RECORD: Southey, Robert. 1810-19. History of Brazil. 3 vols. London: Longman, Hurst, Rees and Orme, vol. 1.

REVISION HISTORY: Transcribed (single key) by AEL Data 4.2013. RN1

NOTE: This work formed part of the Beagle library. The Beagle Library project has been generously supported by a Singapore Ministry of Education Academic Research Fund Tier 1 grant and Charles Darwin University and the Charles Darwin University Foundation, Northern Territory, Australia.


[page i]

History of Brazil:

by

Robert Southey.

Part the First.

LONDON:

Printed for Longman, Hurst, Rees, and Drme, Paternoster-row.

1810.

[page ii]

[page iii]

TO
THE REVEREND HERBERT HILL
THIS HISTORY IS INSCRIBED,
BY
HIS NEPHEW
ROBERT SOUTHEY,
AS A MEMORIAL
OF
GRATEFUL AND RESPECTFUL AFFECTION.

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PREFACE.

SOMETHING more than the title promises, is comprized in the present work. It relates the foundation and progress of the adjacent Spanish Provinces, the affairs of which are in latter times inseparably connected with those of Brazil. The subject may therefore be considered as including the whole track of country between the rivers Plata, Paraguay, and Orellana or the Amazons, and extending Eastward towards Peru, as far as the Portugueze have extended their settlements or their discoveries.

The only general History of Brazil is the America Portugueza of Sebastiam da Rocha Pitta, a meagre and inaccurate work, which has been accounted valuable, merely because there was no other. There are many copious and good accounts of the Dutch war. Earlier information is to be gleaned from books where it occurs rather incidentally,

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than by design. Authorities are still scarcer for the subsequent period, and for the greater part of the last century, printed documents almost entirely fail. A collection of manuscripts not less extensive than curious, and which is not to be equalled in England, enables me to supply this chasm in history. The collection was formed during a residence of more than thirty years in Portugal, by the friend and relation to whom this work is inscribed. Without the assistance which I have received from him, it would have been hopeless to undertake, and impossible to compleat it.

A critical account of all the materials which have been consulted, will be appended to the concluding volume. The map also is delayed, for the purpose of rendering it as full, and as little incorrect as possible, though a far better than any which has yet appeared might have been given at present.

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Should any person who may see this volume be in possession of any of the books enumerated below, he would greatly oblige and serve me by consigning it to Messrs. Longman and Co. for my use, and he may rely upon its being speedily and carefully returned.

R. S.

Literæ Annuæ Provinciæ Paraguariæ, &c.

Any volumes of the Jesuits' Annual Letters or Relations, except those from 1551 to 1558, and those for the years 1601, 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, and 8.

Montoya, Conquista Espiritual de Paraguay.

Lozano, Hist. de Paraguay.

The Latin translation of Charlevoix's Hist. du Paraguay. Venice, 1779.

Fasti Novi Orbis. Venice, 1777. a work published under the name of Cyriacus Morelli, by the Jesuit P. Domingo Muriel.

P. Sim. de Vasconcellos. Vida do P. Joam de Almeida.

O Valeroso Lucideno.

Rel. diaria do sitio do Recife. Lisbon, 1654; or the Italian translation.

Anchieta's Brazilian Grammar.

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CONTENTS.

Page
INTRODUCTION.
Nature of this History 1
CHAPTER 1.
Vicente Yañez Pinzon discovers the Coast of Brazil and the River Maranham. Voyage of Cabral. He names the country Santa Cruz. Amerigo Vespucci sent to survey the coast. His second voyage. The first settlement made by him. The country obtains the name of Brazil.
Voyage of Pinzon 4
The line first crost, and Cape St. Augustines first seen ib.
Discovery of the River Maranham or Orellana 5
Hyger or Bore on the Meary 7
Voyage of Cabral 9
He is driven to the Coast of Brazil 10
Appearance of the natives 11
Porto Seguro discovered 12
The first mass performed ib.
Possession taken for the Crown of Portugal 13
Voyage of Amerigo Vespucci 14
Cannibalism of the natives 15
Second voyage of Vespucci 18
First settlement in the country 20
It obtains the name of Brazil 21
Criminals sent to serve there 23
CHAPTER II.
Voyage of Pinzon and Solis. Discovery of the Rio de la Plata. The French trade to Brazil. History of Caramuru. Brazil divided into Captaincies. St. Vicente. The Goaynazes. St. Amaro and Tamaraca. Paraiba. The Goaytacazes. Espirito Santo. The Papanazes. Porto Seguro. The Tupiniquins. Captaincy of the Ilheos. Bahia. Revolutions in the Reconcave. Expulsion of the colonists there. Pernambuco. The Cahetes. The Tobayares. Siege of Garassu. Expedition of Aires da Cunha to Maranham.
Voyage of Pinzon and Solis 25
Discovery of the Plata 26
Death of Solis 27
Trade of the French to Brazil 28
Bahia discovered 29
Adventures of Caramuru 30
Brazil divided into Captaincies 32
St. Vicente 33
The Goaynases 34
First sugar canes planted 35
St. Amaro and Tamaraca 36
Paraiba 37
The Goaytacazes ib.
Espirito Santo 38
The Papanazes 39
Porto Seguro ib.

b

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The Tupiniquins 39
Captaincy of the Ilheos 40
Bahia 41
Revolutions in the Reconcave 42
Expulsion of Coutinho 43
Pernambuco 44
The Cahetes ib.
The Tobayares 45
Hans Stade arrives in Brazil 46
Siege of Garassu or Iguaraçu ib.
Expedition of Aires da Cunha, and the sons of Barres to Maranham 48
CHAPTER III.
Voyage of Sebastian Cabot. He names the river Plata, and remains there five years. D. Pedro de Mendoza obtains a grant of the conquest. Foundation of Buenos Ayres. War with the Quirandies. Famine. Buenos Ayres burnt by the Savages. Buena Esperanza founded. The Timbues. Mendoza sets sail for Spain, and dies upon the passage. Ayolas ascends the Paraguay. The Carios. The Spaniards win their settlement, and call it Asumpciou. The Agaces. Ayolas goes in search of the Carcarisos, a people who were said to have gold and silver. Yrala waits for him as long as possible, and then returns to Asumpcion. Misconduct of Francisco Ruyz. Buena Esperanza besieged and abandoned. Reinforcements sent out under Cabrera. Yrala marches in search of Ayolas. The death of that Commander ascertained. The Payagoaes. The Spaniards abandon Buenos Ayres, and collect all their force at Asumpcion.
Voyage of Sebastian Cabot 51
He goes up the Plata and centers the Paraguay 53
Voyage of Diego Garcia 54
The river Plata obtains its present name 55
Cabot driven out by the Guaranies 56
Expedition of Mendoza 57
Buenos Ayres founded 58
War with the Quirandies 60
Famine at Buenos Ayres 61
Buenos Ayres burnt by the Savages 62
Mendoza returns to Spain and dies on the voyage 62
Ayolas ascends the Paraguay 64
The Carios 65
The Spaniards win a settlement of the Carios, which they call Asumpcion 66
The Agaces 67
Ayolas hears of gold and silver among a people called Carcarisos, and goes in search of them ib.
Yrala returns to Asumpcion 66
Misconduct of Fr. Ruyz at Buena Esperanza 70
Reinforcements sent out under Cabrera 72
Hulderic Schmidel escapes from shipwreck 72
Yrala marches in search of Ayolas 73
Whose death is ascertained 74
The Payagoaes ib.
Buenos Ayres abandoned 75
CHAPTER IV.
Expedition of Diego de Ordas. Gonzalo Pizarro sets out in quest of El Dorado. Voyage of Orellana. Attempt of Luiz de Mello to settle at Maranham.
Diego de Ordas obtains a grant of conquest 79
He attempts to ascend the Amazons, and then the Orinoco 77
Expedition of Gonzalo Pizarro in search of El Dorado 78
Orellana joins him 79
Cruelty of G. Pizarro 80
Sufferings of his people 81
They build a brigantine ib.
In which Orellana is sent forward. He enters the Napo, and resolves to proceed down the stream 82
Reports of a nation of Amazons 85
The Encabellados 87
The Savages attack the Spaniards 88
Psalming the wounded 89
The Amazons 94
They reach the sea 99
Orellana undertakes the conquest of his discoveries ib.
And dies while attempting it 101
Reasons for restoring his name to the river 102
CHAPTER V.
Cabeza de Vaca succeeds Mendoza in the Plata. He marches overland from S. Catalina. Advances from Asumpcion up the Paraguay, and marches into the country towards Peru in search of gold. The Spaniards return for went of food, .. mutiny against him, and send him prisoner to Spain.

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Cabeza de Vaca succeeds Mendoza as Adelantado 104
His ship saved by means of a Grillo 105
He marches overland from the coast 107
Flour from the stone pine 109
Grubs eaten ib.
Falls of the Yguazu 112
Passage of the Parana 113
He arrives at Asumpcion 114
Danger of the sick, and their escort 115
Orders given to re-found Buenos Ayres 116
Treatment of prisoners among the Guaranies ib.
The Agaces 117
The Guaycurus ib.
Cabeza de Vaca marches against them 119
Courage of this tribe 121
The Palometa .. a fish more formidable than the American crocodile 122
Peace made with the Guacurus ib.
Buenos Ayres a second time abandoned 126
Duçks kept to devour the crickets 127
Faction formed against C. de Vaca, who undertakes an expedition into the interior 128
The Payagoaes offer to restore what they had taken from Ayolas ib.
Garcia the Portugueze 129
Aquatic tribes 130
Lake of Xarayes 132
Vampire bat 134
Plague of ants 135
Fashion of extending the ears ib.
Farther accounts of Garcia 136
Messengers sent to the Xarayes 137
The Artaneses ib.
Settlement of the Xarayes 138
Great expedition of the Guaranies towards Peru 140
Cabeza de Vaca follows their route 141
He finds a family which had escaped from the wreck of their nation 143
His people compel him to return 145
Scarcity at Puerto de los Reyes ib.
Mendoza sent in search of food 146
Ribera returns 147
Some of Garcia's followers discovered 149
The Spaniards return to Asumpcion 151
Mutiny against C. de Vaca 152
Who is sent prisoner to Spain ib.
CHAPTER VI.
Expedition of Hernando de Ribera; he hears of the Amazons and marches in quest of them over the flooded country. Disturbances at Asumpcion. Yrala conquers the Carios, and attempts a second time to march across the country. He reaches the confines of Peru, makes his own terms in secret with the President, and then returns. Diego Centeno appointed Governor; he dies, and Yrala remains with the government.
Ribera marches in quest of the Amazons over a flooded country 157
Fables which he heard or reported 159
They return 160
Yrala subdues the Carios 161
He enters the country 163
And reaches the Spanish settlement on the side of Peru 168
He makes a secret agreement with Gasca and returns 169
Disturbance at Asumpcion 171
Expedition of Senabria with which Hans Stade goes out 173
CHAPTER VII.
Hans Stade sails with Senabria for Paraguay, and reaches St. Catalina. Shipwrecked on St. Vicente. He is made Gunner at St. Amaro, and taken prisoner by the Tupinambas. Their ceremonies towards a prisoner; superstition and weapons. He effects his escape.
Hans reaches St. Catalina 175
One of the ships wrecked there 177
He sails for St Vicente and is wrecked there 178
State of that Captaincy 179
He accepts the office of gunner 180
And is caught by the Tupinambas 181
Who carry him home to be eaten 185
Description of their villages ib.
Ceremonies of receiving a prisoner 186
The aprasse, or dance of the prisoner 187
The Maraca ib.
He pleads that he is not a Portugueze, and therefore not liable to be eaten 188
The plea referred to a French interpreter who decides against him ib.
Konyan Bebe, the Tupinamban Chief 191
His master and his family fall sick, and impute it to his prayers 194
Mode of trading during war 198
He swims off to a French boat, and the crew refuse to take him in 200
Ceremonies before they go to war 201
Their Payes or Jugglers 202
Their weapons 204

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Hans is transferred to another master 209
And obtains his liberty 210
CHAPTER VIII.
Thome de Sousa appointed Governor General of Brazil. He takes out with him the first Jesuits to America. City of St. Salvador founded. The Jesuits begin the attempt of converting the natives. Obstacles to that attempt. Cannibalism. Language, and state of the Tupi tribes.
Evils of the existing system in Brazil 212
Thome de Sousa appointed Governor General 213
Zeal of the King for the conversion of the Brazilians ib.
The Jesuit Mission appointed 214
First Jesuits go out to S. America ib.
Foundation of the City of St. Salvador 215
Conduct of the Jesuits 217
Cannibalism ib.
Ceremonies observed with a captive 218
Consequences which the Savages deduce from their theory of generation ib.
Passion of revenge among these Savages 223
Customs of the Tupi Tribes ib.
Their language ib.
Their Payes 227
St. Thomas the Apostle said to have visited Brazil 229
The mandioc or cassava 230
Their fermented liquors 233
Acayaba tree 235
The natives nice in their choice of water 236
Their reputed knowledge of poisons 237
Ceremonies at their births 238
Their names 239
Harmony in which they lived 240
Their marriages ib.
Fashions of the women 241
Condition of women among them 242
Their pottery 243
Canoes 244
And fishing ib.
Their domestic animals 245
Their treatment of strangers 246
And of the sick 247
Mode of burial 248
Their longevity 249
Their frequent change of place 250
Cause why they were not farther advanced 251
Conduct of the Jesuits 252
And opposition of the Settlers 257
The first Bishop of Brazil 259
CHAPTER IX.
D. Duarte da Costa Governor. Anchieta comes out. Brazil erected into a Jesuit Province. School established at Piratininga. Death of Joam III. Mem de Sa Governor. Expedition of the French under Villegagnon to Rio de Janeiro. Their island is attacked and the works destroyed. War with the Tamoyos. Nobrega and Anchieta effect a peace with them. The French finally defeated at Rio de Janeiro, and the City of St. Sebastian founded.
Anchieta comes out to Brazil 261
Establishment of the Jesuits at Piratininga 262
Employment of Anchieta there 264
He is attacked by the Savages 265
Disputes between the Governor and the Bishop 266
The Bishop killed by the Cahetes 267
Mem de Sa Governor 268
Outcry against his attempts in behalf of the natives ib.
Villegagnon's expedition to Brazil 270
He names it France Antarctique 272
Conspiracy against him 273
His conduct towards the Savages 275
Jean de Lery goes to Brazil ib.
Treachery of Villegagnon 277
Expedition against the French at Rio de Janeiro 279
The Aymores 281
Defeated by Mem de Sa 283
The Tamoyos 284
They ravage Espirito Santo 286
Nobrega and Anchieta go to treat for peace 287
Anchieta is left with the Savages 290
Peace with the Tamoyos 293
Pestilence and famine 294
Board of Conscience ib.
Estacio de Sa goes against the French 296
Nobrega prevents him from abandoning the attempt 297
He expels the French, and is mortally wounded 301
City of St. Sebastian founded 302
A Protestant put to death 303
The French driven from Paraiba 305
CHAPTER X.
Luiz de Vasconcellos appointed Governor. Martyrdom of the forty Jesuits. Vascon-

