of copper money. It is carried at the waistband in a leathern case; the handle is like that of a knife, and it is used either as a knife, a tool, or an implement for settling quarrels.

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which serve the Brazilian Portugueze either for their meals or their murders, and a pistol. He himself stood erect in the canoe, with an Indian walking-cane in his hand; and in this manner, says he, I made for the port, at all risks, trusting in God our Lord, and in our Lady of the Conception, who always was my helper.

Manoel Felix de Lima. MS.

Manoel Felix lands.

As soon as he landed he was met by a great number of old men, who were dressed in their gala attire to receive him: they were in cotton shirts without sleeves, blue baize breeches, and hats made of feathers; and kneeling down before him they besought his blessing, as if he had been a Bishop. Manoel Felix blessed them one after another as they succeeded, till after nearly an hour his arm was weary with this unusual exercise, and he desired that they might proceed to the Reduction. Upon this they formed a lane for him, and as soon as he ascended the bank, his heart, he says, leapt at the sight of cattle and mules. The houses were faced with a kind of white clay called tabatingue, which looks well, but has the inconvenience of falling off in wet weather. The Church was a long building, with three bells, and in the Terreiro, or Square, there were five crosses. The Alcaides of the Mission came out to meet the stranger, and the Jesuit himself, with a white cloth thrown over him so as to resemble a surplice. This Missionary was a German, called by the Spaniards, Gaspar de Prado, and nearly fourscore years of age. He addressed Manoel Felix with an apology for the state of the square; the cattle had made it filthy, and he said that he had not received the Lieut. General's letter in time to have it cleaned. Ma-

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noel, in his reply, desired that they might go into the Church, for after so long a voyage through a savage country, his religious feelings were awakened now that he found himself in a place where he could enjoy the ordinances of his faith. The three bells chimed as they entered the building: in the middle there was a Crucifix, large as life, raised upon three steps which were formed of wood-work and clay; and there were three altars of Our Lady, well ornamented. But while Manoel stood in a pious meditation upon the mercy of God who, he says, had wrought such a miracle as to bring him to that spot, the old Jesuit, being naturally desirous of some conversation with a civilized being, proposed to adjourn to his house, and told him he might say his prayers at leisure.

Manoel Felix de Lima. MS.

State of the Reduction.

To the Jesuit's house accordingly he went, and presently the doors and windows were blocked up with the heads of the Indians, .. so eager were they to see the stranger. Paraguay-tea was brought him in a gourd, upon a silver waiter, and with sugar. He tasted it, but spit it out; for though the Paulistas were accustomed to take it copiously in the morning, he believed it to be unwholesome. When the Jesuit learnt that his visitor came from Mato Grosso, he was astonished, and exclaimed, This Lieutenant Governor has discovered the whole world! and upon his explaining it to the Indians they were astonished also, for they had supposed that the country up the Guapore was possessed by savages alone. This Reduction, which was situated upon the River Baure, twenty miles above its junction with the Guapore, belonged to the Moxo Missions, and was the most recent of their establishments. It was composed of the Muras, a people whose various hordes, in various grades of civilization, were almost as widely dispersed upon the rivers which flow from the centre of the continent into the Orellana, as the Tupi race in those parts of Brazil which had been earlier colonized. Whether

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their 9 language is a derivative, or an original tongue, has not been ascertained. The tribes who approach nearest to the back settlements of Para are remarkably savage, both in their customs and their manner of life. Many of them are elaborately tattooed, and therefore probably it is that when any of them are reclaimed from their wild state they are more unwilling than any other tribe to put on the slightest clothing,.. for this fashion takes away the appearance and the sense of nakedness. It has also the effect of preserving the skin from the annoyance of insects, by destroying in great measure its sensibility: other hordes defend themselves by painting the body, or smearing it with clay. The men bore their lips, noses, and ears, and adorn them with shells, tusks, ánd teeth of animals: many of them have beards like Europeans. The women are noted for affection to their infants. But the hordes on the Guapore from whom the Reduction of S. Miguel was formed, were among the most civilized of all the native tribes. They cultivated maize, plantains, potatoes, and other fruits and roots: they had domesticated many kinds both of land and water fowl, and they manufactured their clothing from bark, like the South Sea Islanders. They poisoned their arrows with a certain gum.

Corografia Brazilica. 2. 316.

Itens. MSS.

Precarious condition of the Missionary.

F. Gaspar had charge of about four thousand of these people: they had killed some former Missionaries, and his own authority over them was very precarious. He always slept in the Church, evidently in the hope that he might derive some protection from the sanctity of the place; and he told his visitor that the Indians sometimes snatched his food out of his hands, and sometimes

9 Hervas (1. 4. § 72.) conjectures, that they may have been the people who inhabited the country to the East of Cuzco, called Muru-Muru, which Capac Yupangue added to the empire of the Incas. (Garcilaso, L, 3, C. 14.)

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beat him. They were honest however, notwithstanding these fits of brutality; for when, at the desire of Manoel Felix, they were sent to bring the things from his canoe, not even the smallest article was purloined. The Jesuit allotted a house to these unexpected guests, and sent the Lieutenant General, as he called him, a cow, apologizing that he had no people to dress it for him, because none of the Indians understood cookery. Manoel now presented the Father with a fine beaver hat, three pounds of white candles, three carpenter's axes, and some knives. He made his men fire a salute, upon which the Indians who filled the house, and were handling every thing which they saw, ran away, and the Jesuit came presently to thank him for having thus terrified them. The next day being Sunday, Manoel drest himself in black velvet, and went to hear mass. The women were on the left side of the Church, drest each in a single sleeveless garment, which had been dyed black; their hair was loose, and wet with palm oil; round their necks they had many strings of small beads, for they were ambitious who should have most. The men were on the other side, and space was left between them for approaching the high altar. The Licentiate, Francisco Lemos, confessed to the Jesuit, and when he had done F .. Gaspar ascended the pulpit: .. Praised be God, said he, who has sent Christians all over the world to magnify his name! The discourse which the poor old man thus introduced betrayed the sense of his perpetual insecurity: he said to the Indians, You see how this D. Francisco has confessed to me, and see the presents which have been made me by the Lieutenant General, .. and then he displayed them from the pulpit; .. know therefore that there are Christians every where, and that if you do any wrong this Christian Commander will return, and with balls of fire kill all those who shall have killed me. Mass was then performed to the sound of a stringed instrument, which, says Manoel, was

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out of all tune, but with God would be like the music of Angels. His Negroes had been ordered to fire three salutes during the service; one in honour of All Saints, the second at the elevation of the wafer, the third at the elevation of the cup. This threw the Indians into a tremor and cold sweat, and strengthened the impression which the Jesuit desired to make.

Manoel Felix de Lima. MS.

Departure of the Portugueze.

Manoel Felix de Lima. MS.

But Manoel Felix was more liberal in his gifts than was quite consistent with the good order of the Reduction: two or three persons having been requited for bringing him fruit with fishhooks and beads, he was besieged the next day by women and girls, who came in large parties, each bringing a beju, or cake of maize, for which she was rewarded with a sash; and Manoel kept measuring on, to gratify his visitors, till he had distributed among them nine pieces of ribband containing about three hundred yards. But then the Jesuit came to him with a doleful countenance, and requested that he would give away no more, saying that these women were leading loose lives, and he had done him unintentionally much harm by supplying them with such finery. Manoel then departed, and in the square he met above fifty women coming with their cakes, who were sorely disappointed at being too late, and who, he says, would all of them have had sashes, if it had not been for that servant of God. He had determined to visit the Missions on the Mamore. F. Gaspar told him he would find the Provincial there at this time, in the Reduction of S. Pedro, and entrusted him with a box of books for him, and a letter. This letter stated, that D. Manoel Felix de Lima, Commander of the Portugueze, had conferred upon him many favours; and expressed a wish, that if all the Portugueze were such as these, many might come to visit him. He directed him also to S. Maria Magdalena, the nearest Mission, situated on the second river which they would come to on the left, after they had re-entered the Guapore. The old man embraced him

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at parting, saying he took away his heart with him, and requested to see him again on his return.

They enter the river Ubay.

On the third day after they had entered the Guapore they came to the second river, which is the 10 Ubay. Ascending it, they saw large crocodiles in great numbers, and observed crosses upon the shore, wherever a party of converted Indians had made their halt. On the tenth day they came to cultivated fields, in which scare-crows were set up; and they learnt from an Indian that F. Gaspar had sent news of their coming over-land; that the nearest Reduction was that of S. Maria Magdalena, and that it was under F. Joseph Reiter, an Hungarian, having for his assistant an Italian, by name F. Athanasio Theodoro, who was learning the language of the wild Indians that he might preach the faith to them, and receive martyrdom from their hands. By this Indian Manoel Felix sent a message to the Missionary, requesting permission to visit him, and rest a few days from the fatigues of an expedition in which he had mistaken his course; .. a falsehood this, which implies some apprehension of danger on his part. About nightfall a canoe came from the Reduction with two Indians on board, one of whom addressed the Commander in Spanish, and in the Jesuit's name presented him with two dozen fowls, some pigeons, beef, fruit, and sugar. Manoel Felix replied, that on the morrow he would go to thank the Missionary in person, and hear mass in honour of St. Ignatius Loyola, whose festival was appointed upon that day; then giving the messengers a piece of they set up a whoop and took their leave.

Manoel Felix de Lima. MS.

10 This river is sometimes called the Magdalena, from the Mission. And in Arrowsmith's map it is called the Itonamas, from the name of the most powerful tribe. Coleti makes the Ubay fall into the Itonamas. .. In this part of the story there is a confusion, both in the narrative of Manoel Felix and in the depositions of his companions. They call this river the Mamore, .. though the error manifestly appears in the course of the relation.

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Their reception at S. Maria Magdalena.

Manoel prepared for the interview with as much solicitude as on the former occasion; and from the extraordinary wardrobe which he carried with him on this wild voyage, he attired himself in pearl-colour silk stockings, a waistcoat and breeches of embroidered dove colour velvet, and a coat of red barbarisco, lined with white silk, and with cuffs of rose colour velvet; the wig, the gold-laced hat, and the Indian cane, compleated his costume, and his arms were a pocket-pistol, a silver-hilted sword, and the formidable faca de ponte, or knife of all work, inlaid with gold and silver. Matheos Correa, whom he desired to accompany him, wore a coat of blue cloth embroidered with silver. If such details are less dignified than the descriptions of chivalrous or oriental costume, they are not less characteristic. They took with them two Negroes armed with muskets and knives, and swords which they wore round the neck. The landing place was about six miles from the spot where they had passed the night, and the Indian archers were drawn up in a double row to see them land. Mass was over before they arrived; the two Jesuits received them courteously in the Church porch, and led them to a house where there was a large table covered with an embroidered cotton cloth; a wrought salver with refined sugar was on the table, and in the corners of the room there were plantains, mamoens, oranges, and that fruit which the Spaniards call Almendras, and the Portugueze, Maranham chesnuts. Before the food was served Manoel's companions arrived, not in such imposing costume 11 as their leader: the Jesuit would have placed them at another table; but Manoel said this would be failing in what was due to honour and cour-

11 They were however dressed, he says, vestidos em corpo, que todos os tenham, se entende es brancos.

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tesy, for they were his friends, and for friendship had accompanied him, being all white men, some of S. Paulo, some of Portugal, and all having slaves of their own. F. Joseph then called for napkins, and giving one to each of the Portugueze, put one carefully under Manoel's chin; and when he, not being used to this uncomfortable ceremony, took the napkin off, the Jesuit replaced it, assuring him that it was a mark of respect. A plentiful repast was set before them, of pigeons, poultry, game, meat, and neats' tongues, all good in their kind if they had not, much against the visitors' taste, been all seasoned with sugar. The want of bread was supplied by cakes of maize, kneaded with milk and baked in a pan.

Manoel Felix de Lima. MS.

Flourishing state of this Reduction.

Manoel Felix de Lima. MS.

This was a flourishing Mission. The Church was a spacious building of three aisles, the columns, as in Paraguay, being each the trunk of a tall tree: the walls were well made of clay, and the roof tiled. A Calvary stood in the middle; there were three altars richly ornamented, an organ, four stringed instruments which are called harps, and four trumpets, which though made of canes, are said to have been as finely toned as if they had been of metal. Some Indians who were expert in the art of carving, had been brought from another Mission; they were employed upon a pulpit, and the Portugueze were astonished at the beauty of the work; it was covered with foliage and the figures of various birds, and was to be gilt when finished. A golden pix had been sent from Lima as the offering of some devout persons; its value was three thousand five hundred pieces of silver. Manoel Felix, who was wanting neither in devotion nor in liberality, presented for the service of the altar a large piece of blue taffeta, and a smaller one, of the richest brocade which had ever reached the mines of Mato Grosso. The Jesuit accepted the gift, and then opening the Sacristy shewed him thirty hangings of tissue and brocade, which had been sent from

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Potosi and Lima, for the same purpose. Manoel was somewhat mortified at perceiving how little his own present would be valued: nevertheless, he said, he had given what he could.

The whole settlement was inclosed with a square wall, which being probably of clay, like the Church, was covered to preserve it from the weather; and this covering projected so far that there was a dry walk at all times round the Reduction. The great square, according to the usual style of these Jesuit establishments, had a Cross at each corner, and a larger one on its pedestal in the centre; but in other respects the ground plan appears to have been traced by some whimsical architect; for Manoel Felix says, that in whatever direction the houses were seen they appeared in regular order, like the chequers of a chess-board; and the country was laid out in farms after the same fashion, with paths of white sand. A considerable space was enclosed within the walls, so as to afford room for folds and gardens; and the settlement bore many marks of civilization: there were shops for weavers, carpenters, and carvers; an engenho, where rum as well as sugar was made; public kitchens, and stocks for the enforcement of wholesome discipline. The plantations of bananas, mamoens, and cotton, were numerous, and the cultivation extended many leagues along the river. The children were instructed in Spanish, and taught to read; and there was a school of music. Horses and kine were very numerous, and two beasts were slaughtered every day for the various artificers who were employed in the service of the Mission. The Indians who had been Chiefs before their conversion, held the rank of Alcaides.

Manoel Felix de Lima. MS.

The Jesuit makes a display of his force.

Though the Portugueze were so well received in these Missions, that according to their own relation greater honours could not have been shewn to a Prince, nor to the General of the Company himself; the Jesuits at S. Maria Magdalena were not

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desirous that such visits should be repeated, and thought it prudent to make a display of their strength. On the second morning, therefore, after the guests had breakfasted upon chocolate and spunge cake, and after mass had been performed, fourscore horsemen were exercised in the great square before the Church. They were drest in cotton shirts which had been ornamented with some labour, and large trowsers of blue baize; their weapon was the macana; they had cotton horse-cloths, and many small bells fastened to the poitral and saddle. They saluted the Jesuits first, and then the strangers, the Alcaides, and the women who were seated upon mats to see the spectacle. They were all good horsemen, and their usual employment was in tending cattle. When they had concluded their exercise both sides of the square were presently filled with archers, naked, their bodies stained red as if for battle, stamping with their feet and setting up the war-whoop. They discharged, their arrows into the air skilfully, so as that they should fall in the middle of the square; and the great cross was bristled with them as they fell. Both sides then drew nearer each other; and when they were within point blank, shot, they raised; so terrible a shout, that Manoel Felix ordered his people to stand upon their defence, and made some of his Negroes gather about him, because he perceived that the natives were more afraid of them than of the Whites. Some of these tribes had been old enemies before the Jesuits had brought them to live together in peace; and this circumstance afforded Manoel a pretext for requesting the Jesuits to bid them disperse for fear of evil; the men, however, were heated in their sport, and appeared to pay little attention to the commands of their Alcaides. Manoel then fired a pistol in the air, .. they stopt immediately and began to pick up their arrows; and he noticed with wonder that every man knew his own. The day had been consumed in these exhibitions. When they were seated at supper, one of the

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Jesuits asked Manoel Felix what he thought of these Indians; adding, that the Missionaries could bring into the field forty thousand archers. Manoel, who perfectly understood the hint, spoke in reply of the effect of field-pieces upon such troops; and the dexterous Jesuit then turned the conversation by complimenting the military prowess of the Portugueze. But especial care was taken that these suspicious guests should have as little opportunity as possible of reconnoitring the place; and for that purpose amusements 12 were continually devised for them.

Manoel Felix de Lima. MS.

Some of the Portugueze proceed to the Mamore.

Manoel Felix had sagacity enough to perceive that the information which he had obtained concerning these Missions, might be of some political importance; for now that the Spaniards and Portugueze were so rapidly drawing near each other, it was evident that a question must soon arise concerning the right of occupation. Some of his companions believed that they might better their fortunes by returning with this intelligence, and that a speculation in cattle would answer their purpose well, and serve as an excuse for having absconded. Manoel thought this part of the scheme impracticable, because the intermediate country was full of swamps, and inhabited by fierce savages; they nevertheless proposed to F. Joseph, to purchase beasts from him at the rate of seven hundred and fifty reis per head, in such articles as they had with them. The Jesuit replied, that as far as concerned himself he would willingly present them with

12 An old man was brought, to exhibit his skill in catching oranges with his feet as well as his hands. His whole body was so seamed with the scars of arrow wounds received in war before he became a convert, that Manoel Felix says he was like a St. Sebastian. And now, notwithstanding his advanced age, the Jesuit affirmed that seven stout Indians could not stand against him in battle.

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a thousand head, but that it was not in his power to dispose of any thing belonging to the Mission without authority from the Provincial, who was then at La Exaltacion de S. Cruz, upon the Mamore. Thither they determined to go, less perhaps in the hope of effecting this object, than for the sake of exploring the land farther; and probably for that same reason Manoel Felix and the three Europeans chose to perform the journey by land, while the Paulistas went in their canoes. The latter set off; the others remained while F. Joseph sent persons to facilitate their way by burning the country. But before this was effected a messenger arrived with a letter from the Provincial, in which the Father was reprimanded for having entertained the Portugueze, informed that he had incurred the displeasure of the Governor of S. Cruz by so doing, and commanded to dismiss them as soon as he could, giving them all necessary assistance for their return.

Manoel Felix de Lima. Itens. MSS.

Manoel Felix is dismissed from the Reduction.

Manoel Felix had been nearly three weeks in the Reduction, and the good Jesuit, notwithstanding his reasonable suspicion of such guests, had become so familiar with them, and had perhaps derived so much enjoyment from their society, that he did not obey these orders without sorrow. He suffered them to linger three days longer, in hope that their companions might return; and when he could not permit of any further delay, stored their canoes with every thing needful. F. Athanasio entrusted Manoel with a letter for his friends in Italy, and gave him a silk mask with green goggles, which fastened behind the head and below the breast, as a protection against sun, wind, dust, and insects. They parted, with many tears on both sides; and Manoel, confiding firmly in the recent confession by which he had made up, as he believed, his accounts with Heaven, and trusting not less firmly in his constant Patroness N. Senhora da Conceiçam, committed himself once more to the stream. Soon

[page] 333

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after they had re-entered the Guapore they met a canoe with a cross erected in the middle; but it gave them no tidings of their former companions: and all hope of rejoining them was at an end when they came to the place where the Mamore and Guapore join, and lose their names, the great river which they form being from that point called the Madeira, because of the quantity of wood which after the rains it carries into the Orellana. The Mamore comes with such power that it makes its way through the other stream, and strikes forcibly against the right bank. Even the crocodiles cannot make way against it, unless they swim deep. The canoe passed over some of these creatures who were lying upon the sand in shoal water, and the splash which they made had nearly swamped the incautious voyagers.

Manoel Felix de Lima. MS.

Voyage down the Madeira.

In the course of a few days they reached the point where the great river Beni joins the Madeira, and immediately they came upon falls and rapids, more formidable than any which they had yet passed. At the first of these impediments Manoel Felix got upon a large crag in the middle of the stream; there was a hole in the stone from top to bottom, and hearing distinctly that there was some animal at the bottom he fired into it: one of his Negroes then was ordered to creep in, which he did in great trepidation, and there he found a capibari, killed by the shot. This was a good prize for men who had had neither meat nor fish that day, and they feasted upon their prey. On the morrow evening they moored for the night at a place where some Indians had formerly been stationed, but which was grievously infested with a long legged fly, called by the Portugueze pernilongo: these blood-suckers attacked mouth, nose, and ears, in such swarms, that their hands were covered with blood in killing them as they alighted on their faces. Manoel Felix hoped to escape from this intolerable plague by means of a large mosquito net,

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under cover of which he ordered his hammock to be slung; but upon getting in he found that the net was of no use, having been eaten in holes by the 13 ants. The rest of the party would gladly have remained where they were for the night, but Manoel, who suffered more acutely from the flies, made them re-embark, and they fell down the river till they came to a piece of high ground, where, by favour of a slight breeze, they slept free from this torment. In the morning a quarrel arose between Manoel and one of his companions as they were passing a rapid; and as they were too angry to attend to the canoe, they had very nearly been lost. When they got into smooth water, the one party leapt on shore with a blunderbuss and challenged Manoel; he instantly landed with his musket, and they were about to fire upon each other, but their companions interposed in time, and convinced them of the madness of quarrelling and fighting in such a situation. One of the Portugueze that day fired thirteen shots successively at some birds, without killing one; he was so chagrined at this, that he made a vow never to shoot again; and this vow he observed faithfully during the voyage, though they were often in want of food.

On the following day Manoel Felix saw some birds which he calls marequas, upon some level ground which he supposed to

13 Manoel Felix says that these red ants devoured the cloths of the altar in the Convent of S. Antonio, at S. Luiz, and brought up into the Church pieces of shrouds from the graves, so that the Friars were obliged to prosecute them, according to ecclesiastical law! A similar case, he assures us, had occurred in that Seraphic Paradise, the Franciscan Convent at Avignon, where the ants did so much mischief that a suit was instituted against them, and they were excommunicated, and ordered by the Friars, in pursuance of their sentence, to remove within three days to a place assigned them in the centre of the earth. It is gravely added, that the ants obeyed, and carried away all their young and all their stores.

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be a dark sand. He landed in pursuit of them, while the canoe proceeded to a bend of the river a little way below; and bringing down three at one shot he ran to secure them, when, to his misfortune, what he had mistaken for sand proved to be a morass of which the surface was dry, and he sunk to his middle. The more he plunged about to extricate himself, the deeper he sunk; and no sooner had he begun to cry for help, than he was answered by a growl from the thicket, where a jaguar was watching at about thirty paces distance. His musquet was wet and full of mud, his cartridge-box in no better plight; and seeing himself in double danger of being smothered in the bog, or eaten alive by the wild beast, he vociferated for assistance, and called upon N. Senhora da Conceiçam. They in the canoe heard him, but supposed that the cry proceeded from the savages; till one of his slaves, wondering that he did not return, ascended the bank to look for him, and then recognizing his voice, summoned the others to his aid. The jaguar fled at their appearance and the shout which they raised; the Negro, meantime, threw off what little clothing he wore, and plunging into the morass, made his way through the mud like a crocodile up to his master, and bade him lay hold of him: in this manner, struggling with his feet to assist himself, Manoel was extricated; the Negro also recovered the gun and the cartridge-box, and got the birds. Manoel remarks, that he had often been obliged to punish this slave for theft, but that he was always ready to exert himself in any danger.

Manoel Felix de Lima. MS.

The canoe wrecked.

The following evening Manoel with one of his Negroes kept pace with the canoe by land; they came to a small river, and Manoel not being able to swim, was ferried over upon the trunk of a tree by the slave, who swam beside it. In washing himself from the dirt which he had contracted in this passage, he took off a small leathern bag containing a golden amulet called a

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Voyage up the Madeira in 1749. MS.

14 Breve, which he wore about his neck. When they had reached their resting place and he was about to lie down for the night, a sudden pain made him lay his hand upon his breast, and he missed the charm; so the next morning the canoe was unladen, and they went back to fetch it. If this had not been done, the misfortune which that day befell them would have been ascribed to the loss of the amulet. They had to pass a rapid in which the canoe went so close to the left bank that Manoel leapt ashore, for the purpose of seeing it pass an upright rock; the current carried it against the rock with such force that the lading was thrown forward; the men were thrown out and got safely to land how they could, but the canoe was carried down the stream and presently out of sight. A few things were saved, but the prospect was sufficiently appalling; they had advanced so far that it was impossible to return: how far it might be from the nearest settlement on the side of Para they knew not, but it was certainly a great distance, and the intermediate country was full of wild beasts and formidable tribes. They rested for the night near a bank of salt clay, which was a great place of resort for animals. Antas, boars, deer, and many other creatures, birds as well as beasts, feed upon this Clay:.. the marks of their feeding are manifest upon the ground itself, and when they have been killed, the stomachs of the one and the craws of the other have been found full of it. It is said to render their flesh insipid. Here they shot an anta, which eluded their search at the time, but was found dead the next morning. They rested that day, and having eaten half their game, salted the other and

14 The Brazilians at this time, commonly wear these amulets, which are called Bentinhos when they are purchased from the Benedictines. They are seldom seen on young men, but few persons of middle age are without them.