[page] xiii

cellos killed. Death of Nobrega and of Mem de Sa. Luiz de Brito, Governor. The Colonies neglected. Division of Brazil into two Governments, and re-union. Final Defeat of the Tamoyos. Expedition in search of Mines. Portugal usurped by Felipe II. State of Brazil at that time.
Martyrdom of the forty Jesuits 308
Miracles invented for the occasion 309
Deaths of Nobrega and Mem de Sa 310
The colony neglected 311
Brazil divided into two governments ib.
Final defeat of the Tamoyos 312
Expeditions of Tourinho and Adorno in search of mines ib.
Settlement at Rio Real made and abandoned 314
The two governments reunited 315
Brazil offered to the Duke of Braganza ib.
Attempt of Antonio the Prior upon Brazil 316
State of Brazil at this time ib.
St. Salvador and the Reconcave 317
Tea and coffee indigenous there 320
Culture of ginger prohibited ib.
Leafless parasite plants 321
Fishery at Bahia 322
Mermaids 323
Rumours of emerald mines ib.
People of Bahia ib.
Pernambuco 324
St. Vicente 325
Espirito Santo 326
Porto Seguro ib.
Diseases 327
CHAPTER XI.
Disputes on the frontier of Brazil. Asumpcion made a Bishopric. Expedition of Chaves. The Chiquites. Death of Yrala. March of Vergara to Peru, and his Deposition. Death of Chaves. The Itatines. Caceres sent home Prisoner. Zarate sails from Spain to take the Government: misconduct and sufferings of his Armament. Deposition and Death of his successor Mendieta. Buenos Ayres founded for the third and last time.
Settlement formed from Paraguay in Guayra 331
Asumpcion made a Bishoprick 332
The Chiquitos 333
Death of Yrala 336
S. Cruz de la Sierra founded 337
Vergara marches to Peru 338
And is there superseded ib.
Chaves killed 339
The Itatines ib.
Disputes at Asumpcion 342
Zarate sails for Paraguay 343
Famine at St. Catilina 344
Misconduct and death of Zarate 347
Buenos Ayres a third time founded 348
First hides sent to Europe 349
CHAPTER XII.
The French driven from Paraiba. The Pitagoares. Intercourse of the English with Brazil. Fenton's Expedition. Commencement of hostilities. Withrington ravages the Reconcave. Death of Barreto. D. Francisco de Sousa Governor. Search after Silver Mines. Expedition of Cavendish. He takes Santos, burns St. Vicente, is repulsed at Espirito Santo, and dies of a broken heart. Lancaster takes Recife. Ralegh diverts adventurers towards Guiana. El Dorado.
The Pitagoares 350
The French expelled by Flores 351
Intercourse of the English with Brazil 352
Fenton's voyage 355
Hostilities with the English ib.
Withrington's voyage 356
Roberio Diaz offers to discover silver mines 358
Cavendish's last voyage 359
He takes Santos, and burns S. Vicente 360
Is repulsed at Espirito Santo 363
And dies broken hearted 364
Lancaster's voyage ib.
He takes Recife 366
Ralegh diverts adventurers from Brazil 371
El Dorado ib.
CHAPTER XIII.
Attempts on the side of Maranham. The Tapuyas. Success of the Jesuits, and diminution of the natives. The Aymores pacified. Settlement formed at Seara. French expedition to the Isle of Maranham. They are expelled by Jeronymo de Albuquerque. Foundation of the Captaincy of Para, and the City of Belem. Settlements of the Dutch and other nations at the mouth of the Orellana destroyed.
Villainy of Pedro Coelho 376
Serra de Ibiapaba 377
The Tapuyas 378
Jesuits at the Sierra de Ibiapaba 382
The Pitagoares brought against the Aymores 383

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Ravages of the Aymores 385
They are conciliated by Alvaro Rodriguez in Bahia ib.
And at Ilheos by the Jesuits 387
Success of the Jesuits 389
Settlement at Seara 391
French expedition to Maranham 392
Foundation of S. Luiz 397
Rasilly returns to France 399
Gaspar de Sousa ordered to colonize towards the Orellana 400
First expedition of Jeronymo de Alhuquerque ib.
Diogo de Campos sent out 401
Martim Soares driven to Europe 402
Second expedition of Jeronymo 403
His junction with Diogo 404
They reach the Island of Peria 406
Irresolution of Jeronymo 408
Diogo advises that they fortify themselves on the Island 409
Rangel sent out to reconnoitre ib.
They remove to Guaxenduba 411
Information obtained from a prisoner 412
Treachery of the French 413
Jeronymo duped by his prisoners 414
Three ships taken by the French 415
Conspiracy communicated to Diogo ib.
The French invest the Portugueze 417
And are defeated 418
Ravardiere opens a corrèspondence with Jeronymo 419
Terms concluded greatly to the advantage of the Portugueze 420
The Tupinambas suppose they are to be divided as slaves between the two contracting powers 422
Instructions to the Portugueze Commissioners 423
Treaty broken by the Portugueze 424
Fresh forces come out from Lisbon ib.
St. Louis surrendered unconditionally 426
Expedition of Caldeira to Para 427
Foundation of Belem ib.
Teixeira burns a Dutch vessel 428
Insurrection of the Tupinambas 429
Death of Jeronymo 430
Disturbances at Belem ib.
Caldeira deposed by the people 431
The mutineers sent to Portugal 432
Cruelty of Bento Maciel ib.
Colonists from the Azores arrive at Maranham 433.
Maciel Captain of Para 435
Expedition to the Curupa and the mouth of the Orellana ib.
Maranham and Para formed into a State independent of Brazil 437
CHAPTER XIV.
Establishment of a West Indian Company in Holland. St. Salvador taken by the Dutch, and recovered by the Spaniards and Portugueze under D. Fadrique de Toledo. Affairs of Maranham. The Dutch send out a second expedition, and obtain possession of Olinda and Recife.
Establishment of the Dutch West India Company 438
A fleet equipped against Brazil 440
St. Salvador taken by the Dutch 441
They strengthen the city 442
The Portugueze rally under the Bishop 443
Vandort slain 444
Expedition of Heyne against Angola ib.
Measures of the Spanish Government 445
And zeal of the Portugueze ib.
Death of the Bishop 447
Arrival of the combined fleets 448
The Dutch make an unsuccessful sally 449
Their troops mutiny and they capitulate 450
Difficulty of sending them to Europe 451
Arrival of a Dutch fleet 452
Disasters of the Portugueze on their return to Europe 453
Effect of these losses in Holland 454
Brazil still neglected by Spain 455
Oliveira Governor ib.
Exploit of Heyne at Bahia 456
Affairs of Maranham 458
Attempts of the Dutch in these parts 459
Cruelty of Maciel 460
Oppressive conduct of the Portugueze ib.
English settlers expelled 462
Mathias de Albuquerque sent out 463
State of Olinda ib.
Arrival of the Dutch fleet 465
And capture of Olinda 468
Mathias abandons Recife ib.
Attack of the Forts 469
And arrival of reinforcements from Holland 471
CHAPTER XV.
Camp of Bom Jesus formed. Calabar deserts to the Dutch, and turns the fortune of the War. Negroes of the Palmares. The Island of Itamaraca, Rio Grande, Paraiba, Tamaraca, the Camp, and Nazareth-reduced.

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The Portugueze rally 472
Bush companies formed 473
Distress of both parties 474
Some Colonists incline to submit 475
Expedition against Isle Itamaraca 476
A fleet sent out under Oquendo 477
Naval action and death of the Dutch Admiral 478
Olinda burnt by the Dutch 479
Paraiba attached 480
Lichthart lays siege to Fort Cabedello 481
The Dutch break up the siege 482
Unsuccessful attack upon Rio Grande ib.
Importance of the port of Nazareth 483
Calabar deserts to the Dutch 485
He surprizes and sacks Garassu, and Rio Fermoso 486
Indecision of Bagnuole 487
The Dutch send out Commissaries ib.
They assault the Camp and are repulsed 488
Isle of Itamaraca reduced, and Garaasu abandoned 489
Attempt to besiege the Camp 490
Expedition of Calabar to the Lagoas 491
Fate of the succours under Vasconcellos ib.
Rio Grande reduced 493
Fidelity of an Indian Chief 494
The Palmarea 495
Attempt to surprize Recife 497
Nazareth attacked ib.
The Dutch pass the batteries, and win the town 498
Calabar brings the launches in 499
And gets the ships out 500
Reinforcements arrive from Holland ib.
Paraiba again attacked 501
Siege of Fort Cabedello 502
The Fort surrenders and Paraiba falls 504
Treachery of Sylveira 505
Siege laid to the Camp, and to Nazareth 507
The Camp capitulates ib.
Nefarious conduct of the Dutch 508
Attempts to relieve Nazareth 509
Bagnuolo abandons Porto Calvo, and retreats to the Lagoas 510
Heroism of Maria de Sousa 511
Nazareth taken 512
CHAPTER XVI.
Emigration from Pernambuco. Porto Calvo recovered, and Calabar put to death. Succours sent out under Roxas, who is defeated and slain. Bagnuolo succeeds to the command, and carries on a harrassing warfare with success. Mauritz Count of Nassau arrives as Governor General of the Dutch; his wise measures: he pursues the Portugueze to the River St. Francisco, and Bagnuolo, abandoning the Captaincy of Seregipe, retreats to Bahia.
Emigration from Pernambueo 514
Treachery of Sonto towards the Dutch 515
Porto Calvo recovered 516
Calabar put to death 517
Mathias retreats to the Lagoas 518
Alarm of the Spanish Court ib.
Rexas sent out with reinforcements 520
Raahness of the new General 521
He is defeated and slain 522
Bagnuolo succeeds to the command 524
Porto Calvo reoccupied by the Portugueze 525
Cruelty of the Dutch ib.
Predatory system of warfare 526
Second emigration from Pernambuco 527
The Count of Nassau sent out ib.
His first measures 529
He marches against Porto Calvo, and Bagmuolo abandons it 530
Porto Calvo surrenders 532
Bagnuolo abandons the Lagoas, and is pursued to the San Francisco 533
River San Francisco ib.
Fort Mauritz erected 535
Reforms at Recife 537
The Dutch seek for mines ib.
Wise measures of Nassau 538
Deliberation concerning the seat of Government 540
Captaincy of Seregipe ib.
Sonto ravages the conquered provinces 541
Bagnuelo abandons Seregins, and retreats to Bahia 542
CHAPTER XVII.
St. Jorge da Mina attacked and taken by the Dutch. Seara taken. Nassau besieges St. Salvador unsuccessfully. The Dutch throw open the trade. State of their Captaineres. A new city built by Recife. Count da Torre comes out; he loses great part of his men by sickness, and after four indecisive actions at sea, is blown off the coast. Wonderful retreat of Vidal and Barbalbo. Marquis de Monte Alvam Viceroy. Revolution in Portugal. The Viceroy deposed.
St. Jorge da Mina taken by the Dutch 543
Seara taken 546
Proceedings at Recife 547

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Preparations against Bahia 549
Bagnuolo marches to S. Salvador ib.
Exploit of Souto 550
The Dutch enter the Bay 551
Tumults in the City ib.
Four of the Forts surrendered 553
Pedro da Sylva resigns the command to Bagnuolo ib.
Exchange of prisoners 554
Consternation of the townsmen ib.
The City well supplied 555
The Dutch open their batteries ib.
Letters intercepted 556
Battle in the trenches, and death of Souto 557
Cruelty of the Dutch 558
They raise the siege 559
Representations of Nassau to the Company 560
They throw open the trade of Brazil 561
Expedition of Jol in quest of the Mexican fleet 562
Cameron negociates with the Dutch 563
Arms given to the Dutch Captaincies ib.
Artisjoski comes out, and returns to Holland in disgust 564
State of the Dutch Captaincies ib.
Want of Colonists 565
The Jews ib.
The Savages ib.
Dutch Missionaries 567
Force of the Dutch ib.
Nassau builds a Palace 568
And the city of Mauritias 569
The Conde de Torre comes out 570
Four naval actions 571
Retreat of Vidal and Barbalho 573
The Reconcave laid waste 574
The Marquez de Monte Alvam comes out as Viceroy ib.
Revolution in Portugal 575
The Viceroy sent home prisoner 577
CHAPTER XVIII.
Affairs of Maranham. Some Missionaries from Quito flying down the Napo, trust themselves to the river, and reach Belem. Teixeira sent up the Orellana. Acuña returns with him, and surveys its course.
Attempts of the English in Para 578
Death of Coelho 580
Raimundo intrudes into the succession ib.
Mission from Quito to the Indians upon the Ahuarico 581
The Missionaries driven away, embark on the river, and reach Para ib.
Teixeira sent to explore the Orellana up to Quito 582
He is ordered by the Viceroy of Peru to return and survey the river 584
Sources of the Orellana 585
Teixeira reembarks, and Acuña with him ib.
The Encabellados 586
The Omaguas 587
Gum elastic 589
The Tucunas and Mayurunes 590
Rivers Iça and Yutas 591
And Yurua 592
The Curiciraris ib.
River Jupura or Gran Caqueta 594
Rivers Tefe and Acaricoara 596
The Jurimauas ib.
River Perus 597
The Caripunas and Zurinas 598
River Negro ib.
Communication between the Orellana and Orinoco known at that time by the natives 599
The Portugueze want to make slaves 600
Rivers Madeira and Saraca 601
Tupinambas of the River 602
Fables reported by them ib.
The Amazons 604
Testimonies of their existence ib.
Probability of it 608
River-dos Trombetas 609
River-dos Topajos ib.
Kidnapping expedition of Young Maciel 611
River Curupatuba 612
River Mapau 613
They reach Belem ib.
Extent and magnitude of the Orellana 614
Food of the tribes on its banks 615
Plague of insects 618
Number of Tribes 619
The Throwing stick 620
Their Idols ib.
Their Conjurors 621

[page 1]

HISTORY OF BRAZIL.

The history of Brazil is less beautiful than that of the mother country, and less splendid than that of the Portugueze in Asia; but it is not less important than either. Its materials differ from those of other histories: here are no tangles of crooked policy to unravel, no mysteries of state iniquity to elucidate, no revolutions to record, nor victories to celebrate, the fame of which remains among us long after their effects have past away. Discovered by chance, and long left to chance, it is by individual industry and enterprize, and by the operation of the common laws of nature and society, that this empire has risen and flourished, extensive as it now is, and mighty as it must one day become. In the course of its annals disgust and anger will oftener be felt than those exalted feelings which it is more grateful for the historian to excite. I have to speak of savages so barbarous that little sympathy can be felt for any sufferings which they endured, and of colonists in whose triumphs no joy will be taken, because they added avarice to barbarity; .. ignoble men, carrying on an obscure warfare, the consequences of which have been greater than were produced by the conquests of Alexander

B

[page] 2

or Charlemagne, and will be far more lasting. Even the few higher characters which appear have obtained no fame beyond the limits of their own religion, scarcely beyond those of their language. Yet has the subject its advantages: the discovery of extensive regions; the manners and superstitions of uncivilized tribes; the efforts of missionaries, in whom zeal the most fanatical was directed by the coolest policy; the rise and the overthrow of the extraordinary dominion which they established; and the progress of Brazil from its feeble beginnings, to the importance which it now possesses, these are topics of no ordinary interest.

[page] 3

CHAPTER I.

Vicente Yañez Pinzon discovers the Coast of Brazil and the River Maranham.—Voyage of Cabral.—He names the country Santa Cruz.—Amerigo Vespucci sent to survey the coast.—His second voyage.—The first settlement made by him.—The country obtains the name of Brazil.

CHAP. I. 1499.

Voyage of Pinson.

The first person who discovered the coast of Brazil was Vicente Yañez Pinzon, who had sailed with Columbus1 on his

1 The Pinzons were natives of Palos, excellent seamen, and among the first people of the place. Vicente Yañez supplied an eighth of the expences of this expedition, in which two of his brothers embarked also, one as captain, the other as master of the Pinta. Herrera, 1. 1. 10.

Oviedo knew Vicente Yañez well, and was in habits of friendship with him till his death, in 1514. This historian says that there were not wanting persons who affirmed that Columbus was disheartened on his first voyage, and would have turned back if it had not been for these brethren. Probably he heard this from his friend; .. and by what he says this report seems to have occasioned some judicial proceedings. These are his words. "Pero arveys de saber que por el coutrario dizen algunos lo que aqui se ha dicho de la constancia de Colon; que aun afirman que el se tornara de su voluntad del camino, y no le concluyera, si estos hermanos Pinçones no le fizieran yr adelante: y dizen mas que por causa dellos se hizo el descubrimiento, y que Colon ya ciava y queria dar la buelta. Esto sera mejor remetirlo a un largo processo que ay entre el Almirante y el Fiscal, donde a pro y a contra ay muchas cosas alegadas; en lo qual yo no me eutremeto, porque como sean cosas de justicia y por ella se ha de discidir, que dense para el fin que tuvieren; pero yo he dicho en lo uno y en lo otro ambas las opiniones; el lector tome la que mas le dïtare su buen juyzio." L. 2. C. 5.

[page] 4

CHAP. I. 1499.

A.D. 1500, Jan. 26.

first voyage, as commander and master of the Niña. Seven years afterwards he and his nephew Arias obtained a commission to go in search of new countries, and trade in any which Columbus had not previously appropriated. The Pinzons were wealthy men, and the former voyage had added to their wealth; they fitted out four caravels at their own cost, and set sail from Palos in December, 1499, made the Cape de Verds, then steered to the south-west, and were the first Spaniards who crost the line and lost sight of the north star. After suffering intolerable heat, and storms which drove them on their way, they saw land on January 26, 1500, in lat. 8½° S. to which Vicente gave the name of Cape Consolation; .. but which is now called Cape St. Augustines. They landed, cut the names of the ships, and the date of the year and day upon the trees and rocks, and took possession of the country for the crown of Castille.

No natives were seen that day, but they perceived footsteps upon the shore. During the night they saw many fires, and in the morning sent forty well-armed men towards them to treat with the people. About an equal number of the natives advanced to meet them, armed with bows and lances; it was in vain to make friendly gestures, and hold up bells, beads, and looking-glasses, the savages seemed determined to drive these strangers out of their country, and the Spaniards were intimidated at their appearance. They affirmed that they were taller than the tallest Germans, and not waiting to judge more accurately of their stature upon a nearer view, retired to their boats. The next day no natives were to be seen; the Spaniards landed again, and convinced themselves that they had had good reason for their fear, by finding or fancying that they found the footstep of a giant, which was twice as long as would have been made by the foot of an ordinary man. They supposed these people to be a wandering race like the Scythians.

[page] 5

CHAP. I. 1500.

From hence they coasted along toward the North till they came to the mouth of a great river: there was not sufficient depth of water for the ships to enter, so they sent four boats to land. A party of natives were assembled upon a hill near the shore, and one of the Spaniards who was well armed, advanced singly toward them. They came to meet him, suspecting and at the same time intending evil. The Spaniard made all the friendly signs he could devise, and threw to them a hawks-bell, for which they threw down a piece of gold2; he stoopt for it, and they sprang forward to seize him. This however was not so easy as they had expected; though neither large nor robust he defended himself with sword and shield to the admiration of his comrades, who hastened to his assistance, and succeeded in rescuing him, but with great loss. The savages with their deadly archery slew eight, wounded many more, and pursued them to their boats. Not satisfied with this success, they attacked the boats. It was then that, being naked, they felt the edge of European swords. But nothing deterred them; they rushed on like wild beasts, despising wounds and death; followed the boats even when they had put off, dived after them, and fairly won one, having slain its captain, and driven out the crew. Scarcely a man got off without a wound, and had the arrows of the natives been poisoned, scarcely one could have escaped.

Discovery of the Maranham.

Continuing to coast along after this unlucky action, they came to what they called a sea of fresh water, where they filled their casks. This they accounted for by supposing that the vehement course of many rivers, descending from the mountains,

2 Una bara de dos palmos dorada, Herrera says: and Gomara also says it was a gilt wand. A better bait could not have been thrown out; but it does not appear that the Brazilians made any use of gold, and still less is it likely that they should be acquainted with the art of gilding.

[page] 6

CHAP. I. 1500.

had freshened the sea: they were in the mouth of the great river Maranham3 as they afterwards discovered. Here they found many islands, which appeared to be fortunate and fruitful, and the inhabitants received them hospitably and unsuspiciously, for which Pinzon made a villainous return, .. for finding no other merchandize, he seized about thirty of these unoffending people, and carried them away to sell for slaves4. His ships were once in as much danger here as Columbus had endured in the Bocas del Dragon. That phenomenon which in our Parret and Severn is called the Bore or Hyger, is found off this part of the Brazilian

3 The origin of this name has given occasion to some discussion. P. Manuel Rodriguez (L. 1. C. 5.) supposes it was given in memory of the marañas, the villanies, committed there by Lope de Aguirre, .. forgetting that the river was so called before that wretch had ever been heard of. Afterwards (L. 2. C. 14.) he sports an etymology with which no doubt he was better pleased. When the Israelites in the desart tasted the bitter waters, he says, they cried out Mara, because of the bitterness or saltness, and the water retained that name. So when the sailors tasted the water of this great river, their companions asked if it were not salt, Sunt mara, or maria, .. is it the sea? .. to which they replied No, non, .. and so Mara-ñon it was called.

Bernardo Pereira de Berredo (L. 1. § 8—11.) was satisfied with this quaint derivation, till he discovered Marañon to be an old Spanish name, and then he supposed the first person who discovered it on the side of Peru was so called. He afterward found authority for this in the Relaçam Summaria of Simam Estacio da Silveira, and in Fr. Christovam de Lisboa's manuscript History of Maranham and Para. Zarate (L. 4. C. 4.) who says the same, is earlier authority than either. But it is proof decisive against them, that the word is used by Pietro Martire, in the oldest account extant of Pinzon's voyage. Probably therefore it was named after some person in that expedition, .. the man who first tasted its waters, .. or who first ascertained that they were in a river.

4 The name by which, as they understood, the natives called their own country, was Mariatambal; the country on the eastern side of the river they called Camomorus, and that on the western Paricora. They also understood that there was plenty of gold in the interior. P. Martire.

[page] 7

CHAP. I. 1500.

Bernardo Pereira de Berredo 1. § 30. 31.

coast. Twenty leagues off the entrance of the river Meary, the conflict between its strong current and the sea occasions an uproar which may be heard for leagues around. The natives call it Pororoca. When it subsides the tide rushes in, and in less than fifteen minutes gives back as great a body of water as had been nearly nine hours on the ebb: the flow continues about three hours with almost inconceivable rapidity. Violent as the flux is, there are parts of the river which are not affected by it; the Portugueze call them esperas, or resting places: the boats which navigate the Meary wait there till the force of the Hyger is past, and are seldom endangered by it5. The Araguari is subject to the same phenomenon in a still greater degree. It must have been off the mouth of one of these rivers that Pinzon and his squadron were endangered. Escaping however from thence, he recrossed the line, and continuing his course till he came to the Orinoco, then made for the islands, and sailed homeward, losing two of his three ships by the way6. A river in Guiana is still named after him7.

5 Bernardo Pereira speaks from his own knowledge. He had crost the great river on an expedition against the Indians. Thomas, the Baptist missionary, describing the Hyger in Bengal says, 'There are places enough in the river where the bank is steep and the water deep; there you are safe.' He adds, with his characteristic vividness of mind, 'I have seen this bore coming along against a brisk wind with a fearful noise, and from its white frothy brow the wind blew a streamer that would be flying many yards long behind it.' Periodical Accounts. 1. 221.

6 Herrera says that Diego de Lepe sailed after Pinzon in the same month, from the same port, and made the same land at the same place. This is not probable, .. besides, he says that Lepe's men found a tree which sixteen men could not grasp; now P. Martire relates this of Pinzon's voyage, saying there were many such. An expedition, according to this earlier author, sailed upon Pinzon's return, and this is perhaps the one of which Herrera speaks.

7 Lat. 1° 30′ N. The Wiapoc of the French, .. but Pinzon's name ought to be preserved. This was the original boundary between the Spanish and Portugueze; and Charles V. ordered a pillar to be erected beside it. After the French settled in Guiana this pillar was known only by tradition; but in 1723, an officer of the garrison of Para discovered it. Berredo. 1. § 13. 14.

[page] 8

CHAP. I. 1500.

Pietro Martire. Dec. 1. L. 9.

Grynæus. p. 104.

Gomara. Hist. de las Ind. c. 85.

Herrera. D. 1. L. 4. c. 6.

Pinzon was convinced that the land which he had visited was not an island, .. he believed that it was India beyond the Ganges, and that he had sailed beyond the great city of Cathay. When these navigators were asked if they had seen the south pole, they answered that they saw no star like the north star, which could be discerned about the point; .. but that they saw another set of stars, and that a thick mist, rising from the horizontal line, greatly impeded their sight. They were of opinion that there was a great rising in the middle of the earth, and that till this was past the south pole could not be seen. He brought home specimens of cinnamon and ginger, not very good, but this was accounted for by supposing that they had been taken before they were fully seasoned with the heat of the sun: cassiafistula, unripe, but thought to be of no less goodness than what was administered for ague; gum-anime, then held a precious medicine for rheums and heaviness of the head; stones which were thought to be topazes, sandal wood, and a large cargo of Brazil-wood from Paria8. An opossum which they had caught with her young died on board, but they brought the body home, and it excited the astonishment of all who beheld it9.

8 Gomara adds to this list, muchos juncos de los preciados. I know not what species of rush is meant.

9 The description of this opossum is quite in the manner of old travellers. Both Pietro Martire, who had seen and handled it when dead, and the writer of the narrative which Grynæus has printed, describe it, as having the fore part of a fox, the hind parts of a monkey, the feet of an ape, or like human hands, and the ears of a bat. It was sent to Seville, and then to Granada, that the King and Queen might see it.

[page] 9

CHAP. I. 1500.

The coast which Pinzon had discovered lay within the Portugueze limits of demarcation, and before he reached Europe it had been taken possession of by the nation to whom it was allotted.

Voyage of Cabral.

Barros 1. 4. 2.

As soon as Vasco da Gama had returned from the discovery of India, King Emanuel fitted out a second and far more powerful expedition, to the command of which he appointed the fidalgo Pedro Alvarez Cabral. Sunday the 8th of March was fixed for the day of their departure. On that morning mass was performed at Rastello, in the Chapel which the Infante Don Henrique had built, and dedicated to our Lady of Bethlehem, endowing it for certain brethren from the Convent of Thomar, who should administer to mariners the sacraments of the church, especially on such occasions as this10. The King himself attended, and to do honour to the Commander made him sit with him within the curtain. The Bishop of Ceuta preached a sermon of which the main theme was the praise of Cabral for having accepted so great and weighty a charge. Having concluded, he took the banner from the altar, whereon it had been planted during service, and blest it, and gave it to the king, who with his own hands delivered it to Cabral, and placed upon his head a barret-cap which had received the Pope's benediction. The banner was then raised, and they proceeded in solemn procession with crosses and re-

10 These forms of religion were afterwards insisted on when Loaysa's expedition was preparing for the Moluccas. Part of his instructions were, that every man should confess and communicate before they set sail, and no man suffered to sail who neglected it. Herrera. 3. 7. 5.