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placed it upon the moqui, or boucan, to be smoked: on the morrow, when they returned at night to the same spot, having spent the day in reconnoitring the river without perceiving any termination to the rapid, they found their fire scattered and their meat carried off by the jaguars, who were very numerous and very bold, and whose tracks were seen every where. On the following day they proceeded along the shore; Manoel Felix led the way, and at a place where he least expected such a change, found that the rapid ended. To his still greater joy, he discovered a canoe caught between two large stones near an island in the middle of the river, the prow resting upon one and the poop upon the other, and the body suspended in the air, .. he says, like Noah's Ark. He shouted for joy, and cried out to his companions, that God in his mercy had succoured them when they must else inevitably have perished.

Manoel Felix de Lima. MS.

They find a canoe.

There yet remained a difficulty in reaching the canoe, and there appeared so much danger in swimming to it, because of the force of the stream, that when one of the slaves undertook the service, Manoel Felix engaged to pay his master for him if he should perish in the attempt. He failed in the first trial, but got near enough to ascertain that the canoe was whole and serviceable. Then having re-landed, rested, and strengthened himself with food, he took water a second time higher up the stream, and reached the island, carrying some cords with him, by the help of which the rest of the party joined him upon a jangada, and then they embarked once more and pursued their way. They came now to the falls, which are numerous upon this river; but by means of the embiras and embambas, long lithe creepers which are found in the woods, the canoe was let down safely. At one time they were in distress for food; they shot a huge jaguar, who was too much intent upon catching fish to perceive his own danger: this animal not only served as meat, but as a

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CHAP. XXXVII. 1742.

good bait for their hooks. When this resource failed, they laid a loaded musquet in a path made by the beasts in their way to the river; about midnight it went off and an anta fell. They preserved it with some rock-salt which F. Joseph had given them, and fed upon this as long as it lasted.

Manoel Felix de Lima. MS.

They narrowly escape the Muras.

At length they left behind them the last rapid and the last fall, where the river leaves the mountains through which it had passed during a considerable part of its course. Immediately on the right hand, they saw ground which had been cleared for cultivation, and the remains of a settlement made by the people of Para, who came up the Madeira thus far, to seek for the cinnamon of the country, sarsaparilha and cacao, and tortoises, .. animals which are not found above the falls. The Muras had cut off the settlers, and therefore, the place was thus desolate. Manoel Felix found sugar-canes growing which these unfortunate persons had planted, and was glad to meet with them, not merely as an indication that they were approaching a civilized country, but as a wholesome and refreshing food. Some few miles lower down he landed upon an open bank with Vicente Ferreira and an Indian lad, to keep pace along the shore with the canoe. They saw a plantation of bananas and mamoens at a little distance, and Manoel sent them forward to gather some of the fruit, in doing which, each of them disturbed a nest of wasps, and both were dreadfully stung. They had well nigh brought upon themselves more serious danger. There was a large house in sight, and a gerau also, which is a sort of frame or scaffold in a tree, as a place for watching game. Manoel made signal to the canoe; it was nightfall when they landed, but they could distinguish the recent marks of naked feet upon the bank; he thought there were some Christians near, and in their joy they fired off all their guns as a salute; immediately there was a rush in the thicket, as if a herd of swine had run off: and in the

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morning they perceived the track of savages, whom they had thus unwittingly terrified, and thereby providentially been preserved. They learnt afterwards that a Missionary had been driven from hence, with the loss of an hundred of his people, by the Muras. Blessed, says Manoel, be Our Lord for this deliverance, and blessed also be Our Lady of the Conception, to whom this prodigy is owing, as well as all the others which we experienced, for we had her Image with us.

Manoel Felix de Lima. MS.

Distress for food.

They reach a Jesuit settlement.

The left side of the river in one place was full of tortoises, who were going on shore by thousands to lay their eggs. Manoel and his party were at this time suffering much from hunger; but by a strange ignorance they did not know that the tortoise is good food, and by a stranger stupidity, they appear not to have made the experiment. Some threescore were lying on their backs, and they supposed them to have tumbled over in that position, though the slightest consideration might have convinced them that this was impossible: it must have been done by the Indians, for there was an Indian hut in sight, and the people of Para 15 at this time did not venture so far up the river, for fear of the Muras. In five days more they came to a tapera, or farm, in a fallow state, and here there was a Cross standing. And now, because they were in great distress for want of food, they brought out Nossa Senhora da Conceiçam, and spread a clean towel over a little box by way of altar, and said her Litany, and the Salve Regina and other prayers, and made their vows; and moreover, Manoel Felix promised thirty masses for the souls in Purgatory, if they should fall in with Christians before the end of the following day. The next morning they entered upon a

15 Manoel Felix says, that they kept tortoises at Para, and sold them for three milreis each; and that they made pots of butter (potes de manteiga) from their eggs.

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CHAP. XXXVII.

reach where the river was about four miles wide: at its termination they saw a fire upon the shore. They fired their guns when, as they supposed, they were near enough to be heard, .. but they had mistaken the distance: as they approached nearer they heard the report of a musquet, at which certainly, says Manoel, my heart rejoiced. Here he found a Mission of the Jesuits, where F. Manoel Fernandez had collected the wreck of a former establishment, which had been broken up by the attacks of the Muras. The situation was unhealthy, and almost all the inhabitants were diseased. Here the adventurers were hospitably entertained; and here leaving, not without regret, the canoe which, as Manoel Felix says, by the miracle of N. Senhora da Conceiçam he had found in the river, they re-embarked in a larger vessel given them by the Jesuit, and proceeded to the Aldea do Jacaré, and the Aldea dos Baquazis, both Jesuit Missions, below the last of which they entered the Orellana. The Madeira, when it approaches toward the end of its course, sends off one great branch, and several smaller ones forming as many islands; the straighter stream, at its mouth, is about eight hundred fathom in breadth, and the adjacent country low, swampy, and uninhabitable, because of the inundations to which it is subject.

Manoel Felix de Lima. MS.

Voyage up the Madeira. MS.

Former navigation of the Madeira.

Juan Patricio Fernandez. p. 47.

The Madeira had been navigated before this time. It is said, that so early as the days of Nuflo de Chaves, when the first settlement of Santa Cruz was abandoned, a party of the more adventurous inhabitants went among the Moxo tribes, and embarking in their country either upon the Ubay or the Mamore, followed the stream as boldly as Orellana, and with a like good fortune, till they reached the main sea. About twenty years before the present adventure, the Governor of Para, Joam da Gama da Maya received information from persons who traded with the natives upon the Madeira, that there were European settlements above the falls; but whether of the Portugueze

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CHAP. XXXVII. 1742.

Itens. MSS. Voyage up the Madeira. MS.

Itens. MSS.

Itens. MSS.

Manoel Felix sent to Lisbon.

Manoel Felix de Lima. MS.

or Spaniards, was uncertain. Upon this he dispatched a party under Francisco de Mello Pacheco to explore the river. They ascended as far as the mouth of the Mamore, and there fell in with a Mestizo who guided them to La Exaltacion. Pacheco then ascertained that these settlements were made by the Jesuits from Peru; and after an uncourteous correspondence with the Governor of Santa Cruz, who forbade him to advance into the country, he returned without any satisfactory account even of what he had explored. That Reduction had also been visited by a party of runaways from Bahia, with a Priest in company, who frankly avowed that they had fled their own country in consequence of having committed certain acts, which rendered it impossible for them to continue in it with safety, and they requested permission to take refuge in Peru; but this was refused, and it is not known what became of the adventurers. A Carmelite, also, had reached La Exaltacion; he had ascended the river from the most advanced of the Para Missions on that side, which was afterwards destroyed by the Muras, and the purport of his coming was to ascertain the distance to the Spanish settlements, and to require that the Spaniards would keep on their own side of the river, and not form any establishments on the right bank, nor collect any Indians from thence, because all the country on that side belonged to the King of Portugal, the natives were his Indians, and his Missionaries were employed there. But Manoel Felix was the first man who performed the voyage from Mato Grosso to Para, and proved that a communication by water might be established: his expedition, therefore, was thought of much importance; and the Governor, Joam de Abreu Castello Branco, sent him to Lisbon to give an account of it. The news was carried to Mato Grosso by his companion Chaves, who enlisted at Para as a soldier, took the first opportunity of deserting and getting by way of Maranham to Goyaz, proceed-

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CHAP. XXXVII. 1742.

ed from thence to Cuyaba, and finally to the country from which he had commenced the circle of his wanderings, where he had the good sense and the good fortune to settle upon a plantation on the Guapore.

Voyage up the Madeira. MSS.

His extravagant demands and miserable fate.

Manoel Felix was less fortunate. He sailed for Lisbon with exaggerated notions of the service which he had performed, and in full expectation of receiving magnificent rewards. On his arrival he was put in confinement, and detained a week without cause or pretext, his two Negroes and his baggage being kept on board the whole time. He was then examined by the Ministers touching his discoveries; and his opinion, he says, was asked concerning the measures which ought to be taken. His advice was, that a fort should be erected, and a Portugueze settlement made at the mouth of the Mamore upon its right bank, another at the mouth of the Ubay, and a third at the mouth of the river upon which the Reduction of S. Miguel stood; he conceived that he had discovered these positions, and therefore, that they belonged to Portugal; and he appears to have been perfectly unconscious, that by the right of possession, as well as of discovery, they were vested in Spain. For himself, he required the appointment of Guarda Mor of all the country which he had thus added to the Portugueze dominions, a suitable grant of lands, and such other favours as his Majesty might be pleased to bestow. The Ministers observed to him, that the measures which he proposed would be acts of aggression toward Spain. They offered to ask the King for a recompense for his expences in the expedition; but he insisted upon claiming what he thought his due reward; and so strongly was he possessed with this notion, that he continued to haunt the court as a miserable suitor, till the whole of his substance was expended, and he was reduced to extreme poverty and wretchedness. In that condition, after sixteen years obstinate attendance, and in the

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CHAP. XXXVII. 1743.

sixty-sixth year of his age, Manoel Felix found a melancholy solace in recording his services and his complaints, little thinking, that the very writing which then beguiled his hopeless hours, would one day find its way to the mountains of Cumberland, and that from that writing, the story of his adventures would be incorporated, by an Englishman, in the history of Brazil.

Return of his companions from Exaltacion.

The voyage of Manoel Felix was of importance, not only because it first opened a communication between Mato Grosso and Para; but also, because it first brought the Portugueze in contact with the Spaniards upon that frontier. His companions who left him at S. Maria Magdalena for La Exaltacion de Santa Cruz upon the Mamore, reached that place, and were as well received there by F. Leonardo de Baldivia, as they had been by his brethren in the other Reductions; but to their proposal for purchasing cattle the same answer was returned, and the same insurmountable difficulties in removing them were represented. They remained there eighteen days; and when they departed they gave some trifles to the Indians, but they could only prevail on the Jesuit to receive a piece of silk for the altar, while he liberally presented them with loaves of salt and of sugar, wax, soap, wine, wheaten bread, biscuit, rum, calico, and books of devotion, .. in so flourishing a state were the Moxo Missions. They returned to S. Maria Magdalena, and 16 finding

16 Such is the account which they gave to the Juiz Ordinario, upon their examination. It seems, however, very unlikely that they should have revisited that Mission, without being informed that Manoel Felix had been sent away by orders from the Governor, for the purpose of preventing all farther intercourse with the Portugueze. Upon considering this, and likewise, that they could not reasonably expect to find him there, because when they parted, his intention was to march over land and join them at La Exaltacion, I am inclined to suspect, that they did not touch at Magdalena on their return; but affirmed that they had done so, lest any reproach might attach to them for returning without their companions.

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that Manoel Felix had departed, they then determined to make their way back to Mato Grosso. In forty days they reached the point from whence they had begun their voyage, and they were not long before they appeared at the Arrayal de S. Francisco Xavier. These adventurers were so well pleased with their visit to the Reductions, and thought so much profit might be derived from trading with the civilized Indians, that they persuaded some of their kinsmen and friends to embark with them in a second expedition, and set out again about two months after their return. They went in two parties, one under Francisco Leme, the other under Jose Barbosa de Sa.

Itens. MSS.

Their second expedition to the Missions.

The numerous Indian habitations which they had seen upon their former voyage were now forsaken; the landing places had been filled up, and the houses burnt by the natives themselves: for Antonio de Almeida, with whom the comrades of Manoel Felix had joined company, had made such havoc, and taken so many slaves, that these poor people thought it better to lay their own country waste, and fly into the interior, lest they should be assailed by the same enemies. Barbosa's party came first to S. Miguel. F. Gaspar received them with great coldness, and having merely enquired whether they wished to hear mass, or stood in need of any of the Sacraments, he then turned away and left them abruptly. They did not prolong their visit after such a reception; but to their great surprize, soon after they had re-entered the Guapore, they discovered a new establishment upon the right bank. There they found their old acquaintance F. Athanasio, who with as much 17 courtesy as was compatible

17 "Tratandoos de ladroens, cosarios, bandoleiros e fugidos, mas tudo com modo de Padre da Companhia." This is a curious instance of that Jesuitical manner which has become proverbial.

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CHAP. XXXVII. 1743.

with such a communication, informed them that they were a set of runaways, robbers, and pirates; that the Governor of S. Cruz had instructed all the Missionaries to be upon their guard, and draw out their Indians to oppose them, while he prepared forces to destroy the settlements in Mato Grosso, and erect forts for the purpose of excluding the Portugueze from the navigation of that river. Upon his proceeding to search the canoe, Barbosa thought it expedient to make his company produce their fire-arms; and the display of eight musquets in the hands of men who were ready enough to use them, prevented any violence which might else have been offered: for the establishment was so recently formed that it did not contain above an hundred and fifty Indians. F. Athanasio enquired carefully concerning the distance to Mato Grosso, and the state of the Portugueze settlements there, both as to population and means of defence: and he fairly told the adventurers, that they might pursue their voyage because he was not strong enough to prevent them; but that the other Missions would be able to effect what he could only desire. His assistant was a young Irishman, by name John Brand; and he, though a Jesuit also, seemed not to enter into the political feelings of his Superior, and wished to enjoy the company of these visitors as long as he could. Francisco de Leme arrived at this Mission, which was named after S. Rosa, four days after their departure; but none of his party were allowed to land. Barbosa, meantime, proceeded to S. Maria Magdalena, where F. Joseph Ruiter desired to know immediately what they wanted; for, he told them, they must be sent away on the morrow. They petitioned that they might tarry there two days, in order to confess; and to this he consented: but he said, that if they came thither in consequence of the good treatment which the first visitors experienced, they would find themselves greatly disappointed: that treatment was bestowed in Christian compassion,

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upon persons who were supposed to have lost their way in a wild country; had it been suspected that they came on purpose, they would have been very differently received. Barbosa repeated the old pretence of the cattle, saying falsely, that there were none in Mato Grosso, and they wanted to stock the country; this, he said, was the sole object for which he came, for he well knew that the Fathers were not traders, neither was he himself one. He was told that this request could not be granted, and moreover, that what he wished to attempt was impracticable. During the two days of their abode the Portugueze were kept in one house, and their slaves in another; and they were not permitted to go out for a moment, except when they went to church. Their fare was coarse and unceremonious, .. maize cakes and boiled beef with a little salt to savour it, served upon the bare table; and when they departed they were requested for the love of God never to return, but rather to prevent any of their countrymen from coming, seeing that the only end of such visits would be to create vexation and mischief. The persevering Portugueze were not yet satisfied, but would proceed to La Exaltacion also. Francisco de Leme fell in with them on the way: they were well received, and permitted to remain more than a week. But though the Jesuits here were induced by their own good nature to relax the rigour of their instructions thus far, they pronounced the same peremptory interdict of all future communication. All intercourse, they said, between the Spaniards of Peru and the Portugueze, was prohibited by the laws; and that 18 prohibition the Royal Audience of Chuquisaca, and

18 The deponents, with true Portugueze pride, supposed that fear was the chief motive for this conduct, .. the muito medo que tem de que os Portuguezes the vam invadir as suas terras, botar fogos e destruhir as missoens. Tem a cada Portuguez por hum leam, e a cada Negro por hum tigre. This fear of the Negroes is said to have arisen from their knowledge of an insurrection which had taken place in Minas Geraes. .. Not a single article of Portugueze manufacture was observed in any of these Missions, nor any thing which might be supposed to have come through the hands of that people. Itens. MSS.

[page] 347

CHAP. XXXVII. 1742.

the Governor of S. Cruz, had now ordered them to enforce. The poor Indians, who would gladly have had a regular intercourse established, and a better market opened, both for the supply of their wants, and the disposal of their produce, were much disappointed at this determination, and came in secret to purchase knives, needles, and axes, from their visitors. Their wishes, however, were of no effect; and the adventurers being now thoroughly convinced of the jealous, or hostile temper of the Spanish authorities, returned to Mato Grosso after an absence of nearly four months.

Itens. MSS.

The Spaniards push their settlements on the side of Mato Grosso.

Itens. MSS.

The Spaniards were more alarmed at the appearance of the Portugueze in the Ubay and the Mamore, because a party under Antonio Pinheiro de Faria, had recently found their way to the Chiquito Reductions also. Difficult as it was for the Spaniards to open a communication between those settlements and Paraguay, the Portugueze had scarcely broken ground in Mato Grosso before they made for themselves a way. There was no reason now to apprehend a repetition of such evils as the Guarani Reductions had suffered in Guayra and the Tapé, from the Paulistas. The influence of the laws, and the spirit of a humaner age, had mitigated the ferocity of the Paulista character, while its activity and enterprize were unabated; and perhaps in these Missions, where the Indians were stimulated to individual industry by the prospect of individual advantage, the Jesuits might gladly have promoted an intercourse which would

[page] 348

CHAP. XXXVII. 1743.

have been beneficial to their people, and desirable for themselves. But the Government dreaded such adventurous neighbours; and thinking to prevent the contraband trade and the encroachments which it feared, encroached itself upon the territory which Portugal had begun not only to claim, but to occupy. Three Missions were hastily established on the right bank of the Guapore. That of S. Rosa, which Barbosa had visited, was ill situated, a little below the mouth of the Ubay; the second was higher up, upon one of the rivers which rise in the Campos dos Parecis, and which, from this establishment, now bears the name of Rio de S. Simam Grande; the third was among the Mequens, still farther up the Guapore, and consequently nearer the settlements in Mato Grosso.

Almeida Serra. Patriota. T. 2. No. 6. 53, 56.

Portugueze in Ilha Grande on the Guapore.

Before these encroachments could become matter of dispute between the two Crowns, the Spaniards were impeded in their course by a party of desperadoes who had absconded from Mato Grosso for debt, and established themselves upon an island, called Ilha Grande, in the Guapore, about forty miles long; but of such low land, that at the time of the freshes the greater part is inundated. There were twelve of these persons, who with the slaves and women belonging to them formed nine households, and were renewing, as far as their means permitted, the system of the old Paulistas. They had the same audacity, the same lawless and remorseless courage, and the same strong national feeling. They subsisted wholly by plunder, attacking all the villages of the natives round about, either openly or by surprize, and stripping them of every thing which they could carry off: the surplus of their spoil they bartered with the nearest back-settlers in Mato Grosso, for other necessaries, and for powder and ball to be used in other expeditions. Their prisoners were soon brought to act with them, serving also as guides and interpreters. By frequent incursions, they drove the tribes on

[page] 349

CHAP. XXXVII. 1749.

Voyage up the Madeira. MS.

the left bank back upon the Mission of S. Nicholas, on the Rio Baures; and on the right they prevented the Jesuits from extending their settlements, and made great havoc among the Mequens, a warlike people from whom the new Reductions were chiefly formed, and among the Abebas, Paivajaes, Urupunas, Travesoens, and Pataquis, .. tribes in a state of rudeness, but disposed to live peaceably, tractable, and not cannibals. As the Jesuits could not muster a force able to chastise these ruffians, they talked of applying to the Governor of S. Cruz for troops. But they seem also to have speculated upon the possibility of conciliating them, and inducing them to side with Spain, when their aid might become needful; for they well knew, that whether the question concerning the boundary should be amicably adjusted or not, whenever a war should occur between the two nations in Europe, hostilities would certainly ensue upon the frontier of Mato Grosso and the Moxos. Therefore, though these ruffians had been excommunicated by the Vicar of Mato Grosso, to whose flock they belonged, the Jesuits, with more than their wonted skill in casuistry, discovered some plea for still admitting them to the rites and sacraments of the Church. It appears that the men themselves were not troubled with much anxiety about the matter; for when F. Raimundo Laines came to celebrate mass upon their island, bringing with him his Cross, his portable Altar, and the rest of his apparatus, outlaws as they were, they made a formal protest against his performing the ceremony, lest it should prejudice the rights of the Crown of Portugal. There happened, however, to be a Portugueze visitor with them, and at his intercession the Father was permitted to go through the service; but as soon as it was done, they took down the Cross which he had set up, and desired that he would never again set foot upon the island. Two other Portugueze of the same description were at this time in the service of the Missionaries, who received and

[page] 350

CHAP. XXXVII. 1749.

entertained them, on condition that they should conduct expeditions in search of the fugitive Neophytes.

Expedition from Para to Mato Grosso.

The Portugueze Government had been less active than the Spanish, with regard to this country, perhaps, because it relied upon the known spirit and activity of the Brazilians; but the importance of the communication between Mato Grosso and Para, and the propriety of securing the dominion of the rivers, were not overlooked; and orders were given that the voyage should be performed from Para by a strong party, well provided with stores, means of defence, and instruments for laying down their course. The two Lemes, who had twice visited the Missions on the Mamore, were in this expedition; they had probably been sent from Mato Grosso, to act as guides in the upper part of the navigation. When about three weeks' voyage up the Madeira, they reached a deserted plantation of cacao, where one Antonio Correa, with five domestic Indians, had been murdered by the savages: here they were attacked by the Muras; and having repulsed them, they found on the following day an arrow stuck in the sand, which was a signal of defiance. But when the savages who had given this challenge, saw the superior force of the Portugueze, they made to the shore, sunk their canoes, and presently eluded pursuit. Their canoes are made of bark; and it is little inconvenience to these people that they are easily swamped, for they are expert swimmers, and easily recover them; at night they secure them from being stolen by sinking, and thus also the discovery of their own quarters is rendered more difficult. About a week afterwards they sent their large canoes back to one of the nearest Missions to wait their return, and began to build lighter ones, as better adapted for the increasing difficulties of the navigation, and for portage. While this business was going on, they were abundantly supplied with fish and tortoises; but they were fain to fortify themselves against

[page] 351

CHAP. XXXVII. 1749.

the Indians; and having been harrassed by them during many days, found it expedient, as soon as the trunks of the trees were prepared, to remove to an island where they could finish the work without molestation.

Voyage. MS.

Toward the termination of its course, the Madeira passes through a low and most unhealthy country. In the Aldea dos Abacaxis, where the Jesuit F. Joam de S. Payo had once collected a thousand Indians, more than two thirds of the population had been cut off, partly indeed by the small pox and measles, but partly also by the more permanent evil of a near lake, which is regularly filled in the season of the floods, and during the remainder of the year stagnates and is dried up. A degree of civilization high as that of ancient Egypt, must be attained before such physical circumstances can be overcome. Other settlements had been abandoned, or removed, for similar causes; and melancholy vestiges of meritorious industry appeared in lemon, orange, and other fruit trees of European or Asiatic extraction, growing wild and continuing to flourish, where man himself had not been able to take root. The curse of insects is usually superadded to such evils, .. or rather it co-exists with them, as if for the purpose of preventing mankind from attempting to inhabit such situations till they shall be strong enough and wise enough to replenish the earth and subdue it. Part of the country through which they passed is called Carapanatuba, .. the land of musquitoes. But higher up the river, as the land rises, the country improves; and the adventurers were delighted with the rich combinations of lake, island, and sylvan scenery, which it presented. Of all the streams which fall into the Madeira from the right, the Jamary is one of the largest; it rises in the Serra dos Parecis, and was at that time the most known of all the rivers of Para, as being frequented for cacao. They who gathered it associated in companies for mutual defence, and

[page] 352

CHAP. XXXVII. 1749.

usually went with a flotilla of four or five canoes. A settlement, called Trocano, had been formed a little above the mouth of the river; its only remains now were the fruit tress, which bore testimony to the carefulness of the unfortunate settlers, and the favourable nature of the soil and climate. A little way farther the navigators arrived at the first fall, and then entered upon the Cordillera. There is a portage here of about a third of a mile. The second and most formidable cataract is three leagues higher, where the whole river, being in that place nearly half a mile wide, makes a fall of about a hundred feet. Here there is a steep portage for nearly three quarters of a mile; and the canoes were so much opened by the carriage, that it was necessary to halt three days for repairing them. A substitute for hemp was found on the spot, in the inner rind of the jacepo-caya, and the sap of the cumaa was found better adapted for the seams when filled with this material, than pitch or tar would have been. Some of the other falls occasioned greater difficulty; and at the fifth, a portage of a mile in length cost them the labour of four days. From the entrance of the mountains upwards almost to the mouth of the Beni, there is a succession of falls and rapids. The Beni, which at its mouth is eight hundred braças wide, brings with it a body of water little inferior to that of the great river which it joins. Like the Mamore, it is turbid, and the navigators on their voyage clarified the water with alum to make it potable: but the mud is deposited in its long course, and the Madeira becomes clear before it divides itself and enters the Orellana. There are seven falls or rapids above the junction of the Beni, making in all nineteen. The party were more than an hundred in number: on some occasions the exertions of every individual had been required, and yet no accident had happened to any one person, .. a good fortune which the most experienced adventurers in company regarded with admiration.