C

[page] 10

CHAP. I. 1500.

Castanheda. l. 1. c 30.

Barros 1. 5. 2

licks to the shore. The Tagus was covered with boats, carrying persons to and from the fleet, or assembled to behold it; "these," says Barros, who was probably himself a spectator, "made the river with their liveries and blazonry, as gay as a spring garden in full flower. And what of all," he adds, "was most spirit-stirring, was to hear drums, trumpets, tambours and tambourines, the flute and the shepherds pipe, which hitherto had been heard only afield with the flocks, now for the first time going upon the salt waters of the ocean; and from that time forward they were taken in every fleet, that the men in so long a voyage might want no solace which could lighten the wearisomeness of the sea." Emanuel accompanied the Commander to the water's edge, and when he had given the officers God's blessing and his own, they kissed his hand and embarked, the whole fleet saluting them with a general discharge. Vasco da Gama himself had not taken a more solemn departure; and it is extraordinary that this second expedition to India should accidentally have procured for Portugal a wider and more important empire than the first.

Cabral driven to the coast of Brasil

The fleet could not leave the Tagus that day because the wind was against them: on the following they sailed. They made for the Cape de Verd Islands, to water there, then stood to the westward to avoid those calms which Diaz and Gama had met with, thinking thus to double the Cape of Good Hope more easily. They experienced however a continuance of bad weather which drove them still farther west, and on the 24th of April fell in with land. America was now no longer to be concealed from Europe, and its discovery would thus have been effected by the agency of the elements, if Columbus had not secured that glory for human intellect.

It was at this time universally believed that no continent

[page] 11

CHAP. I. 1500.

General appearance of the Brasilian savages.

Lery c. 7. Marcgrav. L. 8. c. 6.

existed to the west of Africa: the Pilot therefore affirmed that this must be a large Island, such as those which Columbus had discovered, and they coasted along a whole day expecting to find it so. When the boat approached the shore the natives came down to the beach, armed with bows and arrows, being ready for defence, but not intending hostility. They were of a dark copper complexion; their lank black hair was cut straight on the forehead to a line with the ears, and from thence falling at right angles to the shoulder, was there cut straight also. Their coronals were of upright feathers of the brightest hues, the feathers being reversed on the hinder part, so as to hang down. Their noses were flattened, their beards, eyebrows, and eyelashes eradicated; their naked bodies painted of many colours: they wore white bones for pendants in their ears; their cheeks were bored also, and in like manner ornamented with bones; the under lip was slit longitudinally, and had a great stone set in the opening, .. if that was wanting, it was the fashion from time to time to put the tongue through. The Portugueze seeing them so unlike all other men, put back in wonder to report what monsters they had discovered. Upon this Cabral drew nearer with his ship, and sent the boat to shore, with orders to catch some of the natives if possible, but not to fire a gun, nor terrify them. They however when they perceived that the strangers were about to land, fled to an eminence and there gathered together. A negro boy called out to them in his language: they were then tried in Arabic11, but they understood neither, and to the more intel-

11 When Columbus went his fourth voyage, he requested that he might have with him three or four men who spoke Arabic, .. for it was always his opinion that if he could find a strait, and get beyond the new continent, he should find some of the Great Khan's people, or others who spoke that language, .. en que no era fuera de camino, says Herrera. 1. 5. 1.

[page] 12

CHAP. I. 1500.

ligible medium of signs they made no return. Thus it was not possible to establish any communication with them that day; in the night the wind came off shore, and drove the ships from their anchorage, and they then kept coasting on to the southward, in search of a good road-stead.

Porto Seguro discovered.

At length they discovered a fine haven in latitude 16° 30′ S. Cabral anchored, and named it Porto Seguro, signifying safe harbour. The boats were sent again to shore, and presently returned with two natives whom they had caught in a canoe, fishing. No information could be obtained from them; either they were too much terrified to comprehend signs, or had made up their minds for death, and would not answer them. Cabral had them drest in Portugueze finery, ornamented them with bracelets of brass, gave them bells and looking-glasses, and set them ashore. This expedient succeeded. A friendly intercourse was soon established, and pulse, fruits, maize, and flour of the mandioc root, exchanged for baubles, of which the ships of discovery carried good store12 to traffic with upon the African coast.

The first mass performed.

The next day being Easter Sunday, Cabral landed; an altar was erected upon the beach under a large tree, and mass performed by Frey Henrique de Coimbra, who with seven other Friars Minorite was going on the first mission to India. It was celebrated with every possible solemnity, all the chaplains of the fleet assisting, and every person who could sing. Frey Henrique preached. The natives assembled at the ceremony, knelt

12 Herbert mentions prisms as carried out in his time for this purpose; .. "triangular glasses," he calls them, "or fools paradise" In De Bry's prints to Hariot's account of Virginia, (plate 7,) an English doll of Elizabeth's age is seen in one hand of a savage boy, and a curious rattle in the other.

[page] 13

CHAP. I. 1500.

when they saw the Portugueze kneel, and imitated the congregation in every thing, as if they thought to gratify them by joining in the same forms of devotion. When the strangers returned to their ships they accompanied them to the boats, singing and dancing and clapping their hands, sounding horns, shooting up arrows into the air, and lifting up their hands to heaven for joy that such visitors were come to them. Some followed them into the water till it was breast high, others went out to the fleet in canoes, and many swam after them, both men and women, moving in the water with the same ease as if it had been their natural element.

Possession taken for the crown of Portugal.

Castanheda. l. 30.

Barros 1. 5. 2.

Damiam de Goes. 1. 55.

The Portugueze ships of discovery had hitherto taken out stone pillars with the arms of Portugal engraved thereon, to set up in the lands which they might find, and by this act secure them for King Emanuel. Cabral was not provided with these pillars, because his destination was to follow the track of Gama; possession had been taken all the way which he was to steer, and no discovery of new countries was expected from him. He erected a stone cross instead13, and took possession of the whole province for the crown of Portugal, naming it Santa Cruz, or the Land of the Holy Cross. Gaspar de Lemos was then dispatched to Lisbon with the tidings; and one of the natives was embarked with him, as a sample for Emanuel of his new subjects. Cabral remained some days taking in water and provisions, left two criminals on shore, who as usual had been sent in the expedition that they might be exposed upon any dangerous service, and proceeded on his way to India. One of

13 This Cross, or its representative, is still shown at Porto Seguro, and the inhabitants of that town pride themselves because it is the spot where Brazil was taken possession of for Portugal and Christianity. Lindley's Narrative. 232.

[page] 14

CHAP. I. 1501.

these men lived to return, and afterwards14 served as interpreter in these parts.

Voyage of Amerigo Vespucci to Brasil.

The King of Portugal immediately fitted out three ships to explore the country which Cabral had discovered, and gave the command to Amerigo Vespucci, whom he invited from Seville for that purpose. They sailed about the middle of May in the ensuing year, and after a three months voyage, during four and forty days of which they suffered one continued tempest, made land in latitude 5° S. when all their provisions were just failing them, and their strength exhausted. Boats were sent ashore, who came back with tidings that they had seen no inhabitants, but that the country was evidently well peopled. On the following day they landed to lay in wood and water, and procure provisions if possible. A party of naked natives were by this time assembled upon the summit of a hill. They could not by any gestures be persuaded to come near the Portugueze, who therefore having provided themselves with water, though with nothing else, left bells and looking-glasses upon the shore, and returned at evening to the ships. As soon as they were at safe distance the savages came down to collect these treasures, and the boats were not so far off but that the men in them could perceive their tokens of admiration. On the morrow they collected in greater numbers, and kindled fires on all sides, which the Portugueze understood as inviting them to land; but when they went to shore the natives still kept fearfully at a distance. They made signs however for some of the strangers to accompany them to

14 Como veremos em seu lugar, says Barros; but the work in which it should have appeared either was not written, or has been lost. It is plain from this expression that this great historianlhad collected materials concerning Brazil, of which no trace is now to be found.

[page] 15

CHAP. I. 1501.

their habitations. Two sailors volunteered upon this adventure, thinking they should discover whether the land produced gold or spice. They took with them some of the proper currency for such traffic as they expected, appointed that the ships should wait for them five days, then joined the savages, and were led into the interior. Five days past, and the sixth also without their return. On the seventh the Portugueze landed: the natives had now brought their women with them, which they had not done before, and sent them forward apparently as negociators, an office which was not undertaken by them without manifest unwillingness. The Portugueze seeing their reluctance to advance, thought it best to send only one to meet them; .. a young man of great strength and activity was chosen, and the rest returned to their boats.

Cannibalism of the savages.

The women surrounded him, handling and examining him with evident curiosity and wonder. Presently there came down another woman from the hill, having a stake in her hand, with which she got behind him, and dealt him a blow that brought him to the ground. Immediately the others seized him by the feet and dragged him away, and the men rushing to the shore discharged their arrows at the boats. The boats had grounded upon a sand bank; this unexpected attack dismayed the Portugueze; they thought rather of escape than of vengeance, till remembering at length that the best means of securing themselves was by displaying their power, they discharged four guns at the savages, who fled to the hills. There the women had dragged the body; they cut it in pieces, held them up in mockery to the boats, broiled them over a huge fire which had been kindled as it seemed for this purpose, and devoured them with loud rejoicings in sight of the Portugueze, to whom they intimated by signs that they had in like manner devoured their two countrymen. At this abominable sight forty of the crew

[page] 16

CHAP. I. 1501.

would have landed to revenge their comrades, but they were not permitted to do this15: and if they were not provided with defensive armour, it was wise to prevent them from exposing themselves to the arrows of the savages.

From this unfortunate place the ships proceeded, coasting on till they had got to latitude 8° S. without seeing any natives with whom it was possible to communicate. At length a large body came down to the shore, disposed for friendly intercourse, which was soon established between them; and here they remained five days, and brought away three of the natives, with their own consent. They continued to coast on, stopping from time to time as they thought good. The people now welcomed them every where, and they were thus enabled at leisure to fulfil the object of their expedition, by examining the nature of the country and its productions. The natives were excellently well made, and would have been a comely race if they had not so painfully deformed themselves; but the men seemed to consider their faces as made for nothing but to hang ornaments in; lips, nostrils, ears, and cheeks, were all perforated and studded. One man in particular had seven holes in his face, each big enough to hold a damascene plumb, and the stones which he carried in them weighed sixteen ounces. The privilege of thus decorating themselves was confined to the nobler sex, and the women were not allowed to bore any thing except their ears. They made the most of this permission; a finger might be put through the hole,

15 The Naviprætor, or Navipræceptor, forbade them. Vespucci complains of him; he says, et ita tam magnam ac tam gravem injuriam passi, cum malevolo animo et grandi opprobrio nostro, efficiente hoc Navipræceptore nostro, impunitis illis abscessimus. There seems therefore to have been some person in the squadron whose authority controlled Vespucci. Grynæus, P. 156.

[page] 17

CHAP. I. 1501.

Lery.c. 5–7.

1502. Feb. 13.

and they wore bones in it which reached down to the shoulder, and were sometimes as long as an ordinary candle; .. by this constant weight the ears were greatly elongated, and with these pendants, looked at a little distance like the ears of a spaniel. The Portugueze were well pleased with their probity and their extreme innocence16: they had however sufficient proof that they were cannibals; human flesh, salted17 and smoaked, was hanging up in their houses, and when their visitors expressed their astonishment that they should kill men and eat them, they expressed equal astonishment at learning that the Portugueze killed men and did not eat them. Human flesh, they said, was good, .. so good that it gave them appetite. One man among them boasted that he had partaken of the bodies of three hundred enemies. But it was a stronger passion than hunger which gave to these accursed banquets their highest relish. The land was beautiful, and abounded with whatever the heart of man could desire: the splendid plumage of the birds delighted the Europeans; the trees diffused an inexpressible fragrance, and distilled so many gums and juices, that they thought if their virtues were but rightly understood, there would be nothing to prevent man from enjoying health to extreme old age. If the terrestrial Paradise were upon this round world, they fancied that surely it could not be far from hence. Finding however no precious metals, which were the main object of their hopes, when they had advanced as far as latitude

16 After giving them this praise, Vespucci adds in the same page, that in their lust and in their hunger no relationship, however sacred, was regarded. This is false. Man has never yet been discovered in such a state of depravity.

17 This is not likely to be true.

D

[page] 18

CHAP. I. 1502.

Apr. 2

Alb. Vesp. Am. Vesp. Navig. 8. in Gryncus.

32°, they agreed to leave the coast and strike out to sea. The ships were still fit for a six months voyage, and by Vespucci's advice they laid in wood and water for that time, and stood to the southward till they had advanced as high as 52, Vespucci all the while carefully noting down the stars of this new hemisphere. Here they found bad weather, and were driven under bare poles by the Lebeccio, the S. W. wind, till they came again within sight of land. They could find no port, and saw no inhabitants; and the country seemed to them to be uninhabitable, because of the severe and intolerable cold. It was now thought expedient to return: they made the coast of Africa, burnt one of their ships at Serra Leoa, and reached Lisbon in safety with the other two, after a voyage of sixteen months, during eleven of which they had sailed by the south star. Amerigo Vespucci has usurped the fame of Columbus; .. but how nearly had he anticipated the work of Magalhaens! The season of the year seems to have been the only thing which prevented him from reaching the South Sea18 before Vasco Nuñez de Balboa had seen it!

1503. May 10.

Second voyage of Vespucci, and first settlement in Brasil.

In the spring of the ensuing year Amerigo sailed again from Lisbon, with six ships. The object of this voyage was to discover a certain island called Melcha19, which was supposed to lie west of Calicut, and to be as famous a mart in the commerce of the Indian world, as Cadiz was in Europe. They made the

18 He had conceived the intention. Hæsit mihi cordi rursum peragrare eam orbis partem, quæ spectat nœridiem; et huic operi jam navando in expedito sunt liburnicæ duæ, armamentis ac commeatibus ubertim communitæ. Dum igitur proficiscar in orientem, iter agens per meridiem, Noto vehar vento, quo cum devenero, plura abs me fient in decus et gloriam dei, necnon patriæ emolumentum, et mei nominis æternitatem, et in primis in senectutis meæ, quæ jam propè appetit, honorem et levamen. Alb. Vesp. 114.

19 Malacca must have been meant.

[page] 19

CHAP. I. 1503.

Cape de Verds, and then, contrary to the judgment of Vespucci and of all the fleet, the Commander persisted in standing for Serra Leoa. Just as they were in sight a heavy gale came on, blowing off shore, and drove them three degrees beyond the line, where they discovered an island20. He describes it as high and admirable, not exceeding two leagues in length, nor one in breadth, and as bearing no marks that it had ever been inhabited. It abounded with wood and water, and with both land and sea fowl. Four leagues off this island the Commander struck upon a rock: the others came to his help, and he ordered Vespucci to leave his own ship, which with nine men on board was assisting him, and go in a smaller to the island in search of a harbour, where he would join him, and where he should resume the command of his vessel. Vespucci took half his crew, and soon found an excellent port, where he remained eight days, in vain expecting the squadron. At length, when his men had given up all hopes, they saw one vessel, and put out to meet her. The news which they received proved to be, that the Commander's ship, which was of three hundred tons, and in which the strength of the expedition consisted, was totally lost, and every thing in her, except the men. With these tidings they went back to the island, took in wood and water, and knocked down as many birds as they pleased; then stood towards the coast of Santa Cruz (as it was then called) according to their instructions. After a run of three hundred leagues, made in

20 The island of St. Matthews answers in latitude to this description, but is much farther from the coast of Brazil. There is a small island near that of Fernam de Noronha, which also corresponds in latitude, but is as much too near the coast. This insuperable difficulty is overlooked by the author of the Elogio Istorico, who affirms it to be the Isle of Noronha.

[page] 20

CHAP. I. 1503.

1504. June 28.

Am. Vesp. Navig 4. in Grynæus p. 158.

seventeen days, they reached the main land21, and found a port which they named All Saints22, where they waited above two months in vain expectation of being joined by the rest of the squadron. Having lost all hope of this they coasted on for two hundred and sixty leagues, to the Southward, and there took port again in 18° S. 35° W. of the meridian of Lisbon. Here they remained five months, upon good terms with the natives, with whom some of the party penetrated forty leagues into the interior: and here they erected a fort, in which they left four and twenty men who had been saved from the Commander's ship. They gave them twelve guns besides other arms, and provisions for six months; then loaded with Brazil, sailed homeward, and returned in safety, being welcomed at Lisbon with exceeding joy, as men who had been given up for lost. None of the other ships were ever heard of. Vespucci says they were destroyed by the presumptuous folly of the Commander, for which he prays God to give him his reward23.

21 It is remarkable that Vespucci still calls it an Island, though he had previously discovered such a prodigious length of coast.

22 This should seem to be Bahia, .. though that discovery is afterwards ascribed to Christovam Jaques.

23 Simple drowning then he did not think punishment sufficient. There can be little doubt that the Commander of whom he speaks with so much asperity was Gonzalo Coelho. He went in 1503 to Santa Cruz with six ships, of which four were lost on account of their ignorance of the coast. The others returned laden with Brazil-wood, monkeys, and parrots, being all the articles of commerce from that country which were as yet known. This is the whole account which Damiam de Goes gives. (1. 65.) Agreeing as it does in the date, in the number of ships which went out, and the number which were lost, I have no hesitation in identifying it with Amerigo Vespucci's second voyage to Brazil. Antonio Galvam mentions Vespucci's voyage, but not Coelho's, which confirms this opinion. Rocha Pitta speaks of both; but his authority upon any doubtful point is nothing.

Simam de Vasconcellos (Chron. da Comp de Jesu do Estado do Brazil, L. T. das Not. antecedentes § 19.) errs greatly in his account; he says, that Coelho returned with four ships, having carefully examined the coast, and set up pillars along it, and that he did not return till after Emanuel's death.

The author of the M.S. Elogio Istorico calls the commander Il Maggi, and accuses him of endeavouring to destroy Amerigo; the intention is as imaginary as the name.

[page] 21

CHAP. I. 1504.

The country obtains the name of Brasil.

The honour therefore of having formed the first settlement in this country, is due to Amerigo Vespucci. It does not appear that any farther attention was at this time paid to it. No gold had been found, and it produced no articles of commerce which could be thought worthy the notice of a government, whose coffers were overflowing with the produce of the spice trade, and the riches of the African mines. But the cargo of Brazil which Vespucci had brought home, tempted private adventurers, who were content with peaceful gains, to trade thither for that valuable wood; and this trade became so well known, that in consequence the coast and the whole country obtained the name of Brazil24, notwithstanding the holier appellation which Cabral

24 As we say the Gold Coast, the Slave Coast, the Sugar Islands, &c.

This alteration of a name so solemnly imposed, has made Barros more angry than usual, and far less reasonable. He attributes it directly to the agency of the Devil, and adjures all his readers by the Cross of Christ, since he has no other means of avenging himself upon the Devil, to call the country Santa Cruz, on pain of being accused at the day of judgment by that Cross. Moreover, he adds, it is a name of better sound, to prudent ears, than Brazil, .. that being a name given without consideration by the vulgar, who are not qualified to name the possessions of the Crown. 1. 5. 2.

Simam Vasconcellos also regrets the change. Yet Santa Cruz is so common a name, and Brazil luckily of so sweet a sound itself, and in its derivatives, that both for the sake of geography and euphony it is rather to be rejoiced at.

The name perhaps was more easily affixed, because the geographers had already set it afloat, and seem to have been as much puzzled how to dispose of it, as they were of the famous title Prester John. Hervas (T. 1. P. 109) mentions a map in the Library of St. Mark at Venice, made by Andres Blanco in 1439; in which, at the extremity of the Atlantic, an island is laid down with this name, Is. de Brazil; another called Is. de Antilla; and a third, about the position of Cape St. Augustine in Florida, with the strange appellation Is. de la man de Satanaxio. This Island of Brazil he supposes to be one of the Terceras.

Don Christobal Cladera, in his reply to the Memoir of M. Otto concerning the discovery of America, describes five charts drawn by Juan Ortis, in Valencia, which he shows by fair reasoning could not have been made earlier than the year 1496, nor later than 1509. The fourth of these contains the coasts of Spain, of France from Bayonne to Antwerp, Holland, England, Scotland, and Ireland, with their adjacent Isles; and an Island is laid down in 52° N. divided by a great river, and called Brazil. Cladera infers from this that the chart was made after the discovery of Brazil by Cabral, in 1500, and very soon after it, or it would not have been so erroneously laid down.

If Brazil were meant, is it possible that it could have been laid down so erroneously; and would it at that time have been laid down by that name?

In the Novus Orbis of Grynæus, is a Nova et integra Universi Orbis Descriptio, drawn as it should seem by a certain Orontius F. Delph, and engraved at the expence of Christian Wechel. The author says it is in the shape of a human heart; but it more nearly resembles a kidney. This was drawn in July 1531. It marks a river Brazil in 20° S. and 328° E. from the Azores: but that name is not given to the province, nor indeed is any province named. In 25° S. Brasielie Regio is marked in the Terra Australis, .. an imaginary place in an imaginary country.

The Irish believe that they can see an enchanted Island called O Breasil*, or O Brazil, from the isles of Arran, .. which General Vallancy, in his usual wild way, identifies with the Paradise of Irem. I have elsewhere advanced a guess that some such phenomenon as that of the Fata Morgana's works occasionally

* The Harleian Catalogue gives this title, 8277, O Brazile, or the inchanted Island, being a perfect relation of the late discovery of an island on the North of Ireland, 4to. It may save trouble to some future enquirer if I add, that the inchanted Island is only mentioned in a dream, and that the bulk of this thoroughly worthless pamphlet consists of a stiugless satire upon the Welsh.

occurs there, and has given rise to the superstition. Be that as it may, this fabulous island I suspect to be the Brazil of the Valencian chart; .. because it is laid down near Ireland, and because, as none of the West Indian Islands are marked in any of those charts, nor the continent of America; it is reasonable to suppose that Juan Ortis knew nothing of the discoveries. Assuredly he could not have heard of Cabral's voyage, and been ignorant of Columbus's. His charts are probably earlier than Cladera imagines; and the flags which mark the Spanish conquests may easily be supposed to have been inserted by another hand, when those conquests were made. The Brasielie Regio of Orontius, shows that geographers were possessed with the belief of an imaginary country so called.

[page] 22

CHAP. I.

had given it. Parrots and monkeys also were brought home

[page] 23

CHAP. I.

Criminals sent to serve there.

for the ladies23. It was convenient for these traders to have agents living among the natives, and adventurers would not be wanting who would willingly take up their abode with friendly savages, in a plentiful and delightful country, where they were under no restraint. These were not the only colonists. Portugal had taken possession of Brazil, and meant to maintain it. It was the system of the Portugueze government to make its criminals of some use to the state; a wise system, if wisely regulated: in that kingdom it obviously arose from the smallness of its territory, and lack of population to support its extensive plans of ambition. Hitherto they had been degraded26 to the African frontier, and more recently to India also. In these situations they certainly served the state; yet this service was not without heavy disadvantages. The usual offences which were thus punished,

25 I cannot tell where Herrera has found that Joshua had for his arms three green parrots, 6.3.11. Boccacio, in his tale of the Parrot's feather, which was shown for one of the Angel Gabriel's, dropt by him in the Virgin's Chamber at the Annunciation, says, the imposition might well be believed, because the effeminacies of Egypt which have since flowed in upon us, to the ruin of our country, had not yet reached Tuscany, and the people had not even heard of a parrot! In his time these birds therefore seem to have been common. Gio. 6. Nov. 10.

26 I follow literally the Portugueze term, degradados.

[page] 24

CHAP. I.

were those of blood and violence: ferocious propensities, which were not likely to be corrected by placing the offenders in situations where they might indulge them with impunity, and consider the indulgence as meritorious. This system was immediately extended to Brazil: .. the first Europeans who were left ashore there were two convicts. In Africa or in India the exile was sent to bear arms with his countrymen, who would not regard him as disgraced, because they were obliged to associate with him. To be degraded to Brazil was a heavier punishment; the chance of war could not enrich him there, and there was no possibility of returning home with honour for any signal service. They were in one point of view better disposed of, inasmuch as in new colonies ordinary men are of greater value than they can be elsewhere, .. but they became worse subjects27. Their numbers bore a greater proportion to the better settlers; and they were therefore more likely to be encouraged in iniquity than reformed by example; to communicate evil than to learn good. Their intercourse with the savages produced nothing but mischief: each made the other worse; the cannibals acquired new means of destruction, and the Europeans new modes of barbarity. The Europeans were weaned from that human horror at the bloody feasts of the savages, which ruffians as they were they had at first felt, and the natives lost that awe and veneration for a superior race which might have been improved so greatly to their own advantage.

27 Always has this plague persecuted Brazil, and the other conquests of this kingdom, says Balthazar Tellez. Chron. da Comp. 3. 9. § 2.

[page 25]

CHAPTER II.

Voyage of Pinzon and Solis.—Discovery of the Rio de la Plata.—The French trade to Brazil.—History of Caramuru.—Brazil divided into Captaincies.—St. Vicente.—The Goaynazes.—St. Amaro and Tamaraca.—Paraiba.—The Goaytacazes.—Espirito Santo.—The Papanazes.—Porto Seguro.—The Tupiniquins.—Captaincy of the Ilheos.—Bahia.—Revolutions in the Reconcave.—Expulsion of the colonists there.—Pernambuco.—The Cahetes.—The Tobayares.—Siege of Garassu.—Expedition of Aires da Cunha to Maranham.

CHAP. II. 1508.

Voyage of Pinzon and Solis.

Soon after his last voyage Amerigo Vespucci returned to the King of Castille's service, and that King thought it advisable to take possession of the coast which this great navigator had surveyed when under the flag of Portugal. For this purpose he sent out the two royal pilots Vicente Yañez Pinzon, and Juan Diaz de Solis, between whom it is evident that some dissention was expected, from the precautions which were taken to prevent it. The course which they should steer was to be decided by Solis, who was however to consult concerning it with Pinzon, and with the best pilots and seamen in the expedition. The ships were ordered to speak each other morning and evening, or at least in the evening without fail1, according to custom.

1 The reason was this. Inferior Captains were sometimes ambitious of making discoveries by themselves, and sometimes disposed to run away from the hardships of the expedition, .. and therefore wilfully parted company. Instances are frequent in the history of maritime discovery.

[page] 26

CHAP. II. 1508.

Herrera. 1.7.1.

Solis was to carry the light, and before they departed they were to agree upon their signals before a public notary. When they came to shore Pinzon was to take the command. They were not to tarry in any port, till they had pursued their discovery as far as should be found expedient; then on their return to trade, and form establishments wherever it seemed best. A salvo was added, that they were not to touch upon any island or continent which belonged to the King of Portugal2.

They made Cape St. Augustines, the same land which Pinzon had first discovered; and coasted southward to about 40°, taking possession and erecting crosses wherever they landed. The dissentions which had been foreseen broke out, and they returned without doing any thing farther. In consequence of this misconduct an inquiry was instituted to discover who had been in fault, and Solis was pronounced to be the offender. He was sent to the court prison, and Pinzon was rewarded.

Herrera. 1.7.9.

Discovery of the Rio de la plata.

The King of Portugal complained of this voyage as an infringement upon his limits. These two Powers, between whom Alexander VI. had so liberally divided all the undiscovered parts of the world, seemed to agree that his line of demarcation held good against all except themselves. Hitherto Portugal had reaped most advantage from the division; and the main object

2 No person was to trade with the Indians till the Veedor and Escrivano had finished trading for the King; then individuals might make their market, but half their profits were to go to the Fisco, .. the Exchequer. The chests which the men were permitted to take with them were not to exceed five palms in breadth, nor three in depth. Herrera. 1. 7. 1.