Voyage. MS.

[page] 353

CHAP. XXXVII. 1749.

They come to S. Rosa.

Immediately above the last fall, they came to the first Pantanal; and here the stream appeared to be stagnant, partly because of its expansion over the low ground, partly because the fall made a natural dam. The next point was the mouth of the Mamore; the width of that river, at the junction, is five hundred braças, its depth seven; the Guapore is not so deep by about three feet, but it is the wider stream, and its waters are clear. The party were enjoined in their instructions to pass S. Rosa during the night, that they might not be seen by the Missionary; and this they effected: but the intention was frustrated by the obstinacy of their Chaplain. He requested leave to go and confess at the Reduction: this permission it was not in the Commander's power to grant, directly contrary as it would have been to the tenour of his orders: the Chaplain chose to consider the case as one in which the temporal authority had no right to interfere; so on the following night he stole away with one of the small canoes. It was thought necessary to reclaim this extraordinary deserter, and for that purpose the two Lemes were sent to the Mission: they were selected because they were known there; but as they were not men who could be entirely trusted, a third person of superior rank went with them in the character of their servant. But it proved that no precaution was necessary, and that there had been no cause for any jealousy as to the disposition of the Jesuits: for since the overtures for opening an intercourse with them had been so sternly rejected, a total change in the feelings of the two Courts toward each other had been produced by the accession of Ferdinand VI. to the Crown of Spain. This Prince had no affection for his ambitious step-mother, and the greatest fondness for his wife, a daughter of Portugal. Implacable hatred was then succeeded by cordial good will, and the alteration was felt in the centre of South America.

State of S. Rosa.

F. Athanasio had been obliged to remove his settlement from

VOL. III. 2 Z

[page] 354

CHAP. XXXVII. 1749.

its original situation, because of a plague of ants, who destroyed all the young plants. It was now placed lower down the stream, near to the skirts of the great Cordillera which approaches the river in that part; but neither was this site found convenient, and preparations were then making for a second removal nearer the mountains. There were none of the comforts and luxuries here, which had been found by the first adventurers at Magdalena and Exaltacion. All the effects of the Indians consisted in their hammocs, and earthen vessels for dressing their maize: this they performed in various ways; but though the visitors may be supposed not to have been very nice in their palates, they found every preparation of this food insipid, and disgusting in appearance. The Indians complained that they were obliged to break up the ground with stone implements, for want of better tools; that they had neither fish-hooks, nor knives, and were almost as destitute of conveniences, as they were before they listened to the Jesuits, and for the hope of bettering their condition consented to forego their former manner of life. But this was owing to the infant and unsettled state of the Reduction: they had been so employed in the removal, and in clearing ground, that there had been as yet little time for weaving calico, by the sale of which, at S. Cruz de la Sierra, the wants whereof they complained were to be supplied. Both sexes wore the tipoya, .. with this difference, that the habit of the women came down to the feet, whereas that of the men fell only a little below the knee, and had its opening in front. The population amounted to about five hundred persons, of whom one hundred and fifty were capable of bearing arms.

Voyage. MS.

They touch at S. Miguel.

After a friendly reception here, the messengers returned with the Chaplain, who resumed his place in the flotilla, without either apology or reprimand for his culpable conduct. The party now began to experience some difficulty in procuring

[page] 355

CHAP. XXXVII. 1749.

food. The waters were rising: at such times the fish forsake the rivers and enter the lakes and pantanaes; when the inundation abates, great numbers are left in the flooded lands, and there become a prey for the birds, who know the season, and flock thither accordingly. The game also had retired to the rising ground, too far to be pursued; though by persons who know the country, and are prepared with the light canoes, called ubas, it may be found in great abundance upon such elevated spots as are above the floods. The first level country which they reached was on the western shore; on the eastern side were lakes, which were now widening, and mixed their waters with the pantanaes, formed at the mouths of the rivers which came from the Campos dos Parecis. The navigation might have been much shortened by leaving the river, and making across the line of waters: but for this, more local knowledge was required than their pilots possessed; neither could it be done in their large boats, because of the woods through which they must have passed. On the second day after they entered upon the champaign country, the eastern shore also became level, but covered with thick wood. They had now but a scanty stock of flour remaining, and no resource either from fishing or hunting; so they were compelled to look for a supply at S. Miguel. F. Gaspar was still living; but the Mission had been removed to the right bank of the Guapore, soon after the second visit of the Portugueze, because of some unusual sickness. The Indians were better lodged than those at S. Rosa, and their houses upon a larger scale, each holding three or four families; but they were not better furnished. However, the settlement was in a more flourishing state; it had large plantations of rice and maize, and cattle and poultry in abundance; and it carried on an active intercourse by land with the new establishment of S. Simon. Eight hundred of the baptized inhabitants were capable of bearing arms. They were well made,

[page] 356

CHAP. XXXVII. 1749.

and of a colour more approaching to the Portugueze than the Tupi complection. Their dress was the same as that at S. Rosa; but on holydays the women girdled the tipoya with a ribband, (a fashion which had probably originated from the bounty of Manoel Felix) and gathered it up a little in front, in order to expose the feet. The good old German welcomed them as hospitably as he had done his first guests, .. happy, no doubt, that such hospitality was no longer forbidden by his superiors: he entertained them with music, gave them an ox, and allowed his people to trade. Fruit, maize, meat, and poultry, were plentiful; and two needles were the price of a hen. Here they laid in a supply which they supposed would suffice them till they reached the settlement upon Ilha Grande: .. banditti as the settlers were, they were Portugueze, and their countrymen looked to them with confidence. The virtue of nationality, indeed, is one which the Portugueze possess in the highest degree.

Misfortunes at Ilha Grande.

But the voyage now became more painful. As the waters increased, they could find no piece of dry land on which to dress their food, or take their rest at night, and they were constrained with great inconvenience to do both in the canoes. The Indians also fell sick, which was imputed to change of water, change of air and climate, and change of food: all hope of concluding the expedition depended upon them; a long and arduous way was still before them, and for their sake it was necessary to lessen the daily fatigue by making short stages, and when they reached the great river-island to remain there six days. During those days so many disasters occurred, that the Portugueze almost believed a malediction lay upon the place, and that they were visited with the displeasure of Heaven, for holding intercourse with its excommunicated inhabitants. A sergeant died on the day of their arrival of a fever, which carried him off in less than eight and forty hours. A Negro who went

[page] 357

CHAP XXXVII. 1749.

hunting, .. for none of the Indians were now capable of any such exertion, .. was killed and eaten by a jaguar; and fifteen of these poor Indians, impatient of the distress which they endured, stole a canoe from the islanders, and set off on their return. It was learnt afterwards, that they arrived in safety at their own settlement, which was a Jesuit Aldea on the Xingu. Here, however, the party procured what little maize the settlers could supply, and they took from hence one of these people, who agreed for twenty-three oitavas, to guide them to the river Sarare, and support himself upon the way, but on condition that he should not be compelled to go farther. The stock which they had obtained was scanty, as might be expected from the habits of such people. In the course of a week they were reduced to half rations. The Indians, who bore their sufferings worse than either the Negroes or Europeans, were afflicted with agues; and when by good fortune an Anta 19 was shot, or any

19 Among the "small deer" which they were glad to meet with, was the Paca. An Indian, who held the rank of Major in the escort, pursued one of these little animals to its hole; and putting in his hand in hope of drawing it out, was bitten by a Surucucu, a deadly snake, which frequently nests in the burrows of the Paca, .. as if fond of associating with it. Actual cauteries were applied, and borne with great fortitude, but to no purpose: in the course of three hours the patient felt a great oppression, lost his speech, and appeared to be in the agonies of death. In this state, as there was no Venice-treacle to be had, they had recourse to Bico de Acavan, and Unicornio de Inhuma, .. the beaks of two birds, reduced to powder and given internally The patient had much difficulty in swallowing this; but it is affirmed, that as soon as the cordial reached his stomach, the oppression was relieved, the lethargy passed away, and his spirits returned. The medicine was frequently repeated, and in five days he was perfectly recovered. "This fact," says the writer, "is mentioned for the benefit of future travellers, the remedy being always to be found in those parts; for the two birds, especially the Inhuma, are common upon the lakes. The same effect is produced either by the bill, or bones reduced to powder; and they are found not only to cure the bites of various reptiles, but to be equally efficacious in expelling poisons which have been taken into the stomach" It is not specified in what vehicle the powder was taken; .. if it were in ardent spirits, this may have been the efficacious part of the dose. Manoel Felix, in the short Tratado das Cobras, which he has appended to the account of his voyage, relates a story of a Negro in Brazil who was bitten by a rattlesnake at a time when he was drunk with rum, and had a calabash of rum in his hand, to which probably he applied after the bite. He killed the snake, and lay down to sleep under a tree. When he awoke and saw the dead reptile lying by him, and recollected what had passed, he declared that rum was a cure for the bite of the rattlesnake.

[page] 358

CHAP. XXXVII. 1749.

birds, it was necessary to be careful that the invalids might not injure themselves by eating too much, .. a proof that want of sufficient food was a main cause of the malady.

Distress of the party.

As they advanced, the inundation appeared like a boundless lake. The woods bore no fruit at this season, the waters contained no fish, and if a bird were seen, it was only now and then a solitary macaw, whose hoarse voice, says the journalist, seemed to complain of the general famine. Even when they came to large tracks of country, where the rice rose above the floods, they had only the tantalizing knowledge, that at a more favourable time their wants might have been abundantly supplied there by the wild harvest. They must have been bewildered here amid the lakes, woods, and pantanaes, had it not been for their guide from the island; his experience preserved them from that miserable fate; and as they advanced they sent their light canoes forward, to bring provisions from the nearest of the back-settlements, while they cut down some wild palms, and subsisted upon the cabbage. In ten days the canoes returned laden with maize, rice, beans, and fruit, from the plantation of Chaves, .. the comrade of Manoel Felix, who after all his adventures had been wise and fortunate enough to take to a settled life. He was established, with other farmers, upon a tract of level ground,

[page] 359

CHAP. XXXVII. 1749.

extending from the river to the mountains, and above the reach of the floods: here they enjoyed the advantages of a good climate and a fertile soil; and the Chapada of S. Francisco Xavier, as what was then the chief settlement in Mato Grosso was called, was often supplied from hence. The party rested two days with Chaves to recruit their strength. A few hours after they had resumed their voyage they entered the Sarare. This river, which is full of islands, is two hundred braças wide at its mouth: there are pantanaes on both sides, and the water is covered with accapi, a floating weed. which must be cut away with hooks or hatchets, before any boat larger than a fishing canoe can pass. The navigation also is much impeded by trees which fall into the river, being undermined by the stream, or loosened by the inundations. In three days more they reached the port of Pescaria, having been nine kalendar months upon the voyage. The voyage down may be performed in forty-four days.

Voyage. MS.

Intercourse between Para and Mato Grosso.

Corografia Brazilica. 2. 262.

From that time the navigation between Mato Grosso and Para was frequented, notwithstanding the length, and difficulty, and danger of the way. It was found that Mato Grosso could be supplied at a cheaper rate with European goods from Para, than from the Rio, and that the voyage was far less perilous than that from S. Paulo, where two such enemies as the Guaycurus and the Payaguas infested the way. Other lines have been proposed instead of the Guapore and Madeira: .. by the Rio das Mortes, or the Araguay, into the Tocantins; .. or by the Xingu, which is the clearest of all those rivers that flow into the Orellana, and in magnitude little inferior to the Madeira; .. or by a course taken by Joam de Sousa e Azevedo, a man famous in Brazil for his discoveries. Two years before the expedition from Para, he embarked upon the Cuyaba and d scended it into the Paraguay, ascended the Paraguay to the mouth of the Sipotuba (upon which the only bearded tribe of Indians in these

[page] 360

CHAP. XXXVII. 1742.

parts is found), and navigated that river up to its sources: he then transported his canoes to the Sumidor, which in English might be rendered the Mole, because it performs part of its way underground. The Sumidor carried him into the Arinos, the Arinos into the Tapajos; and by the same route he returned to Mato Grosso, with a cargo of goods in his canoes. But upon the Tapajos the impediments of falls and rapids, though not insuperable, are greater than on the Madeira; and therefore the route by the latter river is preferred, though it is longer by two hundred leagues. Boats carrying from one to two thousand arrobas can perform the voyage to Villa Bella, whereas neither the Xingu nor the Tapajos, in parts of their course, afford draught for such burden. But either of these latter rivers would in time of war have the advantage of being perfectly secure from the Spaniards.

Bento da Fonseca, in a letter prefixed to Berredo's Annaes do Maranham.

Almeida Serra. Patriota. T 2. No. 1. 50—56.

Drought in Mato Grosso.

Sept. 24, 1744.

Mato Grosso and Cuyaba were now rapidly increasing in population and prosperity, notwithstanding a drought which is said to have lasted from 1744 to 1749, and to have been so excessive that the woods took fire, and the atmosphere on every side was filled with clouds of smoke. A great mortality ensued; and to add to the dismay of the people, at mid-day and under a bright sun, a sound like thunder was heard beneath their feet, and this was immediately followed by several shocks of an earthquake. Two years after this alarm, the great convulsion took place by which Lima was overthrown; and that shock, which produced such frightful effects along the coast of Peru, was distinctly felt in the centre of the South American continent. But Brazil as yet had suffered nothing from these visitations, which had been so peculiarly fatal in the mother country. The effects of the drought soon disappeared when the seasons resumed their ordinary course: the fountains which had been dried up, burst forth again; the vegetation speedily recovered;

[page] 361

CHAP. XXXVII.

diseases ceased as soon as the prevailing cause was removed; and the places of the dead were presently supplied by new adventurers. In one year more than fifteen hundred persons passed from Goyaz to Mato Grosso, with droves of cattle and horses, .. though twenty years before that time, there had neither been horse, nor cattle, nor Portugueze, in either of those countries. Great distress had at first been experienced for want of salt: it is recorded, that one Paulista sold a 20 handful to another for a pound of gold. This it was which made Manoel Felix and his companions notice the salt earth upon the Guapore as a hopeful indication. But about the time of his voyage, a salt lake was discovered near the river Jauru; .. a discovery of more importance to the well being of the people, than that of the gold and diamonds, which had drawn them into this country. A certain Almeida was the first person who profited by it; and his name is preserved there in consequence. Two years before the expedition from Para, a surgeon from Mato Grosso carried a venture of this salt to Exaltacion, having understood, probably by means of the Indians, that the Mission was greatly in want of it. He was well received there, exchanged the salt to great advantage for dry goods, wax, and calico, and formed a sort of partnership with the Missionary, who gave him a list of the things which they wanted, and wished the exchange to be carried on at S. Rosa: but the Governor of S. Cruz interfered, and prevented the continuance of this traffic.

Corografia Brazilica. t. 261.

Discovery of salt.

Manoel Felix de Lima. MS.

Almeida Serra. Patriota. T. 2. No. 2. 52.

Voyage up the Madeira. MS.

20 A small quantity finely sifted was made to suffice for curing a whole pig. They cut slices in the carcase, and carefully inserted it; then smoked the meat with a plant called the aroeira, which is thought to possess an antiseptic quality. (At this time, when they lay fish upon the moquim to dry it, it is upon the boughs of this plant; and meat is packed upon it.) Both the colour and taste of bacon thus cured were good, and it would keep for many months.

VOL. III. 3 A

[page] 362

CHAP. XXXVII.

Progress of the Portugueze from Para.

The Portugueze meantime had not been less active in extending their settlements from Para, in other directions, up the rivers. If indeed it be considered how small a slip of land constitutes the kingdom of Portugal, .. small as it is, how inadequately that land is peopled, .. and that Portugal, partly for bigotry, partly for suspicion, and partly because of that pride which predominates in its national character, derived no assistance for her colonies from the redundant population and activity of other nations, .. the Brazilians will perhaps be found to have made a greater and more rapid progress, in proportion to their means, than had ever been made by the colonists of any other nation; .. so ignorantly and so falsely have the Portugueze, and more especially the American Portugueze, been accused of a listless and spiritless inactivity. They had established themselves so far up the Orellana, as to occasion many disputes with Spain concerning the boundary, and some far-sighted apprehensions for the security of Peru. They had made their way up the Rio Negro, and from thence by a chain of rivers and lakes, till they ascertained the extraordinary fact of a communication between the Orellana 21 and Orinoco, by reaching in their canoes the Spanish Missions.

21 This was thought so contrary to all usual experience of the course of waters, that it scarcely obtained belief in Europe, till in our own days all doubt was removed by the testimony of Humboldt, from whose authority there could be no appeal. The doubt ought not to have existed; for the fact had been stated upon competent authority by the Jesuit F. Bento da Fonseca, in the year 1749, in a letter prefixed to Berredo's Annaes do Maranham. Condamine also obtained the same information at the Missions on the Orellana. Gumilla (T. 1, c. 2.) argues at length to disprove it: he was a man of weak judgement, and reasoned only upon what he had seen of the one river, without recollecting that he knew nothing of the other, .. that even upon his own side of the country, his observations had been limited, .. and that one man's ignorance can weigh nothing against the knowledge of another. He lived to be undeceived: for Condamine tells us, that his letters to the Portugueze Commander and Chaplain on the Negro, went by the very communication, the existence of which he had denied.

[page] 363

CHAP. XXXVII.

Course of savage emigration from South to North.

Condamine. 86.

P. Lombard. Lett. Edifiantes. T. 7. 334.

Vieyra. Hist. do Euturo, § 280.

At this time, there was not one hostile tribe upon the 22 banks of the Orellana, along the whole of its course: all had either submitted to the Missionaries, or retired into the interior, from their indefatigable pursuers. They, who being weary of the monotonous life which they led in the Aldeas, or of the labour which was exacted from them, returned to their former habits, did not feel themselves secure till they had retreated far into the country. Many did not rest till they came upon the French territory of Guiana, where they received every encouragement to settle: and it is to the credit of the Portugueze Missionaries, that the French Jesuits found them well instructed in the principles of their faith. The course of migration which the natives took in flying from the Portugueze, seems generally to have been from South to North. The Tupi tribes from Pernambuco fell back upon Maranham. The race of warlike women, for whose existence the evidence is too strong and coherent to be lightly disbelieved, had been heard of first in the centre of the continent, lastly as crossing the Orellana toward Guiana. And upon the higher part of the Orellana, Condamine found the lop-eared Indians who had disappeared from the Paraguay.

22 There were however some places, Condamine says, where it would have been dangerous to pass the night on shore. A few years before his voyage, the daughter of a Spanish Governor, who attempted to return to Europe by this course, was surprized on shore by the savages, and murdered. The poor woman had probably chosen to take this route, notwithstanding all the difficulties and privations to which she must inevitably have been exposed, rather than run the risque of falling into the hands of the Buccaneers.

[page] 364

CHAP. XXXVII.

State of Para.

Condamine. 173.

Gerogrufia. Brazilica. 2. 299.

Inoculation introduced.

Condamine. 181.

The City of Belem, or Para, as it is now generally called, bore evident marks of its prosperity. When Condamine arrived there from Quito, the year after the expedition of Manoel Felix, it seemed to him, he says, as if he had been transported to Europe, finding himself in a large town, with regular streets, chearful houses well built with stone, hewn as well as unhewn, and magnificent churches. During the thirty preceding years it had been almost wholly rebuilt, and the old dwellings replaced by larger, more commodious, and more substantial edifices. The climate, which the first settlers had found very injurious, was now so materially improved, by clearing the country and converting what had been close woodland into pasture, that it had become a healthier city than any of the southern capitals. The small pox indeed made great ravages there; it was observed to be more fatal to the newly-reduced Indians who were naked, than to those born among the Portugueze, or long domesticated, and therefore accustomed to clothing. Condamine thought that the disease could not so easily throw itself out through their indurated skin, and that their custom of rubbing themselves with various unctuous substances would obstruct the pores, and increase the difficulty,..a supposition which was strengthened by the fact, that the Negroes, who had no such custom, bore the disease better. About the year 1730, a Carmelite Missionary read of inoculation in a newspaper which reached him at his Mission near Para: half his Indians had died of this frightful malady; he inoculated all the rest, and did not lose one; and the example was followed by one of his brethren on the Rio Negro, with like success. These men deserve statues;..and yet Condamine has not preserved their names.

State of the Aldeas.

The Portugueze Missions upon the Orellana, were in a far more flourishing state than those of the Spaniards upon the same river. This was owing to their communication with Para; for

[page] 365

CHAP. XXXVII.

the Spaniards were not permitted to hold any intercourse with their more active neighbours: Quito therefore was their only market, itself wretchedly supplied with European commodities, and separated from the river settlements by long and mountainous ways. While, therefore, in the Spanish villages the churches, as well as dwellings, were mere hovels, constructed of stakes and reeds, and the people not only destitute of all comforts, but even of the decent conveniencies of life; in the Aldeas the churches and the missionaries' houses were built of masonry; the women wore shifts of Bretagne cloth; the Indians possessed property of their own, not living in community like the Guaranies; .. and as they had chests with locks and keys for the security of their goods, it appears also that they had acquired some of the vices as well as the wants of an advanced society. Knives, needles, and scissars, were found in these Missions, more than two thousand miles up the river, and combs and looking-glasses, .. things which are at once symptoms, and instruments of civilization. The principal article which they gave in exchange was cacao. In the Spanish villages they continued to use the Indian canoe, formed of the trunk of a single tree. The Portugueze converted this into a keel for their boats, built sides to it, which they fastened on with knee-timbers, made a small cabin at the poop, and constructed the helm so as not to interfere with it. Some of these boats were threescore feet in length, seven in width, and about three and a half deep. There were others large enough to require forty rowers. Most of them carried two masts, which were of great use in ascending the river, because easterly winds prevail there from October till May.

Condamine. 88. 89.

All the Aldeas above the Rio Negro were upon the right bank, which lay higher than the opposite shore, and was not subject to the inundation. These were under the Carmelites, as were those also which had been formed upon the Rio Negro. Below

[page] 366

CHAP. XXXVII.

Disputes between the Jesuits and Carmelites. 1751.

Apologia da Companhia. MS. p. 162.

the mouth of the Negro the Missions of the Jesuits began. These Religioners received orders from the Governor, Luiz de Vasconcellos Lobo, to establish two Aldeas above this point, one on the right bank of the Orellana, between the eastern mouth of the Javari and the Carmelite Aldea of S. Pedro; the other at the western mouth of the great river Jupura. The Carmelites were offended, more especially with regard to the settlement on the right bank, which they considered to be within their allotment; and they presented a memorial, stating that they were near the spot, and could execute the Governor's orders more easily than the Jesuits. Their representations were disregarded. Among the savages whom the Jesuits collected at the new establishment were many who had deserted from the Carmelite Missions; and this circumstance aggravated the ill will, which the preference given to a rival Order had naturally excited. The Carmelites reclaimed these persons as stray sheep belonging to their flock and fold; but the Jesuits replied, that by the laws of the Kings of Portugal the Indians were free, and therefore had a full right to chuse their place of residence. Such reasoning was by no means satisfactory to the offended party; and a troop of their Indians, under two white men, were sent by night to lay waste the plantations of the new settlement. It could not be doubted that this injury came from the Carmelites; and one of their number, F. Joam de S. Jeronymo, is accused of having given the orders for it. In return, the Jesuits' people would have set fire to S. Pedro, and put their enemies to death; but the Fathers had sufficient authority to restrain them, and no farther ill consequences ensued.

Unpopularity of the Jesuits.

The scandal however was notorious, and gave occasion for the people of Para to call this affair, the war between the Carmelites and Jesuits. The public odium against this latter body of men, the most active of all the Religious Orders, and in later

[page] 367

CHAP XXXVII.

1734.

Apologia da Companhia. MS.

times far the most meritorious, had been lessened by the edict of Pedro II, which admitted other Religioners to share with them in the administration of the Indians. After that time there were no tumults excited against them in Maranham and Para; but complaints were still made that they were unnecessarily zealous for the liberty of the natives, and consulted their interest rather than the advantage of the Portugueze, to the great detriment of the State. The planters therefore still wished to eject them entirely, and turn over their Aldeas to the more accommodating Orders, with whose conduct they were satisfied. Not a fleet sailed for Lisbon without complaints from the two Senados, and from the inhabitants, that the State was ruined for want of slaves, and that the effect of the Jesuits' overscrupulous religion was, to deprive the people of bread. The Senate of Maranham even sent over a Deputy, to repeat the old accusations. Joam V. was by no means disposed to credit these often confuted calumnies; nevertheless, the Dezembargador, Francisco Duarte dos Santos, was empowered to enquire into the matter. This judge pronounced the charges to be most false; and it was only through the intercession of the Jesuits themselves that the calumniators escaped the punishment which the King gave orders to inflict upon them. No fear, indeed, of obloquy or of odium, seems ever to have deterred the Jesuits in Maranham from faithfully discharging their duty. They perseveringly represented to the Court, that the only remedy for the evils of the State was the total abolition of Indian slavery: .. because of the tyranny of the Portugueze, the Indians, they said, were emigrating in great numbers into the Spanish territories; they were also emigrating toward the possessions of the French; but if slavery were abolished all these tribes would remain within the Portugueze limits, and become the children of the King, .. the term by which the Indians always used to denote submission.