[page] 27

CHAP. II. 1515.

at which Castille still aimed, was to partake in the prodigious profits of the spice trade. The hope on which Columbus originally proceeded, of reaching India by a western route, had never been laid aside. Vespucci also was of opinion that such a route was to be found, and had the fine weather continued a few days longer when he was on his first voyage for Emanuel, it is more than likely that the straits of Magalhaens would now have borne his name. The South Sea had now been discovered; this renewed the desire of finding a passage to it; and in 1515 the King of Castille dispatched Solis upon another expedition in its search, accelerating his departure as much as possible that the Portugueze might have no time to prevent his voyage. Solis was now acknowledged to be the most skilful of any man living in his art. He discovered what he at first supposed to be a sea of freth water: it was the river now called Rio de la Plata, though he then gave it his own name: that name it ought to have retained; .. it is hard that the place where he lost his life should neither have afforded him a grave nor a monument. The natives invited him to shore, and he landed with a boat's crew, intending to catch one of them and carry him to Spain. Their intention was worse than his, and better executed. They had stationed a party in ambush, who rose suddenly upon them, seized the boat, broke it to pieces in an instant, and slew every man with clubs. Then they took the bodies upon their shoulders, carried them to a spot which was out of reach of the Spaniards, but within sight, and there dismembered, roasted, and devoured them. Having thus lost their commander, the ships put back to Cape St. Augustines, loaded with brazil, and returned to Spain.

Herrera. 2.1.7.

Pietro Martire. 3.10.

Emanuel immediately demanded that the cargoes of these ships should be given up to him, and that the crew should be

[page] 28

CHAP. II. 1516.

Herrera. 2.2.8.

Herrera. 2.4.10.

delivered into his hands to be punished as interlopers3. It was replied, that the place whereat they had loaded was within the demarcation of Castille, and that seven Castillians whom the Portugueze had made prisoners on that coast, were also trading within their own limits, and therefore wrongfully detained. The business terminated in exchanging these prisoners for eleven Portugueze who had been arrested at Seville. These repeated remonstrances were not however without effect. When Magalhaens, three years afterwards, touched at Rio de Janeiro upon his way, he would purchase nothing of the natives, except provisions, that he might give no cause for complaint. A slave was offered for a hatchet; .. the natives then had already been taught a slave-trade. Eight or nine fowls were given for the King of Clubs, or any of his pictured companions.

The French trade to Brazil.

The French began very early to claim a share in the wealth of the Discoveries. Their usual method of obtaining it was by pirating against the homeward-bound ships from India;

3 Damiam de Goes says, that a Portugueze pilot, by name Jam Diaz Golis, who for some offences had fled his country, persuaded some Castillian merchants that it would be a good speculation to fit out two ships on a trading voyage to Santa Cruz do Brazil. He made the voyage, and returned in 1517. Emanuel complained to Charles V, who gave orders that the persons concerned should be punished as breakers of the peace between the two kingdoms; and this was done with great rigour. Chronica del Rei Dom Emanuel. 4.20.

The Portugueze Chroniclers have so neglected the affairs of Brazil, that I cannot help suspecting this to relate to the voyage of Solis.

Solis, according to Pietro Martire (2 10.) was born in Nebrissa, 'which bringeth forth many learned men.' He calls him Astur Ovetensis, otherwise named Johannes Dias de Solis. As this means an Asturian of Oviedo, he contradicts himself, unless the old translator has made a blunder, which for want of the original, I have not been able to ascertain. These Solises and Pinzons, says Antonio Galvam, (P. 47,) were great discoverers in these parts, till they spent in them at last both life and property.

[page] 29

CHAP. II. 1516.

S. de Vasc. Chron. da Comp. 1. § 33. Gaspar de M. de Dios. p. 6.

and these acts of piracy were sometimes followed by the most execrable cruelty. In vain was remonstrance after remonstrance made by the Kings of Portugal; Portugal was too weak and too distant to enforce its remonstrances, and no other redress was to be had than what could be taken. The French expeditions to Brazil were of a more honourable character. That nation, which has never acknowledged any other law than that of the strongest, nor suffered any opinion or any principle to stand in the way of its ambition or its interest, has always treated the Papal authority either with respect or contempt, just as has suited its own immediate views. France had neglected to ask a share of the undiscovered world when Alexander VI. partitioned it, who would as willingly have drawn two lines as one; and because it derived no advantage from that partition, refused to admit its validity. French vessels soon went in quest of the woods, the parrots, and monkies of Brazil. Two of these traders discovered a magnificent bay, one of the finest in the world, and which no navigator had yet entered. Unfortunately for them, a Portugueze squadron under the command of Christovam Jaques entered it about the same time: he named it All Saints bay4 ... Bahia de Todos os Santos; and coasting along its shores and exploring all its creeks and coves, in one of them he discovered these Frenchmen, and proceeded to capture them as interlopers. They resisted, and he sunk them both, with crew and cargo. After this he established a factory farther North, on the main land, near the bar of the Itamaraca.

4 More probably after the custom of Portugueze navigators, because he discovered it on that day, than for the reason assigned by Vasconcellos, that he thought it like Paradise. I have in a former note intimated a suspicion that this bay was first entered and named by Vespucci.

[page] 30

CHAP. II. 15105.

Adventures of Diogo Alvarez, or Caramuru.

The first settler in Bahia was Diogo Alvarez, a native of Viana, young and of noble family, who with that spirit of enterprize which was then common among his countrymen, embarked to seek his fortune in strange countries. He was wrecked upon the shoals on the North of the bar of Bahia6. Part of the crew were lost, others escaped this death to suffer one more dreadful; the natives seized and eat them. Diogo saw that there was no other possible chance of saving his life, than by making himself as useful as possible to these cannibals. He therefore exerted himself in recovering things from the wreck, and by these exertions succeeded in conciliating their favour. Among other things he was fortunate enough to get on shore some barrels of powder and a musket, which he put in order at his first leisure, after his masters were returned to their village; and one day when the opportunity was favourable, brought down a bird before them. The women and children shouted Caramuru! Caramuru! which signified, a man of fire! and they cried out that he would destroy them; .. but he told the men, whose astonishment had less of fear mingled with it, that he would go

5 Herrera (5. 8. 8.) establishes the date. A ship from Simon de Alcazova's expedition, put back to Brazil after the mutiny and the murder of the commander, and entered Bahia in great distress for provisions, when, he says, it was relieved by a Portugueze who had lived twenty-five years among the Indians, having been wrecked there. This was in 1535. Herrera says there were eight others with him, and evidently implies that he had some authority in the land. This must have been after Coutinho's death.

The Portugueze writers are doubtful whether he was bound for India or not at the time of his shipwreck. If this date be right he was not; for of the three outward bound fleets for India in that year, there was none which suffered any loss in this part of the world.

6 The native name for them is Mairagiquiig.

[page] 31

CHAP. II. 1510.

with them to war, and kill their enemies. Caramuru was the name which from thenceforward he was known by. They marched against the Tapuyas; the fame of this dreadful engine went before them, and the Tapuyas fled. From a slave Caramuru became a sovereign. The chiefs of the savages thought themselves happy if he would accept their daughters to be his wives; he fixed his abode upon the spot where Villa Velha was afterwards erected, and soon saw as numerous a progeny as an old Patriarch's rising round him. The best families in Bahia trace their origin to him.

Caramuru goes to France.

At length a French vessel came into the bay, and Diogo resolved to take that opportunity of once more seeing his native country. He loaded her with brazil, and embarked with his favourite wife Paraguazu, .. the Great River. The others could not bear this abandonment, though it was only to be for a time; some of them swam after the ship in hopes of being taken on board, and one followed it so far, that before she could reach the shore again her strength failed and she sunk. They were received with signal honour at the court of France. Paraguazu was baptized by the name of Catharina Alvarez, after the Queen, and the King and Queen were her sponsors. Her marriage was then celebrated. Diogo would fain have proceeded to Portugal, but the French would not permit him to go there. These honours which they had shown him were not to be gratuitous, and they meant to make him of use to them in his own dominions. By means however of Pedro Fernandez Sardinha (then a young man who had just compleated his studies in Paris, and afterwards the first Bishop of Brazil) he sent the information to Joam III. which he was not permitted to carry, and exhorted him to colonize the delightful province in which his lot had been so strangely cast. After some time he covenanted with a wealthy merchant to take him back, and leave him the artillery

[page] 32

CHAP. II. 1510.

Sim. de Vasc. Chr. da Comp. 1. § 35. Brito Freyre § 185—138.

and ammunition of two ships, with store of such things as were useful for traffic with the natives, in return for which he undertook to load both vessels with brazil. The bargain was fairly performed, and Diogo having returned to his territories, fortified his little capital.

Progress of the Colonists.

But the Portugueze government, wholly occupied with the affairs of India, thought little of a country in which, whatever profits were to be acquired, must come from agriculture, not from commerce with the inhabitants; for commerce was what they sought as eagerly as the Spaniards hunted for gold. Brazil was left open like a common7, and all the care which the Court bestowed upon it was to prevent the French from trespassing there, by representations of their ambassador at Paris, that were never regarded, and by treating them as enemies whenever they met them. Individuals meantime being thus left to themselves, settled in the harbours and islands along the coast; and little towns and villages were growing up.

Brazil divided into Captaincies.

For about thirty years after its discovery the country appears to have been thus neglected; it had then become of sufficient importance to obtain some consideration at court, and in order to forward its colonization, the same plan was adopted which had succeeded well in Madeira and in the Azores, .. that of dividing it into hereditary Captaincies, and granting them to such persons as were willing to embark adequate means in the adventure, with powers of jurisdiction, both civil and criminal, so extensive as to be in fact unlimited. This method was thought to be the easiest, and least expensive to government.

7 Vieyra, in his Letters, mentions a received tradition, that Emanuel ordered all the spice plants to be rooted up, least the Indian trade should be injured, and that ginger was the only spice which escaped, .. because it was under ground. He does not appear to have recollected the impossibility of carrying such an order into effect, upon a continent.

[page] 33

CHAP. II 1510.

Manoel Severim de Faria. Vide de Joam de Barros. p. 15

The difference between desert islands and a peopled continent, had not been considered. The Captains of the Islands might easily settle lands in which there could be no opposition, and easily at any time assist each other with supplies; if their means failed they could even borrow from Portugal, those places being so near that they were regarded almost as things within the country. But when Joam divided the coast of Brazil into great Captaincies, each extending along fifty leagues of coast, large tribes of savages were in possession of the country; Portugal was far distant, and the settlements so far asunder, that one could not possibly afford assistance to another.

Captaincy of S. Vicente.

15318

Annaes do Rio de Janeiro. MSS. C. 1.

The first person who took possession of one of these Captaincies was Martim Affonso de Sousa, whose name frequently occurs in the history of Portugueze India, where he was afterwards Governor, and who is famous in Catholic history for having carried out St. Francisco Xavier to the East. He and his brother Pero Lopes de Sousa having each obtained a grant, fitted out a considerable armament, and went to explore the country and form their settlement in person. He began to survey the coast somewhere about Rio de Janeiro, to which he gave that name because he discovered it on the first of January; and he proceeded South as far as the Plata, naming the places which he surveyed on the way, from the days9 on which the several discoveries were made.

8 The discovery is usually dated a year later; but Fr. Gaspar da Madre de Deos has ascertained it from a letter of the King. Memorias para a Hist. de Cap de S. Vicente. 1. § 16.

9 These names correspond in order, and in probable distance of time. Rio de Janeiro, on the 1st. Ilha Grande dos Magos, on the 6th. Ilha de S. Sebastiam, on the 20th. S. Vicente on the 22nd.

Flumen Genabara, a similitudine lacus sic appellatum, says Nic. Barré. Thuanus uses the same words, writing, I believe, with these letters before him. De Lery gives the true reason of the name, and says the savages called it Ganabara. I should not wonder to find the former etymology founded upon this Brazilian corruption, adduced to prove that the French were the first discoverers of this place.

Vasconcellos says the natives called it Nitherô. Vida do P. Anchieta. L. 2. C. 1. § 2.

A pillar which Martim Affonso erected on the Island of Cardoso, opposite the Island of Cananea, was discovered in 1767, by Colonel Aff. Botelho de Sampaio e Souza, who was surveying the place for the purpose of erecting a fort there.

Gaspar da M. de Deos. 1. § 52.

F

[page] 34

CHAP. II. 1531.

Gaspar da M. de Deos. 1. § 43. 51.

Having well examined the coast he fixed upon one of these Islands for his settlement, which, like Goa, are separated from the main land by an elbow of the sea. Its latitude is 24½° S. and its native name was Guaibe, so called from a tree which grew there in great abundance. When the Indians of the adjoining country saw that he was beginning to build there, they collected together that they might expel the invaders, and sent to Tebyreça, a chief who possessed the plains of Piratininga and who was the most powerful of his tribe, to come and assist them. It happened that a shipwrecked Portugueze, by name Joam Ramalho, had lived many years under the protection of this Royalet, who had given him one of his daughters. Ramalho immediately concluded that the new comers must be his countrymen, .. probably a fleet bound for India, and driven here by stress of weather. He persuaded his protector to assist them instead of attacking them, .. went to Martim Affonso, and concluded a treaty of perpetual alliance between him and the Goaynazes.

The Goaynazes.

This tribe differed in many material circumstances from their savage neighbours. They were not cannibals, but made their prisoners slaves. They lived in underground caves, where they

[page] 35

CHAP. II. 1531.

Noticias do Brazil MSS. L. 1. C. 63.

Gaspar da M. de Deos. 1. § 58.

Annaes do Rio de Jam. MSS. c. 10.

kept fires burning day and night; concealment therefore does not appear to have been their motive for preferring these uncomfortable habitations. They slept upon skins and beds of leaves, not in hammocks. They raised no food, trusting wholly to fishing, the chase and wild fruits. The Carios could understand their language: it was entirely different from that of the Tamoyos, and they were at war with both. They were a simple-hearted race, ready to believe any thing, and as they treated the Portugueze kindly wherever they met them, it may fairly be inferred that the first settlers behaved well to them. The spot which had been chosen for the new town was not found convenient, and the colonists round removed to the adjoining isle of St. Vicente, from which the Captaincy derives its name.

Not. do Brazil. MSS. 1. c. 60.

Sim de Vasc. C. C. 1. § 61.

The first sugar comes planted.