[page] 368

CHAP. XXXVII.

System of the Aldeas.

Apologia. MS.

The system of the Jesuits in Maranham and Para differed essentially from that of their brethren in Paraguay, and in the heart of the continent. In Paraguay they had secured the land to themselves, and were enabled to legislate within the Forbidden District, according to their own notions of Christian polity; and in the Chiquito and Moxo Missions, though they had not adopted the principle of living in community, they were equally unrestrained. But in Maranham, the principle upon which they were compelled to model their institutions was that of rendering the Indians serviceable to the Portugueze settlers. Registers of the Indians in their Aldeas were kept at S. Luiz and at Para, containing the names of all who were capable of service from the age of thirteen to that of fifty. These registers were renewed every two years, and attested upon oath by the respective Missionaries; and from these lists the Governor allotted the poor Indians, who with impudent hypocrisy were called free, for terms of six months, and issued written orders to the Missionary to deliver so many Indians for the service of the Portugueze settler named in the dispatch. During the other half year the Indians might serve if they pleased and there were many who preferred this service to the course of life in the Aldeas, which imposed upon them less labour, but more restraint.

At a proper season the Mayoral, by which Portugueze appellation the chief person of the Aldea was designated, went out with other Indians, to determine what part of the land belonging to the settlement should be cultivated for the ensuing year, .. it being easier to open new soil than to fertilize that from which a crop had been taken. The ground was then apportioned among the Indians, to each according to the number of his family: but the Missionaries had great difficulty in inducing them to cultivate their portions, and were sometimes obliged to use compulsory means. When the produce was gathered in, the master of

[page] 369

CHAP. XXXVII.

every family was compelled to reserve an ample allowance for the whole household; otherwise, with that want of foresight by which savages are characterized, he would sell the whole; and in that case, the Missionaries must either have taken upon themselves the support of these persons, or allowed them in search of subsistence to go into the woods, from whence they would probably never return. Whatever they raised beyond this necessary provision was their own free property, and chapmen enough came to the Aldeas to receive it in exchange for tools and other European commodities: but so little were they supposed capable of transacting a bargain, that a Missionary, or some person by him appointed, was required by law to be present at all their sales. It was a common saying in Para, that an Indian had his heart in the woods and his body in the Aldea. If an Indian fled from his task-work, he usually came to the Aldea by night, and got away his family, and perhaps his kinsmen also. Sometimes it happened that a Missionary awoke in the morning, and found himself the only remaining person in the fold, his whole flock having run wild while he was asleep. Among the Guaranies, absolute power in the Jesuits, directed as it always was, to what was believed to be the interest of the people, produced the most absolute dependence of heart and will; so that the Neophytes often laid down their lives in defence of their teachers, with the zeal and alacrity of willing martyrs. But it was far otherwise here, where the Missionary had no power to protect his people, and was even made the unwilling instrument of consigning them to their task-masters during the term of servitude. When they were upon a river expedition, the boatmen would forsake them upon the first alarm, or the slightest displeasure.

Apologia. MS.

Manner in which the Aldeas were supported.

The Kings of Spain allowed the Jesuits in their colonies an annual salary. This was not done by the Kings of Portugal;

VOL. III. 3 B

[page] 370

CHAP. XXXVII.

and the Colleges in Maranham were too poor to support the expence of the Missions. Every Jesuit in the Aldeas, therefore, was allowed to employ five and twenty Indians, for the same time, and at the same rate of wages, as any other Portugueze, in collecting cacao, sarsaparilha, the indigenous spices, and other wild produce. There was a large canoe in each of their Aldeas for this service, twenty-eight in all. The white man who commanded in each canoe received a fifth of the adventure for his share; the four fifths defrayed the expences of the Mission in the expeditions for reducing Indians, in medicines, which were a considerable cost, and in Church ornaments, .. for the Churches were ambitiously adorned. As yet there was no money in Maranham, and therefore the Jesuits sent home produce to pay for what they wanted from Portugal; and upon this foundation the calumny was raised, which represented them as monopolizing the trade of Maranham and Para. These expeditions were of six months duration. The Carmelite Aldeas were near the cacao country, and so remote from Para and the other Portugueze towns, that few or none of their Indians were called upon for service: they could therefore employ as many of them as they thought proper in collecting produce. The Franciscans sent no canoes from their Missions, but furnished boatmen for one or two barks which were fitted out by their Superiors; and the Capuchins of S. Antonio supplied the Portugueze freely with Indians for such expeditions.

Apologia. MS.

Exemptions from servitude.

According to law, the Indians, when brought from the Sertam, were not obliged to serve the Portugueze during the first two years, that they might have time to be well instructed in the faith, which it was said was the chief motive for reducing them, and also to make their own plantations. The law also allowed the Indians to stipulate, that they should not at any time be required to perform personal service, .. if it was not found possible

[page] 371

CHAP. XXXVII.

to persuade them to settle in the Aldeas upon any other terms. The Goajajaras insisted upon the stipulation, and it seems to have been faithfully observed. But when the Amanagos treated for the same conditions, the Jesuits hesitated at receiving them; because these people were far more numerous, and esteemed for their strength, stature, and comeliness, above any other tribe: the Missionaries therefore apprehended, that the laws would not be strong enough to protect them; and perhaps for that reason, were not sorry that the negociation was broken off in consequence of some wrongs having been offered to these high-spirited savages by the colonists on the Meary.

Apologia. MS.

Intercourse of the Portugueze with the Aldeas.

By the laws of Pedro II, no Portugueze was permitted to dwell in the Aldeas, because of the ill effects which their conduct and their example would produce among the Neophytes. The penalty for a breach of this edict was, banishment for a noble, and stripes for one of inferior rank. Neither might any person go there for the purpose of hiring Indians, unless he were provided with a special license in writing from the Governor: this was never refused; and upon this business the Portugueze frequented the Missions, and paid half the stipulated wages in advance. So far, indeed, were the Jesuits from attempting to establish any system of exclusion here (however much they might have desired it had it been practicable), that their houses served as inns, where the Portugueze upon their expeditions were hospitably and gratuitously entertained. The inhabitants of the nearest plantations used to attend mass in the Aldeas; and the Jesuits boasted that their Indians, of both sexes, were as well dressed on such occasions as these white neighbours. They regularly prepared clothing for as many as they expected to collect in the interior; and it was not one of the least diffi-

[page] 372

CHAP. XXXVII.

culties in their negociations with the Indians, to make them consent to wear it. The same regard to decency was not always found in the plantations.

Apologia. MS.

Prevalence of the Tupi language.

The enemies of the Jesuits reproached them, in Europe, for prohibiting the Portugueze language in their Missions. Malice has seldom been more stupid in its calumnies: for, desirable as it undoubtedly was to introduce an European and cultivated language in place of a barbarous one, it was found much easier to acquire the Tupi, than to communicate the Portugueze to the natives. Traders found the Tupi necessary upon their expeditions; the children learnt it from their Indian nurses, or their Indian mothers; and in the Aldeas, the Indians of various tribes easily acquired the general language, because, however radically different in its vocabulary, the construction and principles were analogous to their own; whereas the Portugueze, in all its characteristics, was entirely foreign to their habits of expression and of thought, and therefore infinitely difficult. The Tupi, for this reason, had so compleatly gained the ascendancy throughout Para, that it was used exclusively in the pulpits.

Humboldt's Travels. English translation, vol. 3. p. 243—8. Corografia Brazilica. 2. 277.

Chain of Missions throughout Brazil and the adjoining countries.

A chain of Missions had now been established in all parts of this great continent. Those of the Spaniards from Quito met those of the Portugueze from Para. The Missions on the Orinoco communicated with those of the Negro and the Orellana. The intercourse between the Moxo and the Madeira settlements was prevented by political considerations, not by distance, or any natural impediments. The Moxo Missions communicated with the Chiquito, the Chiquito with the Reductions in Paraguay, and from Paraguay the indefatigable Jesuits sent their labourers into the Chaco, and among the tribes who possessed the wide plains to the South and West of Buenos Ayres. Had they not been interrupted in their exemplary career, by measures equally

[page] 373

CHAP. XXXVII.

impolitic and iniquitous, it is possible, that ere this they might have compleated the conversion and civilization of all the native tribes; and probable, that they would have saved the Spanish colonies from the immediate horrors and barbarizing consequences of a civil war.

[page 374]

CHAPTER XXXVIII.

Effects of the Introduction of European cattle. The Equestrian Tribes.

CHAP. XXXVIII.

A change, meantime, not less remarkable than that which the discovery of the mines had brought about in one part of Brazil, was produced more gradually in other quarters. New animals had been introduced into the country by the first colonists; and new habits of life, both in the Indian and Creole inhabitants, were induced by their prodigious increase.

First cattle introduced in Paraguay.

1556.

Azara. Quadrupedes du Paraguay. 2. 352.

During Yrala's government, Captain Juan de Salazar brought seven cows and one bull from Andalusia to Brazil, and drove them overland, probably by the same track which Cabeza de Vaca had taken, to the Parana, opposite the place where it receives the Mondai. There he constructed a raft for the cattle, and left a certain Gaeta to transport them by water to Asumpcion, while he proceeded to that city by land. The raft was several months upon the voyage; and the man who navigated it received one of the cows for his reward. Gaeta's cow serves, at this day, as a proverbial simile among the Spaniards of Paraguay for any thing of great value: but though this use implies that the payment is now thought to have been ridiculously disproportionate to the service, it had probably a different meaning in

[page] 375

CHAP. XXXVIII.

its origin. When there were only seven cows in the country, nothing in Paraguay could have been so 1 valuable as one of them.

In the year 1580, the first 2 cargo of hides was shipped from

1 Piedra-hita says, that the first cattle which were introduced into the Nuevo Reyno, sold for an excessive price, and these were twenty-five cows con sus toros. (p. 370.) Montoya brought the first cattle into Guayra from Paraguay, about the year 1612, .. an undertaking which the Spaniards thought utterly hopeless, because of the distance, and the nature of the intermediate country.

Lozano. 6. 17. § 17.

2 Azara says, that the second founders of Buenos Ayres carried cattle there in 1580, and that some of these cattle became wild, and multiplied greatly in the country toward the Rio Negro. But the second foundation of Buenos Ayres was in 1546, (vol 1, p. 116); and in the very year of the third foundation, the first cargo of hides was exported. A more remarkable oversight occurs in the same chapter of Azara's Essais sur l'histoire naturelle des Quadrupedes de la Province du Paraguay. He refers the origin of the wild cattle on the North shore of the Plata to some which he supposes to have been left there by the Spaniards from Paraguay, when they were driven away in 1552 from the city of S. Juan Bautista, which they had attempted to found opposite the site of Buenos Ayres: Il est à croire que la hâte et le danger avec lesquels ils s'enfuirent, ne leur permirent pas d'enlever quelques V aches, que sans doute ils avoient, et qu'ils abandonnerent. En P année 1580, cinquante soldats partirent du Paraguay, et fonderent Buenos Ayres; et il est presumable, que parmi eux se trouvoient quelques-uns de ceux qui avoient été à Saint-Jean-Baptiste, ou de leur heretiers ou descendans qui, pour cela, avoient droit aux Troupeaux existans dans les champs de la Cité du meme nom, et qu'ils s'appellèrent Actionnaires, pour se distinguer de ceux qui, ne descendant pas des fondateurs de Saint-Jean-Baptiste, n'avoient point un pareil droit. (T. 2, p. 355.) He forgets that this attempt to establish themselves on the left bank, (perhaps upon the site of Colonia,) was four years, according to his own account, before the first cattle were brought into the country.

Long before this time they must have existed in Brazil: and the wild cattle unto which he alludes are more likely to have proceeded from the Captaincy of S. Vicente, than from Paraguay; on which side, indeed, the Parana and the Uruguay seem to have presented insuperable obstacles to their migration. .. They would not take the water willingly, and are not compelled to do it without loss. Dobrizhoffer observes, (1. 262.) that, when large herds are driven across a river, there are always more bulls drowned than cows.

[page] 376

CHAP. XXXVIII.

Dobrizhoffer. 1. 246.

Azara. 1. 101.

Buenos Ayres for Spain; and about thirty years later, not less than a million of cattle, it is said, were driven from the country about S. Fe into Peru, .. so rapidly had they multiplied upon the endless plains of Tucuman and the Plata. Individuals soon numbered their stock by thousands and ten thousands, in a country where grazing farms were as large as an English parish, and the area of a single estate not unfrequently exceeded that of a county. There were many persons who possessed one hundred thousand head; and some of the Reductions had more than half a million, .. a stock not too large, when more than forty beasts were slaughtered every day for the use of the inhabitants; great numbers were stolen, still more carried off by hostile Indians, jaguars, and wild dogs, and a great proportion of the calves miserably destroyed by the fly, which, more than any other plague, may be called the curse of Paraguay. The wild cattle far exceeded in number those who were in this state of semi-domestication. Horses had multiplied with equal rapidity. The great increase of these animals, in a land where none of the same genus had existed before the discovery, altered even the physical features of the country. The bulbous plants and the numerous kinds of aloes (pitas or caraguatas) with which the plains were formerly overspread, disappeared; and in their place the ground was covered with fine pasturage, and with a species of creeping thistle 3 hardy enough to endure the trampling by which the former herbage had been destroyed. The insect as

3 To explain this fact, which is so easily explicable, Azara has recourse to his favourite theory of the creation of new species.

[page] 377

CHAP. XXXVIII.

well as the vegetable world was affected, and the indigenous animals of the country, birds, as well as beasts of prey, acquired new habits.

The natives become beef-eaters.

When the wild cattle spread into the Cordillera of Chili, the Indians of that country discovered them, and drove whole herds across the mountains into their own territory, where they were purchased by the Audience. Other tribes, to improve their means of subsistence, descended into the plains that they might be near this numerous game; and there they allied themselves with the hordes of the Pampas. The war which they carried on upon these innumerable cattle would not have produced any perceptible diminution, had not a far more destructive chase been kept up by the Spaniards of Tucuman and of La Plata, for the sake of the hides. This was so excessive that the animals became scarce, growing wilder as they were continually persecuted. The Indians, who from habit and necessity had become a beef-eating people, were now driven by want to attack the tame cattle in their estancias, or grazing farms; and for this cause they began a predatory war upon the Spaniards, compelling them in their turn to defend their lands and possessions against a hungry and adventurous enemy. The conquerors of America had been as much indebted to their horses as to their fire-arms; and from a foresight of the evils which would arise if the natives should become horsemen, it was forbidden to sell one of these animals to an Indian, on pain of death. The law soon became futile: horses, having once become wild, multiplied so rapidly that they herded together by thousands: the Indians were not slow in availing themselves of the opportunity which was thus afforded them; and when it was once understood that this noble creature was as docile to an Indian as to a Spanish rider, whole tribes became equestrian.

Azara. Quadrupedes. 2. 354.

Herrera. 4. 3. 9.

The Mbayas obtain horses.

Among the most formidable of these tribes were the Mbayas,

VOL. III. 3 C

[page] 378

CHAP. XXXVIII.

Almanach de Lima.

1661.

Dobrizhoffer, 2. 422.

Azara. 2. 100—103.

a name, of which the orthography expresses a mode of labial pronunciation unknown in any European language. Their country in the Chaco afforded them protection when the Spaniards were a bold and enterprizing people: great part of it was swamp, or subject to inundations; and during the dry season, the soil was so parched and cleft by the heat, that none but the natives could traverse it. When the Spaniards had lost that adventurous spirit which led them into the land, and were spending their strength in domestic factions, this nation crossed to the eastern side of the Paraguay, attacked the settlement of S. Maria de la Fe, and killing many of the Guarani inhabitants, compelled the rest to emigrate; then continuing their ravages eastward, they destroyed the Spanish town of Xeres, and established themselves on that side of the river. The Mbayas were the more to be feared, because, contrary to the custom of all the other natives, they made their attacks by night. Under the cover of darkness they attacked the town of Petun, or Ypane, as it was likewise called: they laid their long lances across the ditch by which it was surrounded, and crossed upon them as by a bridge; but perceiving that they were discovered, and that the inhabitants were prepared for defence, they retreated, and carried off with them some horses which they found pasturing on the plain. These were the first horses which came into their possession; .. and the Romans did not profit more wisely by the Carthaginian galley which was driven upon their shores. They learnt the use of the animal, made it their first object to get possession of more, and presently became a nation of horsemen. In the ensuing year they compelled the settlers to desert Ypane, Guaranbire, and Atera; the fugitives removed toward Asumpcion, and the Mbayas were left undisputed masters of the province of Ytati, extending northward from the Jesuy, in latitude 24° 7', to the Lake of Xarayes. Toward the South, they drove the inhabitants from Toba-

[page] 379

ty and commenced a war in that direction, wherein they nearly extirpated the Spaniards from Paraguay: for the Spaniards were neither wary enough to escape their stratagems, nor courageous enough to cope with them in the field, nor swift enough to escape from them in flight. Every where about Asumpcion monumental crosses marked some spot where Christian blood had been shed by these tremendous enemies: and the inhabitants of that city, who never from the hour of its foundation had been masters of the opposite shore, were no longer safe on their own side of the river, and trembled even at their own doors.

Dobrizhoffer. 1. 106. Lozano. 5. 23. § 2.

Their mode of fighting.

They used the bow and arrow for hunting and fishing, not in war; their arms being the macana, and a spear of great length (from fifteen to twenty feet), pointed at both ends: it was secured to the wrist by a thong; and thus, when the savage had thrown it, which was often done with such force as to pierce an enemy through and through, he instantly recovered the weapon. They endeavoured in battle to frighten the Spaniards' horses; for which purpose some of them would alight, and with fantastic gesticulations display skins of the jaguar, in hope that the creatures might be rendered ungovernable by their instinctive fear at the sight and scent. If they could break the ranks, or provoke the Spaniards incautiously to expose themselves by firing a volley, they were then sure of compleat victory, .. so dreadful was their assault; and scarcely a man escaped from the rage with which they pursued their advantage. They gave no quarter, carried away the heads of the slain, and preserved the scalps as their proudest spoil. But if the Spaniards at first made some of their steadiest marksmen alight, and could shoot a single Mbaya, the rest would immediately quit the field, provided they were permitted to carry off the body of the dead: if the enemy attempted to harrass them when they were thus employed, or even to seize the horses from which they had alighted,

[page] 380

CHAP. XXXVIII.

they would return with fresh impetuosity to the charge. Like the Arab, the Mbaya was passionately fond of his horse; he would on no account part with it, nor even lend it to another. They rode without any kind of saddle, but with a degree of skill and agility which they who exhibit feats of horsemanship in European theatres have never surpassed. If they were flying before the Spaniards, they never remained a moment in the same posture on the seat: sometimes they were extended upon the horse's back; sometimes at length along his side, and even under the belly, keeping the rein fastened to the great toe. These practices they acquired because they stood in great fear of fire-arms: against matchlocks they were found effectual; and trusting to this security in case of defeat, they learned to meet equal numbers upon equal terms. They had the wisdom generally to keep on the skirts of the woodland, where, being naked and case-hardened, it is said, they could glide through briars which were impervious to their pursuers. More than once they attempted to surprize Santa Fe; and had it not been their custom, when they had gained one advantage in an expedition, to return satisfied with the glory, Azara affirms that there would not at this day have been a single Spaniard in Paraguay, or Portugueze in Cuyaba. He knew the people of Paraguay, but he did not know the Brazilians; and perhaps the Spaniards owed their preservation in some degree to their braver and more adventurous neighbours.

Azara. 2. 100—103. 111—113. Chomé. Lett. Edifiantes. 8. 228.

Alliance between the Guaycurus and Payaguas.

At the time when the Portugueze began to establish themselves in Cuyaba, the Guaycurus, who were the chief branch of the Mbaya nation, had entered into a strict alliance with the Payaguas; and such was their expertness at acquiring any new habits which increased their power, that they became an aquatic, as easily as they had become an equestrian people; and thus made themselves equally formidable upon the water and upon the

[page] 381

CHAP. XXXVIII.

They fall upon the Portugueze. 1725.

Corografia Braz. 1. 252.

land. The weight of this alliance fell upon the Portugueze. Its first effect was the destruction of a flotilla from S. Paulo, of more than twenty canoes and above three hundred persons. The allied natives encountered them on the Paraguay, and two white men and three negroes were all who escaped. The report of the survivors excited great astonishment. So severe a loss had probably never before been sustained from the Indians in any single action since the discovery of Brazil. Formidable as they knew the Payaguas to be, they had never supposed them capable of bringing together such an armament: the alliance, which would have explained the mystery, was not suspected; but of the whole extent of the evil they received severe and repeated proofs. Five years after the first great loss, the Ouvidor, Antonio Alves Peixoto, departed for S. Paulo with the royal fifths, which that year amounted to sixty arrobas (about 80,000 l.) in a fleet of thirty canoes. They had reached the Bahia de Ingaiba, a large bay formed where the Cuyaba joins the Paraguay; and there, as the men were carelessly taking their meal, and suffering the boats to glide with the stream, they were awakened from their security by the dreadful huru of the combined Indians. The Portugueze sold their lives dearly, and it is believed that more than four hundred of the natives perished in the action; but only seventeen of the Portugueze escaped, who got to shore by swimming, and concealed themselves in the woods. The people of Asumpcion, who were then at peace with the Payaguas, derived some profit from this deplorable event; .. part of the gold was carried there, and disposed of as a thing of no value. One of the savages gave six pounds of gold for a pewter plate.

Manoel Felix. MS.

Cor. Braz. 1. 254.

The Portugueze fit out flotillas against them.

The Portugueze were not disposed to sit down tamely and bewail their loss. An expedition of six hundred men, in thirty war-canoes, and with fifty baggage boats, was fitted out to cruise for their enemies and give them battle. They came in sight of a

[page] 382

CHAP. XXXVIII.

1732.

1734.

flotilla at the mouth of the Embotatiu, or Mondego, as the Portugueze have named it, after the favourite river of their poets. The Indians defied them with whoops and gestures, but were too wise to engage an enemy who came to seek an action. Availing themselves therefore of the shape of their canoes, and their skill in managing them, they were presently far out of sight. The Portugueze followed perseveringly, and after many days came upon an Indian fleet suddenly at daybreak: their guns and musquets put them to flight; and pursuing them to one of their villages, called Tavatim, they destroyed all the canoes in the port. After this the flotillas passed safely for two succeeding years; but on the third, one which consisted of fifty canoes was intercepted, and very few of the people escaped. Upon this a more formidable armament was prepared, of thirty war canoes, seventy baggage boats, and two armed balsas. The Lieutenant General Manoel Rodriguez de Carvalho was appointed to the command. After a month's search he descried, just at the dawn of day, some fires in the bottom of a bay; and approaching as secretly as possible, came almost within musquet-shot of the Indians before he was perceived. A great carnage was made among them, and of the wounded and children who were not able to escape into the woods, about three hundred were taken, carried into captivity, and baptized.

Cor. Braz. 1. 256.

1736.

The second year after this surprize, the water-caravan from S. Paulo, though of considerable force, was attacked by superior numbers. The continuance of war with the Portugueze seems to have given the river-savages a feeling of pride and honour, like that of their enemies, and to have made them careless of their own loss so they could win the victory. A battle of several hours ensued. The Portugueze commander, Pedro de Moraes, fell,.. a man distinguished for his courage. Frey Antonio Nascentes also was killed,..a Franciscan, who was known by the appella-

[page] 383

CHAP. XXXVIII.

tion of the Tyger: it may reasonably be inferred, from such a title, that the life and virtues of Frey Tigre, if faithfully recorded, would form as curious a chapter as any which is to be found in the Seraphic Chronicles. In this action a huge Mulatto, by name Manoel Rodriguez, but called Mandu-assu, or Big Manoel, distinguished himself by his uncommon activity and strength. He was in his canoe, with a wife of his own complection, and his slaves: two boats attacked him, and he beat them both off, plying a pole with such force in the intervals while the virago was charging his musquet, that every stroke proved fatal to the savage upon whom it descended. He contributed more than any other individual to the victory which the Portugueze obtained, and was rewarded with a Captain's commission.

Cor. Braz. 1. 257.

The Portugueze seek for peace.

1743.

Treachery of the savages.

But these losses did not dispirit the allied Indians. On one occasion, being disappointed in an attempt to intercept the annual caravan, they ascended the Cuyaba in pursuit of it, and killed some fishermen near the town. This alarmed the people: a meeting of the Senado was called, at which the Ouvidor and the chief persons of the place assisted; and the effect of a council held thus, while their fears were fresh, was a resolution to seek for peace. The alliance of the Guaycurus with the Payaguas was not suspected: they were believed to be friendly to both parties, and it was determined to solicit their mediation. Antonio de Medeiros was sent upon this embassy, with twelve canoes, half which were laden with presents, and with goods to be exchanged for horses with the savages. Medeiros took up his quarters upon an island near one of their villages; the Guaycuru Chief came with his people to the nearest shore; a conference was held, the presents were accepted, the mediation was promised, and it was agreed that on the following day the trade should begin. Unsuspicious of any treachery in these fair appearances, a great number of the Portugueze landed on the

[page] 384

CHAP. XXXVIII.

morrow to transact the exchange: they were incautious enough to go without arms, and they who remained in the boats saw the savages fall upon them: immediately they fired their cannon, and put the murderers to flight; but not before fifty of their comrades had been butchered. Here ended the vain hope of peace. But about this time roads were opened to Bahia and to the Rio; and owing to these communications, and to the intercourse which was soon established with Para, the route of Camapuan was less frequented. They who still used it associated in strong bodies: their canoes were well armed, and manned with picked men; and a convoy usually accompanied them from Cuyaba to the Taquary, where they were met by another. The allied Indians, by this system, were frequently deterred from attacking them; and when they ventured upon battle, suffered severe defeat, or purchased an unimportant success with a heavy loss of lives. Such losses were not repaired among them as they were among the Portugueze: for savage life is always unfavourable to population; and among these savages, a flagitious custom had arisen, which was destroying them more rapidly than pestilence or war.

Cor. Braz. 1. 260—2.

Practice of abortion among the Mbayas and Guaycurus.

This custom, which was not known when the Spaniards entered the country, was, that a woman never reared more than one child: it was not universal among the Mbayas and Guaycurus, but it was very general; for it had become the fashion. Azara once remonstrated with a woman who was then pregnant, upon the wickedness of such a practice. She replied, that an infant was a great incumbrance; that parturition injured a woman's figure, and rendered her less agreeable to the men; and moreover, that abortion was the easier thing of the two. He asked her how it was procured: upon which she coolly made answer, that he should see; then lay down upon her back, and in that posture was beaten by two old women till the effect was produced! It necessa-

[page] 385

CHAP. XXXVIII.

rily happens, that some lose their lives in consequence of the crime; and others, who escape death, contract diseases which render life burthensome. Still it is the fashion; and they adhere to it obstinately. The Spaniards have offered to purchase the childen whom they do not chuse to rear, if they will only suffer them to be born; and they have often endeavoured to induce a pregnant woman, by large gifts, to spare her unborn child: but it is averred that they have never succeeded in any one instance. This practice, in its consequence, has entirely destroyed that part of the Guaycurus, who were for so many years the most formidable enemies of the Spaniards of Asumpcion. When Azara left Paraguay in the year 1801, there remained only one individual of this stock, .. a person remarkable in other respects as well as for being the last survivor of his nation: he was six feet seven inches in stature, beautifully proportioned in all his limbs, and altogether, it is said, one of the finest specimens of the human animal that had ever been seen. Being thus left alone, he had joined the Tobas, and adopted their dress and fashion of painting. But that branch of the Guaycurus with whom the Portugueze of Cuyaba were engaged in war, still exists: among them the women begin to rear their children after they reach the age of thirty; and they are a numerous people.

Azara. 2. 114—116.

Cor. Braz. 1. 282.

Their fashions and habitations.

The average stature of the Mbayas, is said to be five feet eight; they are well proportioned, well made, hale, and 4 long-lived.

4 In 1794, a Cacique called Nabidrigui, or Camba, who was six feet two, replied to one who enquired his age, that he did not know how old he was, but that when they began to build the Cathedral at Asumpcion, he was married and father of one child. That Cathedral was built in 1689, .. he must, therefore, certainly have been at least one hundred and twenty years of age. He was half grey, and his sight a little weaker than that of other Indians; but he had neither lost a tooth nor a hair, and went to war like his countrymen. Azara 2. 104.

VOL. III. 3 D

[page] 386

CHAP. XXXVIII.

Azara. 2. 135. Dobrizhoffer. 2. 27. Almeida Serra. Patriota. T. 2. N. 5. 39.

Lozano. 5. 23. § 7.

But they disfigured themselves strangely, by eradicating the hair from the head, as well as from every part of the body; the reason which they assigned for this custom was, that they were not horses to have hairy skins, .. probably therefore it may have arisen since they became an equestrian people. The women of some hordes leave a stripe about an inch wide and an inch high from the forehead to the crown, like a bristled mane, or the ridge of a helmet; in others, like the men, they render the whole head bald. The hordes who wear any clothing, wear it only where it is not required for concealment, and are naked as to all purposes of decency. The Abipones, who are a chaste people, and in all things remarkably observant of decency, say, that the Mbayas resemble dogs in shamelessness; and the reproach is well founded: for jealousy is not known among the men, and the women are the most debauched of all the Indians. This may, doubtless, be partly occasioned by the obvious effects of gregarious domestication; but though many tribes lived in the same manner, there were none who were so thoroughly profligate and shameless. It is curious, that though the men were thus indifferent as to the conduct of their wives, they set some value upon them as their goods, and marked them upon the leg or breast with a hot iron, just as they did their horses. Their habitations were of the rudest kind, and had no other convenience than that of being easily removed. They were formed of mats about nine feet high, extended upon poles, and divided by stakes into three apartments; the middle of which was reserved for the Chief of the horde and his family: in this part all the weapons were deposited at night, and no other implements of any kind, that in case of an attack, all might know where to find arms without embarrassment. Hammocks were not used by them: they slept upon the ground, or sometimes upon a hide, and they covered themselves with a hide when the rain made way through the

[page] 387

CHAP. XXXVIII.

matting above. In the wet season they removed to the woods for shelter.

Their degrees of rank.

The Guaycuru branch of the Mbaya nation had degrees of rank among them, which depended partly upon age, and were curiously distinguished. The first was that of the boys, who were called Nabbidagan, or Blacks, because black was the only colour with which they were allowed to adorn themselves, and a coating of that colour was laid on every morning. Among these people, as indeed among most or perhaps all savages, children paid little respect and no obedience to their parents: but here a custom prevailed which in some degree served, and may perhaps have been designed, to correct those unruly habits which grow up where there is no domestic discipline. The Black, though he was not taught to honour his father and mother, was taught to honour and obey all other adults. They inured themselves to pain, with that proud spirit which is so easily excited in boyhood, and which ripens into courage: to pain indeed they were early accustomed; the first ceremony performed upon a new-born infant was that of boring the ears; .. and they underwent in childhood the severe operation of slitting the under lip to admit the barbote, or mouth-piece. It was a bravado among them to pierce their arms with the sting of the ray; .. children of three or four years would hold out their little arms and intreat others to pierce them, overpaid for the suffering by the delight of being called brave boys. At the age of fourteen the Black was promoted, allowed to paint himself red, and addressed by his elders by the title of Figen, which was a salutation of honour. He now wore a net upon his head, a girdle of horse or of human hair, and bracelets: that upon the left arm was never laid aside; it was a long string of horse-hair wound round and round, and serving various uses. It was a protection against the string of the bow; it formed a sheath or place for carrying their last and

[page] 388

CHAP. XXXVIII.

trusted weapon, the saw of palometa's teeth, with which they decapitated their enemies; and if they spared a prisoner, it served to tie his hands. The third degree, which was that of an approved soldier, could not be taken before the age of twenty, and for this there was a formidable initiation. The aspirant passed the eve of the ceremony in adorning himself; his hair, which hitherto had been allowed to grow, in those hordes where any was left, was sheared to the fashion of the veterans, and matted down with a mixture of wax and oil over the forehead. He painted himself to what pattern he pleased, and with whatever colours; fastened upon his head a sort of red cap or coronet, and had his whole body elaborately ornamented with feathers, and little pieces of wood like quills, from which little balls of feathers were suspended. In this full dress he began before daybreak to beat a sort of drum, .. an earthen vessel with a little water in it, and closely covered, was the instrument; at the same time he began to sing, and thus he continued drumming and singing till about four in the afternoon. Then he called upon the veterans, seven in number, whom he had chosen to officiate, and to each of whom he had given a sharp bone, and a sting of the ray-fish. With these each wounded him four or five times, while he stood without flinching, or betraying the slightest sense of pain. They then wetted his head and his whole body with the blood that ran from these wounds, .. and thus the initiation was compleated.

Lozano. 5. 23. § 4. 11—13.

Female boxing matches.

The women had a ceremony of going round their huts in procession, carrying their husbands' spears, and the scalps, bones, and weapons of the enemies whom they had slain, and celebrating the exploits of their warriors. Afterwards, to show that they in their vocation were not inferior in spirit, they engaged with fists in battle-royal, and did not desist till they had bled plentifully from nose and mouth, nor sometimes till a few teeth had

[page] 389

CHAP. XXXVIII.

Azara. 2. 115.

Different language for the married and the single.

been lost. The men, who decided their own quarrels always by a boxing-match, looked on, complimented their wives upon the courage which they displayed, and concluded the day by getting drunk, .. a part of the entertainment in which the women did not participate, for they were not allowed to drink fermented liquors. Girls were prohibited from eating meat, or any fish above a certain size; after marriage they were restricted from nothing except beef, monkey, and capibari. A more curious custom than this was connected with marriage. The married and the single spoke different dialects, or forms of language, distinguished partly by the terminations of words, and so far therefore easily acquired; but in part the vocabulary also was different: .. one of the many remarkable facts relating to language which are found in savage life. Azara says that all the South American languages were difficultly to be learnt, and still more difficultly to be spoken, because the natives articulate indistinctly, moving the lips but little, and speaking much in the throat and nose, whereby they produce sounds not to be denoted by any letters of the European alphabet. He knew only one Spaniard who could speak the Mbaya: but this was after the expulsion of the Jesuits, whose unweariable zeal enabled them to overcome all difficulties of this kind. F. Joseph Sanchez Labrador, by whose means a peace was made with this nation about the year 1760, and the Spaniards, more particularly those of Asumpcion, were delivered from the most tremendous enemy with whom they were ever engaged, settled among them, and formed a grammar of their tongue. The Mbaya and Guaycuru dialects were very different from each other; and besides this broad distinction, great varieties, both in the vocabulary and pronunciation, are found in every horde. Such differences are found in the provinces of civilized countries; much more are they to be expected in unwritten tongues, which, because they

[page] 390

CHAP. XXXVIII.

are unwritten, are more liable to perpetual mutation. They have many words in common with the Mocobis and the Abipones; but from their structure Hervas judged them to be radically different. Dobrizhoffer, who was conversant in all, thought the Mbaya softer than any of its cognate or connected languages.

Azara. 2.5. 2. 106. Hervas. 1. 2. § 31. Dobrizhoffer. 2. 205.

Haughtiness of their nation.

Techo. 38.

Noticias de Paraguay. MSS.

Dobrizhoffer. 2. 471.

They were regarded as peculiarly unconvertible, the common difficulty being increased by a notion which they had conceived, that baptism was mortal to all of their nation who received it. This notion, indeed, frequently prevailed among other Indians, because the Missionaries, as a consequence of their own superstition, were eager to baptize all who were at the point of death; and they who regarded it as an act of sorcery and expected to see the patient healed, when they perceived it fail as a remedy, in their disappointment supposed its effects to be fatal. It is also said, that among the Guaycurus, baptism, by reason of their many vices, was seldom performed till they were in the last extremity. Perhaps the haughtiness of the tribe was a stronger obstacle than any superstitious persuasion. They believed that the soul of a Guaycuru, armed with his bow and arrows, made the Land of the Departed tremble, and that the souls of all other people fled at his approach. The Abipones, who despised all other tribes, respected these, and acknowledged their own inferiority; but they attributed it to the greater skill of the Guaycuru conjurors. Their tradition of their own origin is, that in the beginning God created all other nations as numerous as they are at present, and divided the earth among them. Afterwards he created two Mbayas, male and female; and he commissioned the Caracara (Falco Brasiliensis) to tell them, he was very sorry that there was no part of the world left for their portion, and therefore he had only made two of them; but they were to wander about the inheritance of others, make eternal war upon all other people, kill the adult males, and in-

[page] 391

CHAP. XXXVIII.

crease their own numbers by adopting the women and children. Never, says Azara, were divine precepts more faithfully observed! The Guanas were the only tribe whom they exempted from their universal hostility, and the Guanas purchased this exemption by performing personal services to them as their masters and protectors. The poorest Mbaya had three or four slaves taken in war, who did for him every kind of work except hunting and fishing, for these were lordly pastimes. But this slavery was so easy, and the Mbayas, ferocious as they were in war, were so kind to those whom they had thus adopted, that none of the captives wished to leave their state of servitude; not even Spanish women, it is said, who were adults at the time of their capture, and had even left children in their husbands' house. If however this, as Azara asserts, be generally true, it proves that the women, must have been far from happy in their former state, or that they were devoid of all natural affection, and all principles of duty.

See vol. 2, p. 376.

Azara. 2. 108.

Their funerals.

Romero had collected some of this nation, and baptized the daughter of Pauru, one of their Chiefs, when she was expiring. Now that you have done this after your fashion, said the father, I will bury her after ours. But the Jesuit replied, that she had been made a child of God, and must therefore be buried in the Church; and this being considered as an honour, the Chief consented. An old woman who was very much grieved at perceiving that none of the usual sacrifices were performed upon this occasion, took one of her countrymen aside, and intreated him to knock her on the head, that she might go and serve the Damsel in the Land of the Departed. The Savage performed this request without hesitation, and then the whole horde requested Romero to inter the body with that of the Neophyte. The Jesuit said this was impossible: .. Pauru's daughter was received among the Angels, where she needed no such attendant; and as for the old woman, she was gone to a very different place, and a very

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CHAP. XXXVIII.

different society, among whom she would be punished for her unbelief. He was permitted to act as he pleased; but it required great vigilance to prevent them from stealing the damsel's body, that they might deposit it with the remains of this faithful and voluntary victim.

Noticias de Paraguay. MSS.

Techo 38.

They held, that the souls of evil persons transmigrated into wild beasts, and acquired powers of mischief proportionate to the wickedness of their human disposition. A Jesuit being about to baptize an old sorceress at her death, the people flocked about him, beseeching him not to make her a Christian, for if he should bury her according to the custom in such cases, in the Church, she would turn into a jaguar, and destroy all about her. It was better, they said, to carry her carcase to some remote and solitary place, lest she should do more havoc when dead than she had done while living. They interred the dead with all his weapons, ornaments, and goods of every kind, and slew several of his horses on the grave. If the death happened at some distance from the burial place of the horde, they wrapt the body in a mat, and hung it in a tree for some three months, in which time it became dry as parchment; then they removed it to the cemetery. During the mourning, which was from three to four months, the women and slaves of the deceased abstained from meat, and kept an unbroken silence.

Azara. 2. 117—119.

The Lenguas.

While the Mbayas, not content with infesting Tucuman and possessing the Chaco crossed the river and attacked the Spaniards of Paraguay from the West and North, they were not the only enemies by whom these degenerate people were assailed in that direction. One formidable nation, which in its turn inflicted upon them some of the calamities which their fathers had so unsparingly brought upon the natives of the land, were the Jaadgé, as they called themselves: .. by the Spaniards they were called Lenguas, because of their mouth-piece, which resembled the end

[page] 393

CHAP. XXXVIII.

Hervas. 1.3. § 33.

Juan Patricio Fernandez. 422.

T. 4. p. 122.

of the tongue, protruded through artificial lips. They possessed the country between the Paraguay and the Pilcomayo, from the twenty second degree to the junction of these great rivers The Chiquitos are said to have considered them as a kindred nation; but no affinity could be traced in their language, either to the Chiquitos, or to any other people, nor did they understand any speech but their own. As they had no kindred with other tribes, so had they no friends or allies among them; they were incessantly at war with all. Neither did they ever seek for Missionaries, which at some time or other was done by every other people, nor ever relax in their hostility against the Spaniards, who were indeed commonly known among all the nations of the Chaco by the name of the Enemies. They were a finely proportioned race, but they disfigured themselves by elongating the ears, as well as by the hideous mouth-bit. It is one of the shallow remarks of the Abbé Raynal, concerning the American Indians, that the manners of all these tribes must have been the same, or distinguished only by shades of difference, which the conquerors would be too dull to discriminate; .. this remark alone would show how little he had read, and how little he had thought on the subject. The most singular custom of the Lenguas related to sickness and death. When any one appeared to be near his end, they dragged him by the legs out of his hut, lest he should die there, and haled him some fifty paces off; made a hole there for the sake of decent cleanliness, laid him on his back, kindled a fire on one side, placed a pot of water on the other, and left him to expire. Nothing more was given him: frequently they came to look at him from a distance, .. not to administer assistance, not to perform any office of human charity, not to express any sense of human sympathy, .. but to see whether he had breathed his last. As soon as that was ascertained, some hired persons, or more usually some old women, wrapt up the body with all that had belonged

VOL. III. 3 E

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to it, dragged it as far as they were able for weariness, then scratched a shallow grave, and heaped the mould over it in haste. The relations mourned for three days, but the name of the deceased was never again pronounced; and because they believed that Death, when he was among them, had learnt the names of all whom he left alive, that he might look for them another time, every one in the tribe took a new name, hoping that when Death returned and did not recognize these appellations, he would proceed farther upon a vain search. These people, who were once among the most formidable nations of the interior, and a sore scourge to the Spaniards, have perished by their own accursed customs. Like the Mbayas, they fell into the practice of rearing only one child in a family; and in the year 1794, fourteen males and eight females were all that remained of the race. Two of these were settled with a Spaniard; the others had joined company with other savages, so that the Lenguas have disappeared from the earth. Thus it is with savages; .. through sin they have originally lapsed into the savage state; and they who reject civilization when it is placed within their reach, if they escape from other agents of destruction, perish by the devices of their own hearts, to which they are abandoned.

Azara. 2. 148—154.

The Calchaquis.

On this side also were the fierce tribes comprehended under the general name of Calchaquis, from the country they inhabited, .. a long valley between mountains, which afforded them safe places of retreat. Their language was a dialect of the Quichua, and their origin has been variously referred to some Peruvians flying from the despotism of the Incas; to those who escaped from Almagro on his miserable expedition into Chili; and to the adherents of the last princes of the Inca blood. Early writers, fond of theory, and looking every where for the lost tribes of Israel, supposed these people to be of Jewish origin, because names were found among them resembling David and Solomon;

[page] 395

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because it was their custom, that a survivor should raise up seed to his deceased brother; and because their garments, which were long enough to reach the ground, were gathered up with a girdle. This garment was made of vicuna wool, and was girt about them with great dexterity, when they wished to have their limbs at full liberty, for labour or for battle. They wore their hair long, and divided into tresses; their arms were covered to the elbow with silver or copper plates, worn on the one as a guard against the bow-string, and on the other for uniformity, or ornament. Wives were dressed in only one colour, maidens in many; and no sexual intercourse was tolerated till the youth had undergone certain religious ceremonies. Other vestiges of a civilization from which they had degraded, were found among them. They had little idols wrought in copper, which they carried about them as their most precious things: and amid the internal disputes in which their strength was consumed, they frequently listened to the mediation of the; women,.. for barbarous as they were, says Techo, they easily granted any thing at the request of those who bore and suckled them. The Sun was the chief object of their worship: they also worshipped Thunder and Lightning, and erected to their honour huts as temples, upon which wands were placed adorned with feathers and sprinkled with vicuna blood. The earthly objects to which a religious reverence was shown were certain trees, which were trimmed with feathers; and the stones which were heaped over the graves of their ancestors. Old feuds were often revived in their cups, and in the frays which ensued it was a whimsical point of honour never to shrink from a blow, nor to ward it off. The bow was the weapon which they then used for striking,.. a clumsy substitute for a club, and therefore perhaps prescribed for such occasions as less dangerous. At their banquets, the Priest consecrated to the Sun the skull of a hind, stuck with arrows, and

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prayed for a good harvest: the person to whom he delivered it was to be master of the next revels. All the friends and kinsmen of a sick man repaired to his hut, and continued there drinking as long as his disease lasted. They planted arrows in the ground round the place where he lay, that Death might be deterred from approaching: they buried with him his dogs, his horses, and his weapons, and abundance of garments which were presented as funeral offerings; and they burnt the house in which he died, as being a place to which Death knew the way, and might be likely to return. They interred him with his eyes open, that he might see his way to the other world. The mourning was continued a whole year, during which the mourners painted themselves black. It was their notion, that death was not in the course of nature, but was always the effect of some malignant interference: .. they were not the only people by whom this extraordinary notion was entertained; and it necessarily produced heart-burnings, enmity, and hatred. Souls, they thought, were converted into stars, which were bright in proportion to the rank of the deceased, and to the brave actions which they had performed. These people behaved with the utmost intrepidity against the Spaniards, whom they detested with their whole hearts: the women, who in other wars were so often the ministers of peace, would, if they saw their husbands give way before these execrated enemies, drive them back to the battle with fire-brands; and rather than be made prisoners, they would rush upon the swords of their oppressors, or throw themselves from the precipices. The invaders had formed their country into a province, which they called by the name of Nueva Inglaterra, Philip II having just at that time married the bloody Mary: and in farther honour of the marriage, one of the four cities which they founded was called London. These settlements were all destroyed, and the Calchaquis long baffled

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both the power of the Spaniards and the zeal of the Jesuits. At length a great and persevering effort was made from Tucuman, with the assistance of a Guarani force from the Reductions, and they were subdued. The small pox followed, and compleated their destruction. The miserable remnant of the tribe was transported to the river Carcarañal; and when the Jesuits were expelled, only twenty were left. But the country from whence they were driven was speedily occupied by a more formidable race of ruder savages, the Mocobis, Tobas, and Abipones, .. kindred equestrian tribes. They themselves, perhaps, have now nearly disappeared from the land which was the scene of their exploits; but the Abipones have been in one thing fortunate above all other savages, .. for the history of their manners and fortunes by Martin Dobrizhoffer, a German Jesuit, who devoted the prime of his years to the task of converting them, and in old age, after the extinction of his Order, found consolation in recording the knowledge which he had so painfully acquired, and the labours which had so miserably been frustrated, is of all books relating to savage life the most curious, and in every respect the most interesting.

The Mocobis, Tobas, and Abipones.

Jolis. 428. Hervas. 1.4. § 62. Lozano. 3. 17. § 5—8. Dobrizhoffer.3. 12.

Language of the Abipones.

The dialects of these three tribes, are as much alike as Spanish and Portugueze, which differ less in their vocabulary, and more in their grammar, than Scotch and English. Their articulation partook so much of singing, that Dobrizhoffer says, the pronunciation of a syllable, unless it were taught orally, might best be expressed to a stranger by the help of musical notation. The language 5 is at once singularly rude and complicated. If they

Dobrizhoffer. 2. 165.

5 Barzena used to say, that they who studied the languages of the Rio Bermejo would think those of Peru only an A B C in comparison with them, even though the difficult Pesquin were included among the Peruvian, .. pues para congeminar un verbo con otro, era forzoso saber mas que las concordancias de Laurencio Valla. (Lozano, 1, 20. 5.) According to Lozano, Barzena, among his other labours of this kind, composed a grammar, a catechism, and certain sermons upon the principal mysteries of the faith, in the Abipone tongue. But Dobrizhoffer, who is better authority, affirms that Joseph Briguiel, a German Jesuit, formed the first vocabulary and grammar. Dobrizhoffer studied under him two years, and made a vocabulary himself, upon the plan of the well known Janna Linguarum of Comenius, the Moravian Bishop. (2. 197.)

Dobrizhoffer gives some specimens of the copiousness and difficulty of the language: Lalaglet simply means a wound; if it be inflicted by the teeth either of man or beast, then it is. Naagek; by a knife or sword, Nicharhek; by a lance, Noarek; by an arrow, Nainek. Roelakitapegeta, they are fighting; Nahamreta, they are fighting with spears; Natenetapegeta, they are fighting with arrows; Nemarketapegeta, they are fighting with fists; Ycherikaleretaa, they are fighting only with words; Nejerenta, two women are fighting about their husbands.

[page] 398

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have any simple numerals, (which is doubtful) they do not get beyond two: for three, they say two and one; four, is the emu's foot, which has four claws; for five, they name a certain skin which has five spots; from thence up to the score, the fingers and toes supply the want of words; any number beyond these natural digits, is many, or innumerable. Instead of enquiring how many horses were brought home, the question would be, What space did the troop occupy? and the reply, This open place, .. from yonder trees to the river; .. or some such reference to visible objects. The Moon serves to denote a month; the blossom of the carob-tree, a year; an egg is called the hen's work. They have neither the personal nor the possessive verb. This is language in its rudest state: yet their synonimes are said to have been numerous, their distinctive words remarkably nice, and they delighted in diminutives of endearment. It was a point of pride among them, not to adopt any word from the Spaniards, as the Guaranies did: therefore they invented new words to

Dobrizhoffer. 2. 172—3.