Martim Affonso made an unsuccessful expedition southward into the interior, in search of mines, from which he returned with the loss of eighty Europeans. In all other respects his colony was fortunate. Here the first sugar-canes were planted10, here the first cattle were reared, and here the other Captaincies stocked themselves with both. Whether the honour of having introduced them into Brazil be due to the founder of the colony is not stated; .. a battle or a massacre would have been recorded. He who thus benefits mankind in a savage age is deified; in an enlightened one he receives his due tribute of praise; but in all the intermediate stages of barbarity and semi-barbarity, such actions are overlooked. The King after some time recalled Martim Affonso, and sent him to India; but when he returned to Portugal he watched over the welfare of his Captaincy, sending out supplies and settlers; and it descended in a flourishing condition to his son.

Noticias. MSS. 1. 62.

Wheat and barley were little used here, because the food of the country was liked so well; what little wheat was raised was

10 They were brought from Madeira.

[page] 36

CHAP. II. 1531.

Gaspar da M. de Deos. 1. § 29. 30.

for delicacies, and for the wafer. Marmalade was made here and sold to the other Captaincies. Oysters of such a size are found here, that their shells are used for dishes, .. and once when a Bishop of Bahia visited this province, they washed his feet in one, as in a bason. The whole coast abounds with shell-fish, which the natives came down from the interior to catch at certain seasons: they built their huts upon some dry spot amid the mango groves, fed upon fish while the fishery lasted, and dried them to carry home. So long had this practice been continued, that hills had accumulated of the shells, soil collected on them, and trees taken root there and grown to maturity. These hills, which are called Ostreiras, have supplied all the lime that has been used in the Captaincy, from its foundation to the present day. In some of them the shells are formed into lime-stone; in others they are unchanged; tools and broken pottery of the Indians are frequently found in them, and bones of the dead; for they who died during the fishing season, were laid on these heaps, and covered over with shells.

St. Amaro and Tamaraca.

R. Pitta. 2. § 106.

Noticias. MSS. 1. c. 14. 61. B. Tellex. C. C. 3.1.5.

Pero Lopes de Sousa was less fortunate than his brother. He chose to have his fifty leagues of coast in two allotments. The one which obtained the name of St. Amaro adjoined St. Vicente, and bordered so close upon the main settlement, the towns being only three leagues asunder, that if they had not belonged to two brothers, the settlers would have but ill agreed. As long as this was the case the neighbourhood was advantageous to both; but when the property devolved to other possessors, between whom there were not the same ties, it became an endless cause of litigation. Tamaraca, the other division, lay between Pernambuco and Paraiba, many degrees nearer the line. Here he had some hard conflicts with the Pitiguares, who besieged him in his town; but he succeeded at length in driving them from the neighbourhood. Soon afterwards he perished by shipwreck.

[page] 37

CHAP. II. 1531.

Paraiba.

A fidalgo, by name Pedro de Goes, had been one of the companions of Pero Lopes, and had suffered shipwreck with him in the Plata, .. but neither this, nor the disastrous fate of his friend disheartened him. He became fond of Brazil, and asked for a Captaincy when the King was disposing of them in such prodigal grants. It seems that he had no great interest at court, for his grant was restricted to thirty leagues of coast, between the Captaincies of St. Vicente and Espirito Santo; if the space between them did not extend to so much, he was to take it such as it was. Goes embarked the whole of his property upon the adventure, and many thousand crowns were advanced by a certain Martim Ferreira, who proposed to have sugar-works established there upon their joint account. The expedition sailed to the River Paraiba, and there Goes fortified himself, and remained two years at peace with the Goaytacazes. After that time war broke out between them, and continued five years to his great loss: peace was made, and soon broken by the savages, .. there is no reason to suspect the Portugueze of being the aggressors in this instance, it was too much their interest to keep the treaty. The colonists were weak and utterly dispirited: they became clamorous to quit the unlucky settlement, and Goes was obliged to yield to their clamours and evacuate it. Vessels were obtained from Espirito Santo to bring them away.

Noticias. MSS. 1. 44.

The Goaytacazes.

The tribe which expelled Goes were probably of the same stock as the Goaynazes11, and like them did not devour their prisoners. They were fairer than the other savages, and their language, it is said, more barbarous, .. which may be understood

11 I should have supposed them to be the same, if they had not on another occasion been both enumerated. Besides this reason for admitting them to be different, there is the fact that the Goaytacazes did not burrow.

[page] 38

CHAP. II. 1531.

Noticias 1. MSS. 45.

to mean that some of its sounds were more difficult. They were a braver race, and fought not in woods and ambushes, but in open field. They would swim off shore with a short stick in the hand, sharp at both ends; with this they would attack a shark, thrust it into his open mouth and gag him, then drown him, drag him ashore, eat the flesh, and head their arrows with his teeth.

Espirito Santo.

Noticias MSS. L. 1. c. 32.

Noticias. MSS. L. 1. c. 52.

The Captaincy of Espirito Santo was at this time next to St. Amaro; for Rio de Janeiro was not settled till a later period. This was asked and obtained by Vasco Fernandes Coutinho, a fidalgo, who having spent the best years of his life in India and amassed a fortune there, ventured and lost the whole in this scheme of colonization. His limits were to begin where those of Porto Seguro ended on the South. He fitted out a great expedition, in which not less than sixty fidalgos and men of the royal household embarked. Don Simam de Castello-branco, and Don Jorge de Menezes, were sent with him as degradados, that is to say, banished men. This latter is called He of the Moluccas, where he had been Governor. Of all shocking tyrannies, that of the Portugueze in the spice islands stands among the foremost in atrocity, and Don Jorge de Menezes in the first rank of their tyrants for diabolical cruelty. Indeed in an age when the cruelties of Vasco da Gama and the great Alboquerque were recorded without one word of reprehension, as doubtless they were without one feeling of humanity, it may well be supposed when a man of family and fortune was banished for such offences to Brazil, what the measure of those offences must have been. They had a prosperous voyage to their place of destination, and began a town, to which they gave the name of Our Lady of Victory, .. before the battle had been fought. The title was for awhile sufficiently verified, and the Goaynazes, the first enemies with whom they had to deal, were, like all savages, defeated in the first engagements. The building went on with spirit; canes

[page] 39

CHAP. II. 1531.

were planted, four sugar-works established, and Coutinho seeing every thing thus prosperous, went to Lisbon to collect more colonists, and procure stores and implements for an expedition into the country, in search of mines.

The Papanazes.

The coast of this and the next Captaincy had been possessed by the Papanazes, but they were now driven back by the Goaytacazes and the Tupiniquins. The language of the Papanazes was scarcely understood by these enemies, notwithstanding their long wars. They were hunters and fishers, and slept upon the ground on leaves. If one of them killed another, he was delivered up to the relations of the dead, and in the presence of all the kindred of both parties, immediately strangled and interred. All parties lamented loudly at the execution; they then feasted and drank together for many days, and no enmity remained. Even if the deed was accidental, the punishment was the same. Should the offender have escaped, his son, his daughter, or the nearest of his blood, was given up in his stead; .. but the substitute, instead of suffering death, remained a slave to the nearest relation of the slain.

Noticias. MSS. 1. 46.

Porto Seguro.

B. Tellez. C. C. 3. 1. § 6.

The Tupiniquins.

The adjoining Captaincy of Porto Seguro was allotted to Pedro de Campo Tourinho, a native of Viana da Foz de Lima, of noble family, and an excellent navigator. He sold all that he possessed in Portugal to embark it in this expedition, and set sail with his wife and family, and a large body of colonists; .. good colonists they are called; and if, as is probable, he raised them in his own province, they would deserve to be called so. They landed in the harbour where Cabral had taken possession of Brazil, and there fortified themselves upon a spot which retains the name of Porto Seguro, given it by that discoverer, and which still remains the capital of the Captaincy. The Tupiniquins made some opposition at first. They possessed the country from the river Camamu to the river Circare, an extent

[page] 40

CHAP. II. 1531.

of nearly five degrees; and the first settlers in this and the two adjoining Captaincies had to maintain their ground against them. Peace however was soon made, and the Tupiniquins observed it faithfully. They were sometimes at war with the Tupinaes, .. but these tribes being of the same stock, did not regard each other as regularly and naturally enemies, and their quarrels were considered as mere accidental circumstances, which were to leave no hatred behind: the two tribes blended at last into one. Of all the Brazilians, these are said to have been the most domestic and the most faithful, indefatigable, and excellently brave. Their manners and language resembled those of the Tupinambas; but it was so long since they had branched apart, that all memory of the common stock was lost, and there was a deadly enmity between them. The Tupinambas were the most powerful; prest by them on the one side, by the dreadful Aymures on the other, and profiting less by the friendship of the Portugueze than they suffered from their tyranny, they gradually forsook the country. Good men were never wanting who lifted up their voices against this tyranny and oppression; but the guilt was so general that it has become a national imputation.

Tourinho is not implicated in this guilt; he had influence enough over the natives to collect many of them into villages, and this is proof that he dealt towards them well and wisely. Sugar works were established, with such success that they produced a considerable quantity for exportation to the mother country. No kine could be kept in this colony, because of an herb which is said to have occasioned hæmorrhoids, whereof they died; yet horses, asses, and goats, were not affected by it. The disease was probably imputed to a wrong cause.

Noticias. MSS. 1. 36.

The Ilheos.

The Captaincy of the Isles owes its inapplicable name to the Rio dos Ilheos, a river so called because there are three islands

[page] 41

CHAP. II. 1531 to 1540.

Noticias. MSS.

Sim. de Vasc. C. C. 3. § 58. 54.

just at its bar. Jorge de Figueiredo Correa, Escrivam da Fazenda to Joam III, was the first Donatory. The office which he held prevented him from going himself to take possession of his grant; he therefore deputed a Castillian knight, by name Francisco Romeiro. Romeiro anchored in the harbour of Tinhare, and began his new town on the height, or Morro de St. Paulo, from whence however he found it expedient to remove it to its present situation. It was first called St. Jorge, in compliment to the Lord of the land; but the same improper appellation which had been given to the Captaincy, extended to its capital. The Tupiniquins soon made peace with the settlers, and being of all the Brazilian tribes the most tractable, lived with them on such friendly terms that the colony soon became prosperous. The son of the original proprietor sold the Captaincy to Lucas Giraldes: he expended considerable wealth in improving it, and it flourished so well that there were in a short time eight or nine sugar works established.

Bahia.

Noticias. MSS. 1. 26. S. Vasc. C.C. 1. § 34.

The coast from the great Rio de S. Francisco to the Ponta da Padram de Bahia, was given to Francisco Pereira Coutinho, a fidalgo who had distinguished himself in India; and the bay itself with all its creeks was afterwards added to the grant. He fixed his settlement in the bay at the place now called Villa Velha, which was Caramuru's dwelling place; two of his companions, who were men of noble family, married two of Caramuru's daughters, and as the natives were for his sake well affected towards the Portugueze, every thing went on well for a time.

Bahia de Todos os Santos, or All Saints Bay, wherein the capital of Brazil was afterwards erected, is unquestionably one of the finest harbours in the world. Here, as well as at Rio de Janeiro upon the same coast, the sea seems to have broken in upon the land; or more probably some huge lake has borne down its bazrier, and made way to the ocean. The entrance,

G

[page] 42

CHAP. II.

J. de Last. 15. 22. S. Vasc. C. C. 1. § 28. Lindley. P. 239. Chart in Barlæus.

which is nearly three leagues wide, is from the South, having the continent on the right hand, and the long island of Itaparica on the left. You are then in a bay, extending to the Northward and Westward a whole degree, and branching inland in every direction, with deep water every where, and many navigable rivers discharging themselves into it. This little mediterranean is spotted with above an hundred islands.

Revolutions in the Reconcave.

Noticias. MSS. 2. c. 50—51.

The old natives preserved the memory of three revolutions in this Reconcave, as the Bay with all its creeks and coves is denominated. As far back as the memory of man among savages could reach, the Tapuyas possessed it; but as this part of Brazil is in every respect one of the most highly favoured places under heaven, it was too desirable a land to be peaceably enjoyed, when there was no other law than that of the strongest. The Tupinaes expelled them, and for many years retained possession, still keeping up war on the side of the interior with those whom they had driven there. At length the Tupinambas from the other side of the river San Francisco migrated here, and in like manner thrust out the Tupinaes, who fell back upon the Tapuyas, and drove them again before them. These last conquerors were masters of the country when the Portugueze arrived; but they had quarrelled among themselves. Those who dwelt between the river San Francisco and the Rio Real, or Royal River, were at mortal enmity with those nearer the bay, and the inhabitants of one side the bay, with those on the other; they carried on hostilities both by land and water, and all parties devoured their prisoners. A fresh feud broke out among those who dwelt on the eastern side; the cause was that which in barbarous, and heroic, or semi-barbarous ages, has furnished so much matter for history and song. The daughter of a Chief had been carried off against her father's consent; the ravisher refused to restore her; the father, not being powerful

[page] 43

CHAP. II. 1531 to 1540.

Noticias. MSS. 2.52.

enough to compel him, retired with all his clan to the Island of Itaparica; the hordes upon the river Paraguazu coalesced with the seceders, and a deadly war began between the two parties. The Ilha do Medo, or Island of Fear, derives its name from the frequent ambushes and conflicts of which it was then made the scene. The seceders multiplied and spread along the coast of the Ilheos, and the feud in all its rancour was perpetuated.

Expulsion of Coutinho.

Noticias. MSS. 1. 28. S. Vasc. C.C. 1. § 34.

This was the state of the Tupinambas in Bahia, when Coutinho formed his establishment among them. That fidalgo had served in India, and India was not a school where humanity or political wisdom was to be learnt. A son of one of the native Chiefs was slain by the Portugueze; the circumstances are not recorded, but it is admitted that the deed was done wrongfully. Coutinho paid dearly for his offence. These fierce savages, then the most formidable of all the Brazilian tribes, burnt down his sugar works, destroyed his plantations, killed his bastard son, and after more than a seven years war, compelled him, and the wreck of his colony, to abandon the Reconcave. Caramuru followed the fate of his countrymen, and retired with them to the adjoining Captaincy of the Ilheos. When they were gone, the Tupinambas began to feel the want of those articles which they were now accustomed to receive in traffic, and which, from being luxuries, they had suffered to become wants. A treaty was opened, the difference was adjusted, and Coutinho embarked to return in one caravel, and Caramuru in another. They were wrecked within the bar, on the shoals of the Island Itaparica; all got to shore, and there he and his people were treacherously slain by the islanders. Caramuru and the crew of his vessel were spared; a proof how wisely he had ever demeaned himself towards the natives. He returned to his old abode in the12 bay. The wife

12 Marcgrave gives Quirimure as another name for the Captaincy of Bahia in his time. This is probably the same word as Caramuru, given by the natives to his domain in memory of him.