Do. 2. 183—4.

[page] 399

CHAP. XXXVIII.

denote new objects, or expressed them by some circumlocution. Thus, they called a Church by the apt name of an Image House: for a musquet, with less propriety, they used the same appellation as for a bow; and they called gunpowder the flour of the musquet. The word Loakal signified an image, a shadow, the echo, and the soul.

Dobrizhoffer. 2. 191.

Its capricious mutations.

Dobrizhoffer. 2. 199. 200. 477.

Do. 3. 395.

This language, rude as it was, was rendered still more so, by a custom which subjected it to continual alteration. Such was the desire of these tribes to rid themselves as far as possible of all remembrance of the dead, that when any person died, every word in the language which bore any relation to his name was abolished; the old women assembled to invent others in their stead; and new words circulated as fast through every horde in the nation, and were adopted as solicitously, as new fashions in England. Hence their language was in the most barbarous imaginable state; for these new words were formed by mere caprice, without rule, reason, or analogy; and as proper names there, as every where, were derived from natural objects, it was the substantives, .. the roots of speech, .. the main beams and foundations of language, which were thus altered. During one year the word for the jaguar was changed three times. Another cause of difficulty was, that the nobles and the plebeians, that is to say, they who were not of pure Abipone blood, used different forms of speech, by which they were as much distinguished as the different ranks in Europe are by their dress. And this was not, as might be supposed, because the lower classes spake a corrupt dialect, for both spake with equal correctness; but there was an aristocratic and a plebeian syntax. It is worthy of remark, that neither the Abipones nor the Guaranies have any word in their language to express thanks; and Dobrizhoffer suspects that the same deficiency exists among all other tribes. If any thing be given them when they ask for it (and they are

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invincible askers), This is it, is the reply: or if they mean ot be particularly civil, the phrase is, How useful it will be to me.

Their worship and their jugglers.

Dobrizhoffer. 2. 76—8.

Do. 2. 79. 80. 87.

The object of their worship was called Aharaigichi, or Keebet; the Jesuits supposed this to be the Devil; but the Abipones did not consider him as a malignant being, nor was their adoration founded upon fear. They called him their Grandfather, and fancied that he was to be seen in the Pleiades: when those stars disappeared they believed that he was sick, and were alarmed lest he should die; therefore, the re-appearance was a cause of great exultation, and the people went out with sound of pipe and horn, and cries of joy, to congratulate him on his recovery and return, .. an event which they never failed to celebrate by a drinking feast. While this was going on, a female juggler danced round them, shaking a maraca, with which she rubbed the legs of the warriors, telling them in their Grandfather's name it would make them swift in the chace and in the pursuit. Keebet was the name of the juggler here, as well as of the divinity. These rogues (like others of the same fraternity in Africa) pretended to have the power of transforming themselves into jaguars; and when one of them threatened to make this metamorphosis, the whole horde was in consternation. The boldest hunters of the jaguar would then take flight; they were not afraid, they said, of a beast which they could see and attack, but they dared not stand in the way of an invisible one. There were more female than male Keebets. When an expedition was to be undertaken, they were desired to consult their Grandfather; and accordingly they assembled in a tent for that purpose. One of the oldest witches presided, beating two huge drums, which were in fourths, and singing to this dismal music in a deep doleful tone; the rest stood round and howled in concert, and jumped incessantly and tossed about their arms, some shaking the maraca, others beating a tambour in a higher key. At day-break they issued

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out and gave their responses. Different parties were employed in different tents upon the same service: it often happened that their answers did not agree; and then they fought about it like wild beasts, literally with tooth and nail. To ascertain the point, one of them was then ordered to raise the spirit of a dead person. A crowd assembled in the tent, where the witch retired behind a skin which was extended like a curtain. After various incantations and commands, she pretended that the Spirit was come in obedience to her adjurations; questions were then asked in one voice and answered in another, and no one doubted but that all this was real.

Dobrizhoffer. 2. 83.

Their superstition and longevity.

Dobrizhoffer. 2. 86. 92—3.

Do. 2. 51—2.

Do. 2.45.

Every natural calamity, or portentous appearance, was attributed to witchcraft, .. storms and meteors, rain or drought, sickness and death. Like the Calchaquis, they would not believe that death was in the order of nature, but maintained, that were it not for war and witchcraft, .. if they could get rid of all witches, and of the Spaniards with their fire-arms, .. they should live for ever. It would appear almost incredible that such an opinion should have prevailed among any people however ignorant and superstitious, if we did not know that a doctrine not very dissimilar, and equally extravagant, has been seriously maintained in our own days, by Philosophers, as they called themselves, of the newest school. The extreme longevity of the Abipones, and the vigour of their old age, may have occasioned the notion, and must certainly have strengthened it. A man who only attained to fourscore was bewailed as having been cut off in the flower of his years. The women, as is usual every where, were generally the longer lived: they frequently outlived a century. The absence of all anxiety, and the frequent change of air, were two causes of this length of life: early chastity was not less certainly a third, .. for they were eminently a chaste people. The men seldom married before the age of thirty, nor the

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women before twenty. It was observed also, that the equestrian tribes were strikingly distinguished from all others by their greater health, strength, stature, and longevity.

Customs at marriage.

Dobrizhoffer. 2. 217.

Infanticide and abortion.

Dobrizhoffer. 2. 54.

Lozano. 1. 18. § 25.

A wife was to be purchased from her parents. It happened not unfrequently, that the maiden would refuse the husband who bargained for her, and run away. When the marriage was accepted, the ceremony was not without some beauty. Eight maidens carried a cloak of their finest texture, like a canopy, over the bride, while she walked to her husband's tent silently, with downcast looks; having been lovingly received there, she returned in the same manner to her parents, and carried the few utensils which were required for their rude establishment, and the light loom in a second and third procession; after which she went back to her paternal tent, .. for mothers would not be separated from their daughters, till a child was born, or till they were assured that the husband would treat his wife kindly: then they had their separate household; but till then the son-in-law was part of his wife's family. The term of lactation was three years: and this gave rise to the frequent crime of preventing the birth, or murdering the babe, .. for during this time no connubial intercourse was permitted, and women had recourse to these abominable means lest their husbands should put them away, and take other wives. A practice which tended so rapidly and surely to destroy the wicked people among whom it prevailed, could not possibly have been of long continuance. At the end of the sixteenth century the Abipones were a populous nation. The first Jesuits who visited them, found more than eight thousand inhabitants in one of their settlements. They had not at that time obtained the horse, and their habits were less migratory. A century and half afterwards, the whole nation did not exceed five thousand persons: and to this deadly custom the depopulation was traced; .. for those who had been converted

[page] 403

CHAP. XXXVIII.

were increasing in numbers, notwithstanding the unfavourable effect which was always produced upon the health of new converts, by the great and sudden change in their habits of life. Contrary to the practice of most nations among whom infanticide is suffered, girls were preserved here rather than boys, because the suitor always purchased his wife, and because the condition of women was not unhappy among the Abipones. A boy's earliest plaything was the bow and arrow: with this he learnt to shoot flies, insects, and small birds, and thus became an expert archer. They also accustomed themselves from childhood to endure pain, and were proud to show the scars of voluntary wounds.

Dobrizhoffer. 2. 106—9.

Do. 2. 107.

Do. 2. 56. 48.

Their dread of death.

Few nations ever regarded death with so much horror, .. resembling the Lenguas both in this, and in the unfeeling treatment of the sufferers. The moment it was thought that any one was about to die, the old women drove out all other persons from the tent, lest the spectacle of death might make them afraid of it in battle. All the famous witches flocked to the patient, rattled their maracas, and lamented over him, while one of the party beat a huge drum close at his head. They covered him with a hide, and from time to time one of these wretches lifted it to see if he were dead: if there were any signs of life, she wetted the face with cold water, then covered it to hide the sight of dissolution, and stifle its sounds. As soon as the sufferer had expired the matrons of the horde assembled, and went in procession, striking maracas, and beating certain earthen drums covered with doe-skin. The first business was a strange and horrible act of superstition, to revenge the deceased upon the person who had occasioned his death by witchcraft: for this purpose they cut out the heart and tongue of the corpse, boiled them, and gave them to the dogs, .. in full faith that if this were done it would infallibly destroy the guilty person: nor was this

[page] 404

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strange fancy in the slightest degree shaken by the plain and obvious fact, that no person was ever known to be in any way affected by the ceremony. After this had been performed they drest the body, swathed it in a skin which they fastened round with straps, and bound up the head. Each family had its own place of burial in the woods, and at some distance from their usual haunts,.. out of sight, that it might be out of mind. The grave was not deep, lest the earth should lie heavy upon the dead; and it was covered with thorns as a defence against the jaguars, who prefer carrion to any other food. What became of the Loakal they knew not, but they feared it, and believed that the echo was its voice, till Dobrizhoffer relieved them from this imagination, by explaining the echo so as to make them perfectly comprehend its nature. An earthen pot was placed upon the grave, that if the Spirit should want water, a vessel might be at hand: they suspended a garment from the nearest tree, that he might find clothing if he should rise; and fixed his spear in the ground beside, that it might be ready either for hunting or for war. They killed at the grave the horses, dogs, and domestic animals of any kind which had belonged to the deceased; they burnt all his instruments; they pulled down his dwelling, and erased all vestiges of it, that nothing might be left to remind them of the departed. It was a crime ever to utter his name; if it were necessary to allude to him, they called him the man who now is not.

Funeral customs.

Dobrizhoffer. 2. 289—296.

Their mourning.

Like the Greeks of the Homeric age, they held it the greatest of all evils to be unburied; and therefore they delighted in making flutes and trumpets of their enemies' bones, and drinkingcups of their skulls. Hence the Greeks themselves were not more solicitous about bringing off the bodies of their dead. They were desirous also of being interred among their ancestors: for this reason, if any person died far away, they dissected the

[page] 405

CHAP. XXXVIII.

Dobrizhoffer. 2. 213. 297.

Do. 3. 149. 336.

Do. 305—7.

bones, brought them home in a skin, and buried them with the accustomed forms: and knowing the way to the family place of burial by marks cut in the trees, and by unerring tradition, however distant it might be, they would with infinite labour bear the bones of their kinsmen and lay them in the same sacred spot. The thought of a dungeon was not so dreadful to them, as that of interment in a church, or church-yard: they made this a main objection to the religion of the Missionaries; and many would not submit to be baptized, unless it were promised that they should be buried in the woods under the open sky. A lamentation for the dead was made during nine days, by all the matrons of the horde: .. they had their faces spotted, their long hair loose, the breast and shoulders bare, and a skin hanging at the back; and in this trim they went through the public place, one by one, leaping like frogs, and throwing out their arms as they leaped: some rattled the maraca, and after three or four of these performers came one with a tambour. Suddenly they ceased their wailing, and all at once screamed to the highest pitch of the human voice, .. a horrid yell, which was intended to denounce vengeance upon the author of the death. The evening rites were held within a hut, and none but bidden guests were allowed to be present: the presiding Keebet then directed the ceremony, which consisted in mournfully howling to the clatter of maracas, and the sound of two immense drums, which she beat as leader of the band. On the ninth night the witch exhorted them to lay aside sorrow, and be merry once more; and then a chearful tone was set up. Only the women were concerned in these rites; the men, accustomed to such outcries from their infancy, slept through them, like 6 jackdaws in

6 Scilicet ut columbæ turrium incolæ æris campani tinnitu quantocunque nil terrentur, sic Abipones a pueris fæminarum planctibus assueti ad nocturnos strepitus dudum obsurduere. In Dobrizhoffer's country, therefore, it appears that pigeons build in the church towers, as jackdaws in ours.

[page] 406

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a belfrey. If the person for whom this mourning was made, died at a distance, the bones were kept in a tent during the nine days. When the remains of seven warriors whom the Spaniards had slain, were brought home, the bones were put together, and the skeletons dressed and fixed upright, with a hat upon each skull, while the customary lamentation lasted. The widow, during her widowhood, wore a hood of black and red, shaped like that of the Capuchines, and covering both the shoulders and breast: her hair was shorn. A widower also was shorn, and received from the presiding Keebet a net for his head, which he wore till the hair had grown again. It is remarkable, that although so many precautions were enacted to prevent the recollection of the dead, yet whenever the thought of a deceased friend came upon a woman, she was allowed to unbind her hair, and collect her acquaintance to assist her in making a lamentation. On these occasions they ran about the public place, filling the air with their cries; and few nights passed without some such disturbance, for the women seemed to delight in exercising their privilege.

Dobrizhoffer. 3. 312.

Do. 302.

Do. 308.

Mode of travelling.

When an Abipone was about to mount his horse, he held the reins in his right hand, leant with the left on his long spear, and vaulted into the seat. An iron bit was considered a valuable possession; its place was commonly supplied by horn: the saddle was of crude cow's hide stuffed with rushes: stirrups were seldom used, and spurs never; and though the rider carried a whip of thongs, he excited the horse rather by the sound than the smart. The women rode astride; and this practice is

[page] 407

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said to have made them subject to long, difficult, and dangerous parturition. When they travelled the wife carried her husband's bow and quiver, her loom, her stock of cotton, all the chattels of the tent, and the mats which were to compose the tent when it should again be set up: she had also their leathern boat, and her child and her puppies swinging on each side in leathern bags. Besides these things she carried an instrument of all work, in shape resembling a macana, which served for digging roots, striking down fruit from the trees, breaking boughs for fuel, and if need were, for braining an enemy upon the way. All this, says Dobrizhoffer, though it might seem a load for a camel, is not sufficient; but two or three women or girls will get upon the same beast, not for want of horses, all having plenty, but for the pleasure of gossipping; if the animal resented this intolerable cargo and kicked them off, they were used to falling, and presently mounted again amid the laughter of their companions. Thus they travelled, carrying with them dogs out of number, who hunted as they went. If no game could be found, they set fire to the grass, and thus forced the lurking animals to start. In default of any other food, the plains abounded with rabbits. At night they pitched their stakes, and covered them with matting, which was doubled, or trebled, as the wind and weather might require: a trench was dug along the side of the tent, to provide against sudden showers; and they slept upon the ground. The horses were turned loose, and with them a mare carrying a bell, at the sound of which, should they be scattered by wild beasts during the night, they return when the danger is over: a few were shackled, to prevent their straying far from the encampment, in case they should be needed upon any sudden alarm.

Dobrizhoffer. 3. 120.

Do. 125—7.

Their weapons

Their spears were planted at night in the ground before the tent: the number of spears indicated the number of warriors

[page] 408

CHAP. XXXVIII.

within; and by making a show of weapons in this manner, the Missionary who laboured with most success among them often deluded his enemies, and saved himself from an attack. These weapons were from fifteen to twenty feet long, made of a wood peculiar to their country, which they called netergo; it is exceedingly hard, and of a purple colour when newly cut: they straightened the shaft by means of fire, and pointed it at both ends, formerly with wood or bone, but in later times with iron, which they kept beautifully polished, and greased it before battle that it might slide into the body the more glibly. Their bows were of the same wood, straight as a staff when unstrung, and tall as the archer himself; the strings were made of fox-gut, or of the fibres of a certain palm; the arrows were headed with wood, or bone, or iron; the iron were the least dangerous, the bone the most so, because they always broke in the wound: before they went to battle they selected the best 7 arrows for especial service. They used also the three-balled thong, which was found so formidable a weapon by the first Spaniards on the shores of the Plata. They had no shields, though in their own wars some of them wore a leathern cuirass which was proof against arrows, but not against the spear or the musquet: this armour impeded their agility so much, that many did not chuse to be encumbered with it. Sometimes the head of a warrior was ornamented with the wing of a large bird; all, indeed, except those of the most acknowledged courage, strove to make themselves terrible in appearance; .. for this purpose one warrior wore upon his head the skin of a stag with the horns, and another put the beak

7 Dobrizhoffer observes that a similar practice is alluded to by the prophet Isaiah, xlix. 2. posuit me sicut sagittam electam; in pharetrâ suâ abscondit me: this appears a more probable interpretation than that of our version.

[page] 409

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of a toucan over his nose. They used all kinds of noisy instruments in war; the most sonorous was a trumpet made of an armadillo's tail fastened to the end of a reed. In battle they were incessantly in motion; for it was absurd, they said, to stand still, like the Spaniards, and be shot at. The best security against them therefore was to present a musquet, but never to discharge it; as long as they supposed it to be loaded the bearer was perfectly safe from any attack at close quarters, for they were not so ambitious of victory as they were solicitous to escape death.

Dobrizhoffer. 397—431.

Distinctions of rank.

Do. 3. 140.

The Chiefs were called Hocheri; and when any person was admitted to this rank, he took a new name, which always ended in in, that termination being proper to the nobles. Birth made a distinction, but was not of itself a sufficient qualification. They who were elected, being noble by descent also, were called Nelareykate, a word which they used for captain: they who were chosen, leaders for their courage and conduct, without any hereditary claim, were denominated Yapochi, which signifies courageous. The probation was not severe; something was put upon the aspirant's tongue, and he fasted and kept silence for three days, during which time the women came to the door of his tent, and lamented over his ancestors. On the fourth morning, being splendidly apparelled after their fashion, he was set upon a horse which was adorned with plumes, and burthened with bells and trappings: he then galloped as fast as he could in a northerly direction, with a long train following him, and presently galloped back: the old Keebet who was mistress of the ceremonies received him as he alighted; the noblest of the women took his spear; the rest surrounded him and greeted him by a sound made with the lips in sharp percussion, and the mistress addressed him in a short harangue. He galloped afterwards to the South and East and West in the same manner,

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and the same forms were repeated. The inauguration was then performed; .. first the Keebet sheared and shaved a line from the forehead to the occiput, three fingers broad; secondly, she harangued him upon the honour of the Hocheri order; and lastly, proclaimed his new and noble name. The ceremony was concluded by a drinking feast. There were Hocheri women also, whose names ended in en, and it was not lawful for any person to assume these noble terminations. But the dialect which the nobles used, might be sported with by others without offence. Some of the most distinguished warriors refused this rank, because they did not chuse to change the fashion of their mother tongue. No Abipone ever pronounced his own name; and what is more remarkable, many women never had any name.

Dobrizhoffer. 2. 494.—8.

Ceremonies at the birth of a chief.

When a son was born to the Chief, all the young maidens of the horde went out with palm branches, and beat the roof and sides of the hut in which the boy lay, in token that he was to be the scourge of their enemies. A sort of Saturnalia for the women ensued: the stoutest of the sex was decorated with emu plumes, and armed with a leathern club; all the girls followed her: she went into every hut and beat the men out, and the girls pursued them, lashing them with palm branches. During eight days there was wrestling and dancing by the children; but the boys and girls performed separately, and in different places, .. for the Abipones never permitted any thing which could lead to improper familiarity between the sexes. The championness also wrestled with the strongest competitor who could be found among her fellows: but the men sate drinking the while, and did not condescend to behold such sports.

Do. 2. 234.

Industry of the women.

The women were as impatient of idleness as the men were of labour. They sheared the sheep, spun the wool, and wove it; the loom was made of reeds and little pieces of wood, so light

[page] 411

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and small that it might easily be removed on horseback They were skilful weavers, and produced patterns as variegated as those of a Turkey carpet. They were the potters also; the vessels were turned by hand, and baked in the open air, by a fire which was heaped round them: they were first stained red, then varnished with a kind of gum. They prepared otter skins also, which served for blankets as well as cloaks: these they stretched so as to let them dry without wrinkling; they checquered them with lines of red paint, and sewed them into cloaks so, nicely that the keenest eye could not detect the seams: this they did by using a fine thorn as an awl, and passing threads through it which were made from the caraquata. The old women tattooed the young till their skins were covered with pattern, and they encouraged them under the painful operation by telling them how beautiful it would make them, and that they would never get husbands unless they were thus ornamented. Though they prepared the drink, they were never permitted to taste any other beverage than water: had they been allowed to join in the drinking parties, it is said that the whole nation would long since have been extirpated, .. so dreadfully did they quarrel and fight in their drunkenness; but the women, and the youth who had not yet been admitted to the privileges of manhood, interfered and prevented the worst consequences. Young women listened eagerly to the Missionaries, because the religion which they taught forbade polygamy and capricious divorce: old men also approved their doctrine, because it recommended peaceful habits, and promoted security; but young men disliked it, because they were fond of war; and it was virulently opposed by the old women, who were obstinate in retaining superstitions that rendered them objects of fear, and therefore of respect.

Dobrizhoffer. 2. 139.

Do. 2. 34.

Do. 2. 490.

Do. 2. 158.

Deliberate madness.

Their ordinary garments were woollen; but whenever the

[page] 412

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South wind blew they immediately put on warm cloaks of otter skins, .. for they thought it folly to suffer any discomfort from weather which they had the power of avoiding, though they made a display of enduring self-inflicted pain. When an Abipone was very hot, he said his blood was angry, and would thrust a knife into his leg to bleed himself; for like animals, they soon recovered from simple wounds, and at their feasts they used to prick themselves for a bravado in every part of the body, with a bundle of thorns, or with some of the small sharp bones of the crocodile. They were subject to an affection which they called Nakaiketergehes, and ascribed to witchcraft; .. but it is manifestly that sort of deliberate madness which may be cured by the certainty of punishment. The person who felt a disposition to this frenzy, set off at sun-set full speed to the burial place, returned at night, and, if he could find weapons, fell without mercy upon all whom he met. Arms, therefore, were carefully hidden as soon as it was known that one had been seized with the symptoms; but the supposed madman, or energumen, was suffered to do what he pleased with a cane, and he usually got rid of his mischievous propensity to muscular exertion, by beating the roofs and sides of every tent, no person within daring to make the slightest movement: if however he could get weapons, then the danger as well as the alarm became general. A Chief, named Alaykin, effectually put a stop to the disease, by proclaiming that the first person that was seized with it should be put to death, and all the witches also at the same time.

Dobrizhoffer. 2. 57. 48.

Do. 2. 249.—253.

Notions respecting food.

Do. 3. 155.

Do. 2. 60.

It was a general opinion among the Indians, that their courage was influenced by the quality of their meat, .. and this may have been one of the causes of cannibalism. For this reason, none of them would eat mutton; and the equestrian tribes preferred the jaguar to any other food: when one of these beasts was killed, a portion was given to every person in the horde,

[page] 413

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Dobrizhoffer. 1. 302.

Tobacco used for the teeth.

Do. 1. 462.

Do. 2. 66.

Leathern boats.

and they liquefied the fat and drank it. Upon the same principle they ate the wild boar, but held the flesh of the tame animal for an abomination: travelling bags were made of the skin, and combs of the bristles; the women, as usual, being the artificers. They were voracious eaters, and ate at all times. They delighted in honey, and used a singular means for protecting the teeth from being injured by its daily and almost hourly use. The old women masticated tobacco leaves, and worked them up in the hand into a mass, with the salt ashes of a plant which the Spaniards call la vidriera. The boys always carried a horn full of this composition suspended from their dress, and from time to time took a small portion into the mouth; it was offered by one to another, as snuff-takers present their boxes; and the use of this filthy composition is said to be the cause why the Abipones usually preserved all their teeth perfectly sound till death. They never lay down to sleep without leaving a free entrance for the air into their tents; and they accustomed themselves to the water from their infancy. Nevertheless they stood in need of ferry-boats, which were rudely made, each of a single hide; the legs and the neck were cut off, and the four sides turned up and fastened with straps, so that the shape was that of a square tub: in this precarious vehicle the passengers sate upon some saddles, or other packages, which served as ballast: through one of the sides a thong was passed, which a swimmer held either in his teeth, or with one hand: if the river were wide, or the current strong, so as to make him distrust his strength, he held by a horse's tail with the other. One of these 8 boats would

8 The smugglers in the Plata used to make hide-boats, but of a larger size, sewing many skins together, and smearing them well with pitch or tallow. They preferred them to any other kind of boat, because they eould so easily take them out of the water and conceal them. Dobrizhoffer. 2. 130.

[page] 414

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remain many hours in the water, without imbibing much moisture: if it were so soaked by continual rain as to lose its shape, they stuffed it out at the bottom with wood, which rendered it buoyant. Often, after plundering the Spanish country, they swam the river below Corrientes, and drove their prey across, passing from island to island. In order to get the beasts into the water, they made a narrowing inclosure, like a funnel, to the shore, being there so contracted that not more than two or three could enter abreast, some cattle which had been trained to such passages always going first. The Abipones, some swimming, others in boats, kept by the side of the drove, and directed their course; if a beast were caught in a whirlpool, or suffered the stream to carry him down, one of the men would fearlessly bestride him, catch hold of the horns, and kicking with both feet, compel him to make fresh exertions. Sometimes they towed them by the horns. The terrified beasts were ready, as soon as they reached the land, to attack whatever stood in their way.

Dobrizhoffer. 2. 108.

Do. 2. 132.

Their success against the Spaniards.

Do. 3. 12.

The Abipones became an equestrian people in the early part of the seventeenth century. In an evil hour for the Spaniards, they took possession of the country from whence the Calchaquis had been exterminated. Before that time the road between Santiago del Estero and Santa Fe, and from thence to Cordoba, was so secure that women might travel without apprehension. There were farms and settlements the whole way: now, says Dobrizhoffer, all that remain are a few ruins and monumental names in the wilderness; this is Don Gil's, this Dona Lorenza's, this the Widow's, here the Three Crosses, here the Graves, .. melancholy appellations, in a desert, where not a human habitation is to be seen for four hundred miles, such had been the devastation committed by the Abipones, and their kindred tribes the Tobas and Mocobios. The area of the country which they possessed was about equal to that of England and Wales; they

[page] 415

CHAP. XXXVIII.

had not, nor ever had, any permanent residence, village or hut, yet was there scarcely a place which they frequented in all their territory without its specific name, taken from accident or local circumstances. It was not their numbers which made them formidable. Barreda, who commanded at Santiago, and was the ablest officer ever opposed to them, used to say, that if the whole nation were cut off except ten men, still every place in Paraguay would be always in danger, such was the tremendous rapidity of their movements, and the ubiquity of their attacks. Nothing stopt them in their purpose: whether the country were inundated, or parched like a desert, it was alike passable to them, and alike impassable to their enemies.

Dobrizhoffer. 2. 13.

Southern equestrian tribes.

Dobrizhoffer. 1. 143.

Azara. 2. 7.

Dobrizhoffer. 1. 145.

While the Abipones, the Tobas, and Mocobios, were revenging the wrongs of their forefathers; and the Mbayas, not contented with infesting Tucuman and possessing the Chaco, crossed the river, and attacked the Spaniards of Paraguay from the West and from the North; this unhappy province was assailed on the South by the Charruas, Minoanes, Costeros, Yaros, and Bohanes, different hordes of one nation, sometimes denominated from its most formidable tribe, the Quenoas, by whom the two latter have been exterminated. About the end of the seventeenth century, a body of the Yaros were reduced by the Jesuits, and settled in the town of S. Andre; but they forsook it and returned to the woods: being followed and asked the reason why they had departed, they said, we do not chuse to have any such God as yours, who can see and know every thing that we do in secret; and we are determined to enjoy our old liberty of thinking and doing as we please. When they became equestrians, they perceived the tremendous power which they had acquired; and made full use of it. They possessed the country between the Uruguay, the Plata, and the sea; and committed such havoc in the districts of Corrientes, S. Fe, and afterwards of

[page] 416

CHAP. XXXVIII.

Azara. 2. 21.

Dobrizhoffer. 3. 182. Azara. 2. 14.

Montevideo, as is said to be almost incredible; .. insomuch that they are believed to have given the Spaniards more trouble, and to have shed more Spanish blood, than the armies of Montezuma and his successor, or of the Incas. Few people have ever enjoyed such physical advantages. Their mean stature, is about an inch above that of the Spaniards; and Azara, who had the best opportunities both of observation and information, affirms, that beyond all doubt they can see as far again as any European; that their hearing also is proportionally quicker; that their teeth continue perfectly white to the extremest old age, and are never either lost or loosened by natural decay; that they never become bald, and are but half grey at fourscore. The habits of migratory life are certainly conducive in a high degree to health and vigour: the country which they possess is open and dry, a circumstance which is not less favourable to the animal æconomy; and the fact that they subsist wholly upon animal food may stagger those physiologists who attribute the greater part of our diseases to this diet. Some of these tribes live upon horse flesh, the greater part upon beef; and it is remarkable, that their meals are not social; every one eats when he likes. They dress their meat by spitting it on a stake, which is fastened in the ground before a fire till one side is done. The men seem indifferent with regard to clothing; some wear the skin of a jaguar, turning the fur inwards in winter; and some the poncho, if they can get one; otherwise they go naked: the women wear the poncho, or a sleeveless cotton garment. Their clothing is never washed, nor do they ever wash themselves, except when they bathe for pleasure in hot weather, and thus become clean as an accidental consequence of their amusement. They never cut their hair, which is thick, long, coarse, black, and glossy; women suffer it to flow loose; men more conveniently fasten it in a knot upon the top of the head, and crest it

[page] 417

CHAP. XXXVIII.

with white feathers placed upright. The men alone use the mouth-piece, which is never taken out, even when they sleep; and it is observed by Azara, that they uniformly sleep upon their backs, like all wild Indians. Those who live near the Spanish settlements on the north bank of the Plata, wear leggings of a fashion suitable to their barbarous way of life, being merely the skins flayed from the legs of horses and oxen, and transferred to their own. Branches of trees fastened together with thongs, or four stakes with mats wrought coarsely of flags, for the sides, and a roof of the same loose materials, serve for their huts; and the possession of those animals from which civilized man derives so many of his comforts, has only made these savages forget the few arts which they formerly exercised. Instead of the hammoc, a hide stretched upon four stakes, serves for their incommodious and unclean bed. Round some of their huts they raise a sort of wall for ornament, of the heads of cattle piled one upon another with the horns projecting; and the air is infected, not only with their stench, but with the swarms which are bred in them.

Azara. 2. 9—13.

Second Missionary Voyage.

Charlevoix. 2. 207.

Second Missionary Voyage.

Their mourning customs.

Azara. 2. 33.

Noticias de Paraguay. MSS.

Merciless as they are to their male enemies, they spare women and children, and adopt them; and even among these people whose manners are so loathsome, the freedom of savage life is said to fascinate those who have been thus introduced among them. An extraordinary custom respecting children prevails among the Minuanes. .. As soon as a child is weaned, the parents give it to one of their near married kinsmen, and regard it no longer as their own: the children, therefore, mourn for their foster parents, not their natural ones. Mourning among them is more than mere ceremony. The daughters and sisters of the deceased wound themselves with his knife or his spear, and, like the Polynesians in like circumstances, cut off a finger joint; this is done for any near relation, and they who live long enough to

VOL. III. 3 H

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lose more than ten kinsmen, begin upon the toes after all the fingers have been shortened. The men undergo a more painful custom upon the death of their fathers:.. they hide themselves two days in their cabins, quite naked, and take no other food than partridge and partridge eggs, and of these sparingly. On the third day an Indian comes with a bundle of splinters formed of a reed about four inches wide, and pierces the flesh of the arm with them, beginning at the wrist, and fixing them at inch distances up to the shoulder. In this horrible state the mourner goes out, naked, with a sharp stake in his hand, either into the woods, or to some elevated ground, without any dread of wild beasts,.. for it is believed that they stand in fear of him at such times; and he digs a pit, and burying himself therein breast-high, passes the night there. Meantime, a mourning cabin has been prepared for him, which he enters in the morning, and abides there two days, fasting. The children afterwards place water, partridges, and partridge eggs, within his reach, and immediately run away, without speaking: at the end of ten or twelve days the mourning is compleated. This ceremony is not compulsory; but every man goes through it, because it is the custom, and he who should fail to observe it would be despised. They bury upon a rising ground: the weapons and all the goods of the dead are deposited with him in the earth, and his favourite horse is sometimes killed upon the grave.

P. Sepp. Lett. Edif. 9. 369. Azara. 1. 17.

They use short arrows and a short bow, as fitter for horsemen. Their spears are about eleven feet long; iron heads for them are procured from the Portugueze when they are at peace with that people, and from the same quarter they obtain bridles. The Spaniards have repeatedly made great efforts to destroy them, and have sometimes sent more than a thousand men against an enemy who perhaps never brought half that number into the field. To pour a general volley upon them would ensure the

[page] 419

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destruction of troops who should thus expend their fire, .. so fierce and irresistible would be their instant attack: the Spaniards therefore used to keep their ranks, and discharge a few shot one after another. These natives have often suffered severely in such hostilities; but had they ever pursued their own advantages as they might have done, the territory of Colonia and Montevideo would never have been disputed between the Spaniards and Portugueze.

Azara. 2. 14—21.

Wild horses, how numerous.

Falkner. p. 39.

Dobrizhoffer. 1. 231.

Do. 1. 393. Azara. 1. 373.

The tribes who had learnt to use horses were never in want of those animals. At that time, an extent of open pasture equal to the whole area of Great Britain, was full of wild cattle of all kinds, and horses herded together in thousands and ten thousands. Falkner, the English Jesuit, upon one of his missionary journies, was surrounded by them during a fortnight; thick troops sometimes passed by him in full speed for two or three hours together, and it was with much difficulty that he and the Indians in his company preserved themselves from being run over and trampled to death. They are easily captured: .. a piece of ground is burnt; when the new grass springs up they are attracted to it by the richness of the pasture, and the hunters are ready to drive them into a decoy. Mares which are kept for 9 breeding are sometimes lamed, to prevent them from running wild. The wild horses will surround the tame ones, caress them, and lead them away, as if they were acting rationally, and delighted in bringing them to the liberty which they themselves enjoyed; and it is found that the tame horses, if they have associated a little while with their free fellow creatures, rebel fiercely after-

9 The Spaniards had also an odd custom, of shearing the tails and manes of their breeding mares, upon a notion that they fattened the better for it. But no person, not even a slave, would ride a beast that had been docked.

Dobrizhoffer. 1. 362.

[page] 420

CHAP. XXXVIII.

wards against the bit and the saddle. Great numbers perish miserably in their wild state, and it is said that the greater part of the colts never grow up. The fly attacks them as soon as they are foaled, so that thousands are devoured by maggots: the jaguars take a large share, and many are trodden to death by the horses in their drove. Great numbers die during seasons of drought; they rush at such times into the lakes and marshes, where many plunge into the mud and are lost, and others are trampled down by those who from behind press on with the same painful and raging impulse. Azara, more than once, saw the carcases of many thousands which had thus been destroyed; and their skeletons are found on the edge of empty lakes, and in the dry channels of the rivers. They are of so little value that very many are killed merely for their fat, which is used in preparing deer skin: and the people go nowhere on 10 foot.

Dobrizhoffer. 1. 252.

Azara. 1. 375. Dobrizhoffer. 1. 252.

10 The horses are not so strong as ours, which are fed upon more stimulating food. Even for a short journey, a led horse is always taken to relieve the other; and when the Guaranies were in the king's armies, each man took four. But this must not be imputed to any humanity in the people, which, however we may flatter ourselves by the name, is perhaps the rarest virtue to be found in brute man. They are never shod. It is often necessary to ride them for days and days through the flooded country: when they reach dry ground their feet are so miserably soaked that they cannot move, and they die for want of food, .. footfoundered. They are liable to another dreadful evil. There is usually a soft skin under the saddle, and a sheep skin, or carpet, laid upon it; these trappings necessarily heat the horse; a chill is apt to ensue when they are taken off; the back swells, the tumour suppurates, the flies, which are the curse of man and beast, oviposit in the wound, and in no very long time the poor animal is devoured alive. It is said that more horses are eaten by these loathsome insects than by the wild beasts. The only remedy is to pick them out when they first appear, lay chewed tobacco in the wound, which prevents them from breeding there, and keep the cicatrix covered with grease. There is a sort of vulture also which fixes upon the wound, and performs rude surgery with its beak, cleaning it, and thus leaving it in a state for healing, if man be at hand to protect it afterwards; otherwise they enlarge it for other worms to breed in, .. even then mercifully employed, because they expedite a miserable death.

Dobrizhoffer. 256. 267—9.

White and chesnut horses are far more common than bay or black; but these latter are esteemed the hardiest. The pie-bald are thought vicious. Much attention is paid to their paces. There are the Amblers, which are sometimes called Astereones, because the Asturians used to be famous for breaking horses to this pace. These, it is said, are born to the step, .. probably if the dam had it, certainly if the sire also: otherwise they are taught it by having the fore and hind feet linked together by straps of the length of the step desired, or by tying a muffled stone on the fore part of the hind feet, so that it shall hit the fore legs if the animal moves at any other rate. At this easy pace, which it is said would not spill water from a full cup in the rider's hand, they will perform eight miles in the hour; but it is not safe out of a beaten track. The Trotones, or trotters, are safer; and the Passitrotes, or Marchadores, who may be called Shufflers, their pace being between the walk and the trot, are preferred to either for a journey.

Dobrizhoffer. 1. 253.

The horses of the country, however, are not so highly esteemed as those from Chili. In the year 1808, a black Chilese horse would sometimes sell at Buenos Ayres for a thousand dollars. They are very beautiful and very docile. Very good amblers of the country were to be had at the same time, at prices from twenty to a hundred and fifty, .. horses which would go from six to ten miles an hour in the easiest possible manner: a good trotter might be purchased for twenty. At any estancia a few leagues from the city, you might probably take your choice of the horses for a silk handkerchief, and be very likely to get an excellent one. The creole never takes the trouble of keeping up a horse for his own riding. When he wants one he goes into his corral, nooses one, and if he proves refractory ties his legs, then saddles and bridles him, and mounts; some one then cuts the cord, and away they go. He rides him two or three days without giving him any thing to eat, and when the beast can go no longer, turns him loose, and supplies himself with another in the same way! Voyage to the Plata. MS.

In Dobrizhoffer's time about eighty thousand mules were annually driven from Paraguay to Peru; and from this trade all the silver was drawn, which was used either in Churches or private houses. An unbroken mule of two years old, was worth three crowns in Paraguay, and fourteen in Peru. Many thousand salso were employed in the Caa-tea trade, and perished in great numbers, because of the badness of the roads, and of cruel usage. They breed always from the mare, not the she ass. Herds of breeding mares and asses are always near each other; and when a mare has foaled, the colt is immediately killed, skinned, and a newly dropt male ass clothed in the skin. It is said that the mare at first drives him away, seeing his ears; but at length trusts the scent rather than the sight, and suffers him to suck. Further artifices are afterwards practised: I know not whether any real advantage is gained by thus perverting the order of nature and breaking its laws; but if the end be justifiable, such means are not, and no benefit which man may derive can be commensurate to the depravation of his own moral nature which they must necessarily induce. The males must be castrated. This animal, in a certain sense, may be said to be of man's making. The body is to his purpose, hardy, and patient of labour; but there is a perverseness of nature, the cause of which is doubtless to be found in its constitution. .. Ni mula ni mulato, is a proverb, .. but the analogy does not hold, and the latter part of the adage is wholly unwarrantable. A few men conduct droves of many thousands; great losses however sometimes happen through the startlish temper of this creature. In one instance, a garment hung out to dry and caught up in the air by a puff of wind, frightened a drove so that two thousand were lost.

Dobrizkoffer. 270—5.

In the Classical Journal (No. xi, p. 34) are some remarks upon Genesis xxxvi. 24, in favour of reading mules, instead of warm springs. If the writer be (as he appears to me) right in his opinion, the text would prove that the mule was originally an accident, and not a preconceived creature of man's imagination.

[page] 421

CHAP. XXXVIII.

Manners of the Spanish herdsmen.

The great and general degradation, both of the Indians and Spaniards, has justly been attributed to the abundance of kine and horses. The pastoral life is necessarily unfavourable to civilization; but nowhere has it been found so compleatly to debase

[page] 422

CHAP. XXXVIII.

and brutalize man as in the grazing countries of South America. The number of tame cattle in Paraguay and La Plata was estimated by Azara at the close of the last century, at twelve million kine, and three million of horses. Such tame cattle would justly be deemed wild in Europe. A cow will not suffer herself to be milked unless her legs are tied, and her calf standing beside her.

[page] 423

CHAP. XXXVIII.

There is, therefore, very little use made either of milk or cheese, and of butter almost none: beef dripping supplies its use. The average extent of an estancia, or grazing estate, in Paraguay, is from sixteen to twenty square miles; and this would be thought small in the province of Buenos Ayres. In the midst of such a domain the herdsmen have their huts, .. so that there is no neighbourhood, no natural growth of villages, no possible improvement. Many details of savage life have been given in these volumes; .. a picture must now be presented of a state of society which is, if possible, more loathsome, and more disgraceful to poor human nature. Every estancia has its Capataz, or masterherdsman, and an inferior herdsman for every thousand head. The Capataz is generally a married man: the others are lads, unless they are negroes, men of colour, or runaway Indians from some Christian settlement; these are usually married, and their wives and daughters are at the service of those who are not. The women who are called Spaniards are in the same state of bestial immorality; .. the whole family commonly sleep in one room; and it is affirmed by Azara, that scarcely a girl among them remains undebauched by the time she is eight years old.

Dobrizhoffer. 1. 243.

Azara. 1. 293.

Their furniture and food.

The usual furniture consists of a water-barrel, a horn for drinking, some wooden spits, and a copper chocolate pot for boiling water to make the Paraguay-tea. If they have no such vessel, and wish to make broth for a sick person, they put meat and water in a horn, and heap embers round it. The skulls of kine and horses serve for seats, if they do not sit upon the ground; and a hide is generally the only bed, .. which sometimes, but very rarely, is laid upon a rude bedstead. They ridicule Europeans for eating pulse and greens, which they say are horses' diet, .. for these wretches are merely carnivorous. Like the savages, they roast their meat upon a skewer fixed upright in the ground, and eat it without salt, each when he is hungry, not at

[page] 424

CHAP. XXXVIII.

any stated hour, nor in social meals: after eating they scrape their mouths with the back of the knife, and wipe their fingers either upon their legs or their boots. They eat only the ribs, the inner part of the thigh, and the abdominal muscles; all the rest they leave to rot about their houses, which are surrounded with bones and carcases. The carrion attracts the flesh-birds, who are incessantly screaming over their prey: it infects the air, and breeds a plague of flies and beetles, .. which is not however punishment sufficient to work any amendment in these most beastly of all savages.

Azara. 1. 297.

Their employments.

Azara. 1. 300.

Once in a week the men ride round the estancia, making a great noise and followed by their dogs, and drive the cattle into a circle, where they are kept a little while and then released; this is done to prevent them from straying, and keep them in some degree of subjection. The horses are driven into a pen. During the rest of the week they have no other business than to break in a few of the horses, or castrate others: the far greater part of their time, therefore, is passed in idleness. The Capataz dresses like a Spaniard, with a poncho. The others generally have no shirt, never either jacket or breeches, .. drawers and the poncho suffice, .. but all have hats. The herdsmen wear for boots the skin of a colt or calf, stript off whole, the bend at the joint serving for the heel! They seldom shave, and when the operation is performed it is with a knife. The women go bare-footed, and are abominably filthy; the usual dress is a shift without sleeves tied round the middle; nothing else is worn, and one such garment commonly constitutes the whole wardrobe of the wearer: she goes to the water side, strips herself, washes it, dries it in the sun, and then puts it on again. The wife of the Capataz is rather better dressed. The men have usually no second suit; if they are caught in the rain, they strip themselves and put their clothes under the skin which covers the saddle; for they say

[page] 425

CHAP. XXXVIII.

the skin gets dry again presently, which their clothes would not.

Their children, how bred up.

A boy is scarcely a week old before his father or brother takes him on horseback, and rides with him till he begins to cry: he is frequently thus mounted till he is able to sit an old and quiet beast. From his earliest childhood he is taught also to kill cattle; and this is the whole education which he receives. He grows up without restraint, without laws, without principles, without any participation of the comforts, or sense of the decencies of life; .. without hearing the sound of a church bell. His sport is to butcher animals, wild or tame; he is habituated to the sight of blood and carcases, and to the work of death, and thus his heart is hardened. Murders are very frequent, and are committed with perfect coolness. The bye-standers never interfere, and would think themselves dishonoured were they in any way to contribute toward bringing the criminal to justice, if any justice pursued him.

Azara. 1. 301. 307.

Drinking houses.

Some of the head herdsmen sell the few things which are accounted necessaries among them, but especially spirits: the pulperia, as it is called, then becomes a rallying place; … and here one solitary and singular mark of civilization is found; .. a guitarre is always kept here, and they sing to it the yarabays, or Peruvian songs: the tunes are melancholy and monotonous, and the subject is uniformly the complaints of pining lovers. The performer is treated with liquor. They have no liking for wine; this is because they can scarcely feel it; .. the sense of taste appertains not to men in so brutal a condition. Even at the pulperia they continue on horseback, these places having none of those comforts by which in other countries the lower orders are seduced into drunkenness. Every thing is done on horseback. If they fish, they throw the net and draw it on horseback: they draw water from the well on horseback: they

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prepare the smallest quantity of mortar by riding upon it backwards and forwards; and they who are within reach of a church usually hear mass on horseback at the door. Gambling, however, makes them dismount: they are passionately addicted to cards, and sit at their game in the eastern fashion, upon their heels, holding the bridle under their feet, and generally with their knife stuck in the ground beside them, for use upon any foul play, which they are equally ready to practise and to suspect. A fellow who has nothing more to lose will stake his shirt, if he happen to have one, and it be better than his antagonist's; and if he be unsuccessful he puts on the older and filthier rag in exchange.

Azara. 1. 305—7.

State of religion.

Peramas Agullii Vita. § 39, 40.

The little sense of religion which existed among them was chiefly kept up by the Jesuits, two of whom went out every half year to itinerate among the Christian population. They pitched their tent in a convenient spot, erected a portable altar, performed mass every day as long as they were stationary, preached, baptized, married, administered the wafer, and went through the main business for which they were attended,.. that of settling the scores of conscience, and giving a discharge for all crimes. But since these instructors, such as they were, have been withdrawn, the herdsmen christen their children themselves, or leave them unbaptized till they are married, when the ceremony may no longer be delayed. They seldom or never go to mass, the places of worship being so few and distant; but they are all solicitous to be buried in consecrated ground, and the relations and friends in this instance faithfully perform the desire of the deceased. They lay the body in the field and cover it with stones, till it is reduced to a skeleton; or they reduce it to this state at once by cutting off the flesh: the flesh they bury, or perhaps cast away with other offal; and they carry the bones to receive Christian burial. But if the distance be

[page] 427

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not above some eighty miles, they then dress the corpse in its wonted apparel, set it on horseback, keep it upright by tying it between two sticks in the form of St. Andrew's Cross, and thus carry it to the place of interment, .. as the Cid was carried from Valencia.

Azara. 1. 295.

Freebooters.

But even these butcherly herdsmen were not the worst part of the population. In such a country a horse, a knife, and a throwing-line, were all that a man required who chose to run loose and feed upon wild cattle, or tame, as might suit his convenience. There were many such wretches, who lived like savages, in such huts as the Charruas; but being runaways from society, they retained more of its wants than the herdsmen, and therefore supplied themselves with such articles as they needed from the southern Captaincies of Brazil, in exchange for horses which they stole. Almost all of them were robbers, and it was their practice to carry away 11 women by force.

Azara. 1. 311.

State of the agricultural population.

The people near the Plata held agriculture in contempt, saying that it was not necessary in a country like theirs, where they could live upon meat alone. But in Paraguay more than half the inhabitants were agriculturalists, and almost all the converted Indians. Yet even there no man would become a cultivator if he had means of becoming a grazier, nor would any

11 Azara had apprehended many of these ruffians, and recovered the women. He speaks of one Spanish woman, young and handsome, who had lived ten years among them. A fellow, by name Cuenca, had originally stolen her: she said he was the first man in the world, and that his mother must certainly have died in bringing him forth, that there might be nobody like him; and she never named him without tears. He had been killed, and she had passed from him to his murderer, and so in succession to a third and a fourth, each winning her by murdering her last possessor! Yet the woman was exceedingly loth to leave this horrible way of life, and return to her relations!

[page] 428

CHAP. XXXVIII.

Azara. 1. 287.

Do. 1. 139.

Do. 1. 154.

persons engage as agricultural labourers, if they could get employment as herdsmen. This is a remarkable instance of the force of prejudice, and the prevalence of idle and vicious habits; for the husbandman enjoyed comforts to which the herdsman was a stranger, and was raised above him in manners, morals, decency, in whatever is connected with civilization, or leads to it, .. in every thing except public estimation. His table was served with roots, fruits, pulse, and greens as well as meat; he had some knowledge of cookery, which is one of the civilizing arts; and partook, in consequence, the chearfulness of a social meal. Agriculture produced neighbourhood also. The house was in the middle of the farm, and the farm no larger than was wanted. The habitations were thatched cottages built of mud, small and low, and wretchedly furnished. There was once a time when Buenos Ayres received corn from Paraguay; but things have so degenerated, that it is said the ground never returns more than a fourfold increase: it seems marvellous therefore that the cultivation of wheat should not have been wholly abandoned. The practice of never changing the seed is assigned as a cause for this; .. it is better accounted for by the miserable implements which are used in their husbandry, and the more miserable laziness of the husbandmen. Throughout Paraguay, a pointed stake serves for a plough, which every one manages after his own fashion; and there are no other pickaxes than a large bone, either of a horse or cow, fastened to a handle! At the beginning of the seventeenth century, wines were cultivated about Asumpcion to a great extent, and with great success, so that wine was exported to Buenos Ayres: there are now only a few stocks trained on trellices for the sake of the fruit. The people attempt to excuse themselves for the decay of this important branch of husbandry by ascribing it to the ravages of beasts and insects, .. forgetful that beasts and insects must

[page] 429

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equally have existed in the time of their forefathers, when the vineyards flourished. The true causes are to be found in their own rooted idleness, and in the fact, that, like Indians and Negroes, losing the finer powers of taste as they become brutified, they prefer ardent spirits to wine.

Azara. 1. 141.

Schools.

Medical practice.

See vol. 2, p. 338.

There is usually a schoolmaster in agricultural districts, to whom the scholars repair daily, sometimes from a distance of six or eight miles, taking with them some boiled mandioc roots as their only food. The words Parish and Townlet, in that country, are not to be understood as implying any concentrated population. Where the Church stands there is only the Priest's house, a Farrier's perhaps, a shop for drapery and grocery, and the pulperia, or Dram-shop. If any of the parishioners have houses there, they are used only for Sundays and holydays. A Curandero, or medical practitioner, attends upon all days when mass is performed; he is provided with an assortment of three or four simples, and takes his seat at the Church-door, to examine, not the sick themselves, but their urine, which is sent for his inspection in a joint of one of the large canes. He takes it without asking any questions concerning the state of the patient, pours a little into the palm of his hand, looks at it toward the light, and tosses it into the air; he repeats this, in order to be accurate in the experiment, examines whether it falls in large or small drops, decides from this circumstance whether the disease be hot or cold, and gives one of his herbs accordingly to be taken in infusion. Urine has been sent an hundred and twenty miles to one of these men, who has prescribed without making the slightest inquiry into the nature or symptoms of the patient's malady. Some few Curanderos, who possess a copy of the Jesuit Asperger's prescriptions, or have read the work of Madame Fouquet, think it necessary to see their patients. But in the parishes within the government of Buenos Ayres the schoolmaster and the

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Curandero are not always found, and the sick either put themselves under the care of some old woman, or trust themselves to the course of nature. Among the ancient Cantabrians and Lusitanians, it was a custom to place a sick person beside the public way, in the hope that some one might pass who had seen or experienced a similar disease, and knew what remedies had been efficacious: in these provinces, where the people are in a worse state of mind and manners than their forefathers were before the Christian era, the population is too scattered, and travelling too unfrequent, for this practice to be observed; but if a stranger happen to come where there is any one suffering under any kind of disease, they ask his 12 advice, and follow it whatever it may be.

Azara. 2. 287—290.

State of the towns.

Almanach de Lima.

The towns in the interior afford no means of improvement to the rural population, and no examples. The people of S. Cruz de la Sierra had receded so far from civilization, that no manual trades were exercised there, but every one from necessity was his own carpenter, smith, mason, and currier. Money was scarcely known in Paraguay: even at Asumpcion the public officers received their salaries in produce. Such a people were preserved from falling entirely into a savage state by nothing but the civil and ecclesiastical establishments which were main-

12 An old man consulted Azara upon a pain in the head. Azara advised him, in jest, to wash his feet and to cut his nails; observing, that as they had probably never been cut before, he might be benefited by the operation. The old man was so satisfied that this prescription had been the means of curing him, that some time afterwards he wrote to entreat that Azara would prescribe for his son also; and the account which he gave of his disease was, that some supposed it to be a hernia, and others a malignant fever! A custom like that of the Cantabrians and Lusitanians (not an irrational one) prevailed also among the Babylonians, and is mentioned by Herodotus.

[page] 431

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Techo.

T. 4, p. 124.

Guarani more spoken than Spanish.

tained there in consequence of their dependance upon Spain. No part of South America had so many men of noble family among its conquerors as Paraguay; no part of the New World, Florida perhaps excepted, so much deceived their hopes, and nowhere has so thorough a degeneracy taken place. Something must be ascribed to the situation of the capital, which, before any other settlement was made, was fixed in the very heart of the country: .. they fancied, says Raynal, that they were establishing themselves near the source of riches; but their avidity for gold was greater than their foresight. The houses at Asumpcion are built of brick or stone, and roofed with tiles, .. bearing thus far in their exterior some appearances of a civilized place; but none of them have more than a ground floor: glass is unknown; chimnies are not in use; and even the churches and convents differ little in their exterior from ordinary habitations. The streets are crooked, and cut into ravines by the rain; even the very stones are so worn by the same operation of nature, that walking is both troublesome and painful. Grass grows in the only market place. Retrograding in every thing, the Spaniards of Paraguay have almost forgotten the Spanish language. Threescore years ago all the lower classes, and the women of the higher ones, spoke Guarani as their native tongue: at that time most of them could speak Spanish also; but being familiar with the two, they mingled one with the other, and corrupted both. At the close of the century, Guarani had become the prevalent language for both sexes throughout Paraguay, and Spanish was understood by the higher ranks only. The great mixture of Indian blood has caused this. The first settlers were all males: the first generation of Creoles therefore acquired Guarani at the breast; and as the intermixture has been continued by a licentiousness of manners after the necessity ceased, and the great proportion of slaves and nurses has

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been of the same race, the native language 13 has unavoidably prevailed. It is otherwise in the Government of Buenos Ayres; for at the beginning the natives were less numerous in that part of the country; the influx of Spaniards had been greater and more constant; there too they had had female colonists, .. and it is the mothers who give the mother tongue.

Dobrizhoffer. 1. 60. Azara. 2. 106. Do. 2. 277.

Smoking.

Dobrizhoffer. 2. 136.

Language is not the only thing in which these people, calling themselves Spaniards, have approximated to their ancestors on the savage side. Throughout Paraguay, but more especially at Corrientes and Asumpcion, the women during the hot season throw off so much of their cloathing, that the exposure 14 which is thus made of their persons has been repeatedly reprobated from the pulpit. All the women are said to smoke, .. a practice into which many men of contemplative minds have fallen, because it is not unfavourable to thoughtfulness; but to which people in the savage and barbarous grades of society addict themselves, because it at once indulges their love of sensation and of indolence. Perhaps in so marshy a country it may be defended as

13 Azara says that the Paulistas also have forgotten their fathers' tongue, and only speak the Tupi; but he is certainly mistaken. The influx of Forasteiros into their Captaincy had been greater, during a whole century, than it was in Buenos Ayres and the surrounding country.

14 I am not certain that Dobrizhoffer's words do not imply total nudity! Speaking of the decency of the Abipones, he says, Ne paucorum quidem mensium infantulam nudam patiuntur. Hanc honestatis curam gens Hispani Paraguariæ, præsertim in Assumptionis et Corrientes urbibus ut imitaretur, sæpe nequidquam optavimus. Adultiores etiam fæminæ immanem solis æstum causantes, rejectis vestibus, verecundiæ quoties publico in foro obliviscuntur! 2. 136.

The thermometer is generally as high as 85° in summer, and has sometimes reached 100°. In winter it is thought very cold if it falls to 45°. But in 1786 and 1789, which were remarkably severe seasons, there was ice. Azara. 1. 32.

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contributing to the preservation of health: but Azara says, that notwithstanding its marshiness there is not a healthier part of the world than Paraguay, though the prevailing atmosphere is so laden with moisture, that it destroys all furniture.

Azara. 1. 35. 39.

Education.

The Creole infant is delivered at its birth to a mulatta, negress, or Indian nurse, and left to her entirely for six or seven years, during all which time the child can see nothing which ought to be imitated. The son of the lowest Spanish sailor would think himself degraded in America by any kind of labour. They chose to be Religioners, Priests, Lawyers, or Negociants, to use their own word, which sounds as largely for the huckster as the merchant. He who wished to obtain a wife must aspire to this title, which also rendered him eligible to honorary offices. A broken negociant usually took up the practice of medicine, and butchered and poisoned with impunity. Yet there were many who thought that trade was too troublesome. Such of them as visited Europe returned cursing every thing which they had seen there, because in Europe they had no rank to give them any adventitious claims to respect, and were estimated at their proper level; and because they considered any country as miserable in which men must work for their bread. Therefore such arts and trades only as were indispensable were exercised among them, and those only by men of colour, or by some new-comeling from Europe, who had not been long enough in the country to contract its contagious pride and laziness, and learn how to live without labour. There existed among all the Spaniards a compleat feeling of equality, which is the natural growth of colonies. Pride of family was effectually destroyed by the mixture of blood; and letters of nobility were not solicited, because they would have conferred no consequence. This feeling was so strong, that no white man would serve another; and the Viceroy himself could not get a Spanish coachman, or a Spanish

VOL. III. 3 K

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lacquey. The lowest Spaniard must be called Capitan: "You can get no service performed, nor a draught of water," says Dobrizhoffer, "nor a civil answer, if you neglect to address him by this title." In the towns on the Plata, the women even disliked to spin; though in other places this was their employment. The women of Corrientes were honourably distinguished as being by far the most industrious and ingenious in the whole country, notwithstanding that they bore the palm for beauty.

Azara. 2. 276. 283. 289. Dobrizhoffer. 1. 127. Do. 1. 10.

Decay of military spirit.

The liberal education of Paraguay and the Plata was confined to the Latin Grammar, the Philosophy of Aristotle, and the Theology of Aquinas, as far as they were understood by the teacher, and a little canon law. In this point it is true indeed that they had little cause to envy the mother country; but they had no vernacular literature, nor knowledge of any kind which might correct or compensate for the errors and deficiencies of this miserable system; and all the redeeming virtues of the Spanish character were wanting,.. the high-mindedness, the heroic sense of honour, the proud nationality, the invincible fortitude, the strength of feeling and of principle, which have resisted three centuries of oppression and misrule; which still command the respect and admiration of other countries, and which will yet restore to Spain her rank among the nations. But the total disappearance of that military spirit by which their fathers were so eminently distinguished, is the strongest proof of the compleat degeneracy of these Creoles; and it is the more remarkable, inasmuch as it was not produced by any of those causes which in other instances have destroyed the martial character, and induced national pusillanimity and weakness. Nor did it arise merely because discipline had almost ceased to exist, in consequence of the scattered state of the population; the degeneracy was in the individuals. Satisfied if their mere animal wants were easily supplied, and seeking for no other excitements

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than those of gambling and drunkenness, they had sunk into a state of life which can neither properly be called barbarous nor savage, but which is worse than either. The knowledge of perpetual insecurity and danger could not rouse them to any combined system of defence, any active exertion, nor even to such precautions as it might have been supposed the common instinct of self-preservation would have taught them. For quarrels they were always ready with the knife; but the savage is not an enemy who comes within knife-reach till his antagonist is disabled, and with any better weapons they were almost wholly unprovided. A cane, or a stick, whether crooked or straight they cared not, with a piece of a rusty sword, or the blade of an old knife fastened at the end, served them for a lance. The richer classes were the only persons who had musquets, and of the musquets which they possessed few were serviceable, and fewer still were the men who knew how to use them when they were. If government at any time delivered out arms, the people soon suffered the musquets to be spoiled for want of care; and they ruined the bayonets by using them for 15 knives and choppers. In the hour of danger therefore they had as little confidence in their weapons as in their skill. Endurance was the only military virtue which they retained. The soldiers rode barelegged in their winter expeditions, carrying their boots suspended from the saddle; and to prevent the ill consequences of having the feet soaked with wet, they applied chewed tobacco leaves to them at night. Smoaking was thought almost necessary for the support of life at such times. The Paraguay tea was their other chief comfort, and

15 The original bayonet consisted of a two-edged blade fixed in a wooden handle, and which was thrust into the muzzle of the musquet, when in use.

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the place and manner of preparing it at night were not a little curious: .. instead of providing themselves with hammocks, like the Brazilians, they frequently roosted in the trees; and making as it were a hearth upon the boughs with that hard crust of which the termites build their nests, they kindled a fire upon it to boil the water for their favourite beverage.

Dobrizhoffer. 2. 398. 448. Do. 3. 260. 255.

Defenceless state of the people.

What could be expected from the efforts of such a people against the equestrian tribes, .. against enemies who were always on the alert, swift, wily, wary, indefatigable, insatiate of blood and of vengeance! If they raised forces for an expedition, they knew not where to find men who never exposed themselves to danger if they could avoid it, and who could always baffle the Spaniards by retiring into a country where they were unable to follow the pursuit. Nor were the savages the less to be dreaded because they were so solicitous of preserving their own lives, for they were ready at any moment to fall upon their enemies whenever it could be done to advantage, and were upon the watch for every opportunity: but the Spaniards, who had acquired so many habits from the rude race with which they had so long been conversant, had caught their, pusillanimity with regard to death, without learning those qualities which made the savage so terrible a foe. The Spanish Commanders possessed so little authority themselves, and were so little supported by public feeling, that if an officer lost only two or three of his men in an expedition, the widows would insult him on his return, and probably attack him in the street with stones. Considering the insubordination of the Spaniards, and their utter improvidence, it seems wonderful that a single settlement in Paraguay should have escaped destruction. There was not a place which had either wall, moat, palisade, or fortifications of any kind. Wooden watch-posts, indeed, were erected for a considerable distance along the shore, above and below Asump-

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Ravages of the equestrian tribes.

cion, and men were stationed with a single gun in each, to give the alarm. This was a compulsory duty, which fell wholly upon the lower classes; and it was more burthensome to the individuals than useful to the community. The trade between Paraguay, La Plata, Tucuman, and Peru, was well nigh annihilated. It was almost certain destruction for travellers to attempt the journey. Even the military escort which guarded the treasure from Potosi to Buenos Ayres, was sometimes overpowered and cut off, though the treasure itself was regarded by the conquerors with perfect indifference. But the Spaniards were base enough to profit greedily by the plunder when they could, .. and happy was the town which could make its separate peace with the savages, and purchase their booty, giving them, among other things, iron 16 in exchange, to be employed against their own countrymen in another quarter. Whole settlements were destroyed by the Tobas, the Mocobios, and the Abipones. Salta was protected by its situation, being almost surrounded with water. This city, which had once been the seat of government, and still held the second rank in Tucuman, had flourished exceedingly because of the trade which was transacted there between Buenos Ayres and Peru, and the great transit of mules toward the Andes. Its trade was now reduced to nothing, its territory ravaged, and the pitiable inhabitants so panic-stricken that they could determine upon no better means of defence than taking another tutelary Saint, and associating St. Francisco Xavier as their Patron, with St. Philip and St. James: a holyday was set apart for him by reason of his new office, and the soldiers also took him for their protector! At Santa Fe it was

16 This was indeed a thriving trade. An Abipon once gave a bag containing two thousand dollars, part of the convoy from Peru, for a red cloak.

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found necessary to enact that no man should come to Church without a musquet. Here the savages frequently came into the streets, and butchered the inhabitants while they were following processions, singing misereres, and carrying crucifixes, instead of bearing arms and using them. The market-place was often reddened with blood; and the town would have been abandoned if the inhabitants had not succeeded in making a separate peace, and thus contributed to the evils which were inflicted upon other places. At Corrientes, dead bodies were brought into the town in carts, and heaped up, like piles of wood, at the Church-door: seventy were carried in in one day; so that it was not possible to prepare separate graves; .. a common trench was dug, and one service performed for all. The Indian villages which the Franciscans had established upon the Parana were all destroyed, except S. Lucia, a little settlement containing about ten families only: the Missionary there had surrounded it with a wall, and mounting a gun in a little watchbox upon the top of his house, he gave the people notice to take shelter, by firing it, and made the savages keep at a respectful distance, .. so easily were they deterred from attacking any place where there was the appearance of resistance. In this track of country the marks of devastation long continued visible, .. ruined walls, European fruits growing in what was again become a wilderness, and monumental crosses indicating the places where thirty or forty had been buried in one grave.

Peramas de Tredecem. § 267—273. Dobrizhoffer. 3. 17—41.

People of Santiago del Estero.

The only Spaniards who manfully made war against these enemies, were the people of Santiago del Estero, originally the capital and episcopal seat of Tucuman. They provided themselves for their expeditions with the meal of a species of maize mixed with honey or sugar; a little of this they stirred up with water in a horn, which was the only furniture of their campkitchen, and they required no other meat or drink: the mix-

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ture 17 was taken cold, and thus there was no need of fire, which might have betrayed them by the smoke. Their horses were as hardy as themselves; having little pasture because of cold winters, hot summers, long droughts, and a sandy soil, they used to browse upon the trees like goats. They were the best as well as the hardiest in the country, because children used to mount them before they were a year old, and thus tame them and break them in at the same time. These people alone inflicted more loss than all the other Spaniards of La Plata, Paraguay, and Tucuman, on the Mocobios, Tobas, and Abipones, and were more dreaded by them. They were as good horsemen as the savages themselves, as hardy, and as little 18 civilized in their habits of life; and their skill in detecting the track of an enemy was such, that the other Spaniards called them conjurors

17 Falkner describes a similar preparation in use among the same people, but made from a species of Alfarroba, which grows in the woods about Santiago, and is the best food which they ever give their horses. They pound the pods, and press the glutinous mass which is thus composed, into cakes or square boxes; it is called patay and esteemed medicinal as well as wholesome. If it be infused twelve hours in cold water, it ferments, and makes a strong drink. (Falkner. p. 31.) For this reason the Jesuits would not introduce the Alfarroba into their settlements, useful as it would have been, lest the Guaranies should contract habits of drunkenness. (Dobrizhoffer. 1. 402.) They chose to deprive themselves of a tree which produced food both for man and beast, and a beverage believed to be remarkably conducive to health, rather than incur this danger. It is not strange that they should have distrusted the efficacy of their moral precepts; but this fact seems to shew that they did not rely even upon their discipline, severe and vigilant as it was.

18 They went annually to collect wild honey, hunted upon the way, lived upon the venison, and brought home the honey in bags made of the skins of the beasts which they had killed. On the way out they chopt the palm trees as they went, and when they came back found in the wounded trunks the large fat grubs of the carculio palmaram, which were esteemed a dainty.

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and St. Antonios, as if it were scarcely possible for mere human sense to have attained to such unerring sagacity. Few of them had musquets; their weapon was an ill-made lance, but it was well used, with a brave will and a vigorous arm.

Falkner. 30. Dobrizhoffer. 2. 256. 3. 48. 51.

The Jesuits pacify the Abipones.

The Santiagans, as to their courage and activity, were the Paulistas of Spanish America. They resembled the Paulistas also in the worst part of their character, for they had consumed the Indians in their vicinity by oppression and cruel usage, and the few who survived among them in servitude, were in a state of filth and wretchedness which the Jesuits regarded with astonishment, when they compared it with the comforts that existed in the Reductions. But, unlike the Paulistas, they were few in number; they did not extend themselves, they never possessed the spirit of discovery, and they had not discovered the secret of increasing their own strength by making the Indians serve with them as soldiers as well as slaves. They effectually protected their own immediate district, and sometimes made successful expeditions beyond it: but these exertions were too limited and too unfrequent to afford any relief to Paraguay. That country owed its deliverance to the Jesuits. By their means, a peace was made first with the Mocobios, then with the Abipones, and the whole of the latter nation consented to put themselves under the direction of spiritual teachers, and submit to habits of settled life. A beginning was made to this good work by F. Joseph Brigniel, and by Dobrizhoffer, a man who was contented to employ, in labouring among these savages, under every imaginable circumstance of discomfort and discouragement, talents which would have raised him to distinction in the most enlightened parts of Europe. In spite of the parsimony, and the repeated errors of the Government, they succeeded so far that Paraguay was delivered from its most destructive enemies; and the civilization of this extraordinary people, a people

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capable of the greatest virtues, would have gradually been accomplished, if the schemes and labours of the Jesuits had not been first interrupted, and finally frustrated, by the unforeseen consequences of a political arrangement between the Courts of Lisbon and Madrid.

VOL. III. 3 L

[page 442]

CHAPTER XXXIX.

Treaty of Limits. The War of the Seven Reductions. Annulment of the Treaty.

CHAP. XXXIX.

Character of Ferdinand VI. and his Queen.

The intermarriages between the royal families of Spain and Portugal had not produced the slightest mitigation in those feelings of contempt and hatred which Philip V. and Isabel Farnese his wife always cherished against the Portugueze: but the effects were perceived when Ferdinand VI. succeeded to his father's throne. Mere state considerations have seldom, or never, united in marriage two persons so perfectly suited to each other, as the Prince of Asturias, and the Portugueze Infanta, D. Maria Barbara. He was a valetudinarian and a hypochondriac by inheritance. His only fault was that he was sometimes subject to violent fits of anger: the humility which arose from a deep and painful conviction of his incapacity for business, and the sense of his own unfitness for the awful situation in which he was placed, must be accounted among his virtues: he was humane, honourable, and conscientious, and desired peace and tranquillity above all things. The Queen had never any pretensions to beauty, and the gracefulness of her youthful form was soon lost, for she became excessively fat. Her understanding was

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good, her disposition affectionate, and her manners winning because of their remarkable gentleness and benignity: she was highly accomplished, and delighted in music, for which she possessed an hereditary and cultivated taste; the King also was passionately fond of the same art. So entirely had she obtained his affection and his confidence, that she might have ruled him with absolute sway; but though her superior understanding naturally gave her great influence over him, she had no such ambition, being wise enough to be warned rather than stimulated by the example of her mischievous predecessor. She too was an invalid, and could thus the better sympathize with her husband's infirmities; and he on his part loved and admired her the more for the equanimity with which she endured long and habitual sufferings.

Treaty of Limits. 1750.

The Queen was believed by the Spaniards to favour her native country more than was consistent with the interest of Spain; and to her influence they attributed a treaty which was now made for adjusting the long disputed limits in America. No such treaty would have been concluded if an amicable disposition had not existed on both sides; and that disposition had certainly been produced by this happy marriage. But that the terms were framed equitably for both parties may be presumed from the fact, that in the succeeding reign, when a friendly disposition no longer existed, both were equally ready to condemn them. By the preliminary article of this memorable treaty, all former treaties, and all pretensions founded upon the Bull of Pope Alexander, were annulled. The demarcation which was now determined, began at the mouth of a little stream which falls into the sea, and rises at the foot of Monte de Castilhos Grande; from thence it proceeded in a straight line to the mountains, following their summits to the sources of the Rio Negro, and continued, still upon the ridge, to those of the

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CHAP. XXXIX. 1750.

Ybicuy: it then kept the course of that river to its junction with the Uruguay, traced the Uruguay upward till it reached the Pepiri, and then the Pepiri to its principal source: there, leaving the rivers, it again took the line of highest ground, till it came to the head of the first stream which flows into the Yguazu; the boundary followed this stream first, and then the Yguazu to its junction with the Parana: it went up this great river to the Igurey, and up the Igurey to its source; then once more it took the highest ground as far as the first stream that runs to the Paraguay, which it was supposed would probably be the Corrientes, .. for the negociators were proceeding here without any accurate knowledge of the country: the water then became the line, and so from its junction with the Paraguay along what in the dry season is the main stream, through the Pantanaes, which are marked in maps as the Lake of the Xarayes, to the mouth of the Jauru; and here some discretionary power was given. From the mouth of the Jauru the line was to be drawn straight for the south bank of the Guapore, opposite the mouth of the Sarare; but if the Commissioners should find between the Jauru and the Guapore, any other river, or natural boundary by which the limits might be more clearly and conveniently appointed, they might use their own discretion, reserving always to the Portugueze the exclusive navigation of the Jauru, and the road which they were accustomed to take from Cuyaba to Mato Grosso. But wherever the line reached the Guapore, it was to follow that stream to the Mamoré, and the Mamoré to the Madeira, and the Madeira to a point half way between its mouth and the mouth of the Mamoré; then it struck East and West, across unknown ground, till it touched the Javari, followed that river to the Orellana, and went down this great receiver of a thousand streams to the western mouth of the Japura: here it ascended, taking the middle of the stream; and

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CHAP. XXXIX. 1750.

here again it entered a country of which the negociators possessed an imperfect knowledge, for their vague language is, that the line should ascend this river and the others which join it and approach nearest to the North, till it reached the summits of the Cordillera between the Orellana and the Orinoco, and then it was to go eastward along those summits, as far as the territories of the contracting powers extended. The Commissioners were to be especially careful that the demarcation took the most westerly mouth of the Japura, so that it might leave untouched the Portugueze settlements upon the shores of that river, and on the Rio Negro, and the communication or channel which they used between the two. Here the Spaniards were not to interlope; nor were the Portugueze on their part to ascend to the Orinoco, nor extend themselves toward the Spanish territory, whether peopled or waste: and the line was to be drawn as much toward the North as possible, by lakes and rivers where that could be done, without regarding whether much or little fell to one power or the other, so that the object of tracing a distinct boundary 1 could be effected. Where the line of a river was taken, the islands in it were to belong to the nearest shore.

Tratado dos Limites. § 4—10.

Do. § 11.

The Commissioners were to design a map as they traced the limits, and jointly to impose names upon those rivers and mountains which had not yet been named: they were respectively to sign the two copies of this map, which might be appealed to as authority in any future dispute. But to prevent all disputes in future, his most Faithful Majesty ceded Colonia to Spain,

1 Ibañez calls it une ligne royale et tres visible, .. puisqu' elle seroit formée par des chaines de montagnes qui dureront autant que le monde, et par des fleuves tres profonds qui ne peuvent éprouver aucun changement. T. 2. p. 18.

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CHAP. XXXIX. 1750.

and all the territory on the Nor