[page] 44

CHAP. II. 1532 to 1540.

Pernambuco.

and children of Coutinho did not perish with him; they had probably been left at Ilheos, .. but he had expended the whole of his Indian spoils and of his property: they were left destitute, and came to the hospital for support.

Carta del R. D. Joam 3. Provas da Hist. Geneal. 1.6.p. 318.

1530.

S-Vasc. C.C. 1. § 100. Castrioto Lusitano. 1. §. 16.

One other Captaincy was established about the same time as these others, .. that of Pernambuco. A factory had previously been settled there, which a ship from Marseilles took, and left seventy men in it, thinking to maintain possession; but the ship was captured on her return, and intelligence being thus early obtained at Lisbon, immediate measures were taken for the recovery of the place. The Donatory, Duarte Coelho Pereira, asked it as the reward of his services in India. The line of coast between the Rio de S. Francisco and the Rio de Juraza was granted him: he came himself, with his wife and children, and many of his kinsmen, to begin the colony, and landed in the Port of Pernambuco; .. the entrance is through an opening in a long stone reef, and this the native name implies. O que linda situaçam para se fundar huma Villa! O how fine a situation for founding a town! .. Duarte Coelho is said to have exclaimed on beholding it; and hence the town was called Olinda.

The Cahetes.

Noticias. MSS. 1. 19.

This coast was possessed by the Cahetes, a tribe remarkable for using boats, the fabric of which was something between thatch and wicker-work, being of a long and strong kind of straw, knit to the timbers13. These they made large enough to carry ten or twelve persons. They are said to have been more brutal than the other tribes, inasmuch as there was little natural affection to be perceived in them. An instance is related of one who was a slave to the Portugueze, and threw his child into the

13 Eram de huma palha comprida, como a das esteiras de taboa que ha em Santarem: a qual ajuntavam em molhos muy apartada com humas varus muito fortes e rijas, e brandas pera apartar. Noticias. MSS. 1. 19.

[page] 45

CHAP. II. 1532 to 1540.

river because she cried. The single fact would prove nothing more than individual brutality; but it is mentioned as an example of their general unfeeling nature.

The Tobayares.

From these people Duarte Coelho had to gain by inches, says Rocha Pitta, what was granted him by leagues. They attacked him and besieged him in his new town. .. The French, who traded to that coast, led them on; their numbers were very great, and had he been less experienced in war, or less able, his colony would probably have been rooted out. He was wounded during the siege, many of his people slain, and the place reduced to extremity; nevertheless they beat off the enemy, and having made an alliance with the Tobayares, had strength and spirit enough to follow up their success. The Tobayares were the first Brazilian tribe who leagued with the Portuguese .. One of their leaders, named Tabyra, possessed great talents for war, and was the scourge of the hostile savages: he went among them himself, to spy out their camps, and listen to their projects: these tribes therefore must have been of one stock, and have spoken the same dialect. He laid ambushes, led on assaults in the night, and harrassed them with incessant alarms .. At length they assembled their whole force, came upon him and surrounded him. Tabyra sallied forth; an arrow pierced his eye. .. he plucked it out and the eye-ball on it; and turning to his followers, said, he could see to beat his enemies with one; and accordingly he gave them a complete overthrow notwithstanding their numbers. Itagybe, the Arm of Iron, was another of these Tobayares, who distinguished himself on the same side; and Piragybe, the Arm of the Fish, (if the name be rightly translated by this unimaginable meaning) rendered such services to the Portugueze, that he was rewarded with the order of Christ and a pension.

S. Vasc C.C. 1. § 100. 103.

Some years of peace and prosperity ensued. Then again a

[page] 46

CHAP. II. 1538.

war broke out, which was occasioned, as usual, by the misconduct of the settlers. This is the first war between the Portugueze and the savages of which any detail has been preserved, and the detail is curious. It is related by Hans Stade, the first person who wrote any account of Brazil.

Hans Stade.

Jan. 28.

Hans, whose after adventures will form an interesting part of this history, was the son of a good man at Homberg, in the Hessian territory. He was minded to seek his fortune in India, and with that intent sailed from Holland in a fleet of merchantmen, going to Setubal for salt; but when he reached Portugal, the Indian ships were gone, so he accepted the post of gunner in a vessel bound for Brazil, on a trading voyage, and carrying out convicts to Pernambuco. There was a smaller ship in company: they were well provided with all kinds of warlike stores, and had orders to attack all Frenchmen whom they might find trading in those parts. They made Cape St. Augustines in eighty-eight days, early in 1548, and entered the port of Pernambuco14. Here the Captain delivered his convicts to Coelho, meaning to proceed and traffic wherever it might be found most convenient. It happened however that just at this time the natives rose against the Portugueze, and were about to besiege the settlement of Garassu, which was not far distant. Coelho could spare them no support, because he expected to be attacked himself; he therefore requested these ships to assist him, and Hans was sent with forty men in a boat to their succour.

Siege of Garassu.

Garassu was built in the woods, upon a creek which ran about

14 Hans calls the town here Marino, and the Commander Artus Coelho. He may have mistaken Duarte for this, which was to him a more familiar name: or Duarte may have had a kinsman in command so called. Marim appears to have been the name of a settlement of the natives, upon the spot where Olinda was afterwards built. B. Freire. § 326.

[page] 47

CHAP. II. 1548.

two miles inland; its garrison, including this reinforcement, consisted of ninety Europeans, and thirty slaves, some of whom were negroes, others natives. The force which attacked them was computed at eight thousand, probably an exaggerated number. There were no other fortifications than the palisade, which the Portugueze had adopted from the Brazilians. The besiegers piled up two rude bulwarks of trees, within which they retired at night for security against any sudden attack. They dug pits, in which they were safe from shot by day, and from which they frequently started at different times, and rushed on, hoping to win the place by surprize. When they saw the guns aimed at them, they fell upon the ground. Sometimes they approached the palisade, and threw their javelins over, for the chance there was that some wound might be inflicted by their fall: they shot fire arrows, headed with waxed cotton, at the houses, and whenever they drew nigh it was with loud threats that they would devour their enemies. The Portugueze soon began to want food, because it was the custom to dig the mandioc, of which their bread was made, every day, or at farthest on the alternate days; and now they were blockaded and could not go out to perform this necessary work. Two boats were sent for food to the island of Itamaraca, which is at the entrance of the creek, and where there was another settlement; and Hans was of the party. The creek is narrow in one place, and there the savages endeavoured to obstruct the navigation by laying great trees across: this obstacle the Portugueze removed by main force; but while they were thus delayed, the tide was ebbing, and before the boats could reach Itamaraca they were left dry. Instead of attacking them the savages raised a heap of dry wood between the boats and the shore, set fire to it, and threw into the flames a species of pepper which grows there abundantly, and produces a pungent smoke, by which they thought to suffocate, or otherwise annoy them. A breath of

[page] 48

CHAP. II. 1548.

wind from the opposite quarter would defeat this artifice: .. it failed in this instance because the wood did not burn, and when the tide floated them, the Portugueze proceeded to Itamaraca, and were there supplied with what they sought.

H. Stade, in De Bry. p. 1. c. 2—4.

Meantime the savages cut two large trees nearly through, which grew beside the narrowest part of the creek, and fastened to them the long and limber shoots of a plant which they called sippo, .. these shoots resemble the hop plant, except that they are thicker. When they in the boats drew nigh and perceived this, they called out to their fellows in the fort, to come and help them, for the place was within hearing, though the wood concealed it from sight; the savages knew what this meant, and as soon as they began to shout, shouted also, and effectually drowned their words. All therefore that the Portugueze could do, was for one part of them to endeavour to confuse the enemies attention, while the rowers pulled up for their lives. This succeeded; one of the trees went down in a slant direction on the bank, the other fell behind one of the boats, and brushed it in its fall15. The siege had already lasted a month; the savages saw themselves thus disappointed in the hope of reducing Garassu by famine; their perseverance was exhausted, and they made peace and broke up. The Portugueze had not lost a single man, and the besiegers not many. After this easy war the colony continued to prosper during the remainder of Duarte Coelho's life.

Expedition of Aires da Cunha to Maranham.

Joam de Barros, the great historian, obtained the Captaincy of Maranham. His means were not large, and for the sake of increasing the capital, he divided his grant with Fernam Alvares de Andrada, father of the Chronicler, and with Aires da

The Payagoaes still use this stratagem. Lettres Edif. T. 8. 266.

[page] 49

CHAP. II. 1539.

Barros. 1. 6 1. Noticias. MSS. 1. 6—10. Man. Severim. Vida de Barros. p. xvii. Ant. Galvam. p. 76.

Cunha. They undertook a scheme of conquest as well as of colonization, and their armament was upon a far more extensive scale than any former one to Portugueze America. Nine hundred men were raised, of whom one hundred and thirteen were horsemen, ten ships equipped; Aires da Cunha took the command, and two sons of Barros accompanied him. The whole fleet was wrecked upon some shoals, which they supposed to be in the mouth of the great river, but which are above one hundred leagues South of it, off the island to which the survivors escaped, and which is now known by the name of Maranham16, in consequence of their error. They made peace with the Tapuyas, who then inhabited it, and while they waited there for relief, sent up the adjoining labyrinth of islands, channels, and rivers, to traffic for food, .. from which it appears that some of their effects must have been saved. Aires da Cunha was one of those who perished. The survivors remained long time in great misery before they could make their situation known to the nearest settlement. Barros sent to relieve them as soon as he heard the disaster, .. but the relief came too late. They had left the island, and both his sons had been slain in Rio Pequeno by the Pitaguares. The father behaved as was to be expected from so great a man; he paid all the debts for which Aires da Cunha and the others who had perished were bound; and remained in debt himself to the crown for artillery and stores, something about six hundred milreas, .. which after many years were remitted to him by Sebastian, .. an act of liberality so tardy, that it can scarcely be called liberal.

One man from this expedition remained among the savages.

16 There is no doubt that this is the origin of the name, .. though half a century after this event it was called Ilha das Vacas, .. Cow-Island.

H

[page] 50

CHAP. II. 1539.

Berredo 1. § 48—50. Sim. Estacio de Silveira, Fr. Marcos de Guadalaxara, there quoted.

He was a blacksmith, of all trades the most useful in such a situation; and from the pieces of wreck which were cast ashore, he extracted iron enough to make himself a great personage, and obtain the daughters of many neighbouring Chiefs for his wives. From him they called the Portugueze Peros17, supposing it to be their common appellation, and this gave rise to a fable, that there existed a warlike tribe between the rivers Mony and Itapicuru, descended from the survivors of this great shipwreck, who wore beards like their fathers, and remembered them by that name.

17 I have sometimes suspected, that this name has a different origin, and that the Brazilians meant to call their enemies dogs, perros.

[page 51]

CHAPTER III.

Voyage of Sebastian Cabot.—He names the river Plata, and remains there five years.—D. Pedro de Mendoza obtains a grant of the conquest.Foundation of Buenos Ayres.—War with the Quirandies.—Famine.—Buenos Ayres burnt by the Savages.—Buena Esperanza founded.—The Timbues.—Mendoza sets sail for Spain, and dies upon the passage.—Ayolas ascends the Paraguay.—The Carios.—The Spaniards win their settlement, and call it Asumpcion.—The Agaces.—Ayolas goes in search of the Carcarisos, a people who were said to have gold and silver.—Yrala waits for him as long as possible, and then returns to Asumpcion.—Misconduct of Francisco Ruyz.—Buena Esperanza besieged and abandoned.—Reinforcements sent out under Cabrera.—Yrala marches in search of Ayolas.—The death of that Commander ascertained.—The Payagoaes.—The Spaniards abandon Buenos Ayres, and collect all their force at Asumpcion.

CHAP. III. 1525.

Voyage of Sebastian Cabot.

Meantime the Spaniards had taken possession of the great river which Juan Diaz de Solis had discovered. The expedition which effected this was fitted out for a different purpose. Of the ships which sailed with Magalhaens, one had returned, laden with spice, from the Moluccas; and at the sight of this precious commodity, the difficulties and dangers of thus procuring it were overlooked. Some merchants of Seville resolved to fit out an adventure for this new track, and persuaded Sebastian Cabot to accept the command, who, having left England, was at this time

[page] 52

CHAP. III. 1525.

Chief1 Pilot to the King of Spain. A twentieth part of the profits of the voyage was to be given for the redemption of captives; one of the most ordinary and most beneficial modes of charity in countries which are exposed to the piratical states. He was to go in quest of Tarsis and Ophir, Cathaia, and Marco Polo's Cipango. Early in April, 1525, he set sail with four ships, under the most unfavourable circumstances. The Deputies, or Committee of Merchant-Adventurers, were already dissatisfied with him, and would have displaced him, if they could have done it without delaying the expedition. Many of those on board also were disposed to undervalue his abilities and thwart his measures. It is said, that, in consequence of his improvidence, provisions failed before he reached Brazil; now Cabot's talents as a navigator had before this been tried and proved; it is impossible that stores, which were laid in for a voyage to the Moluccas, could, by any improvidence, have been consumed before the ships reached Brazil; but it is exceedingly probable that those persons who laid them in had taken especial care that they should fail, or that they were wilfully destroyed by the men on board, who were determined not to proceed to the Straits.

Cabot touched at an island on the coast, called Ilha dos Patos, or Duck Island, and there took in supplies; requiting the good will which the natives had manifested with the usual villainy of an old discoverer, by forcibly carrying away four of them. The discontent of his people continued to increase, and in hopes of subduing it, he left three of the chief persons in the fleet upon a desert island. But this act of cruelty was not sufficient to restore subordination; and after he had reached the River Plata, or Solis, as it was then called, he was compelled to give

1 Amerigo Vespucci was probably dead.

[page] 53

CHAP. III. 1525.

up all thoughts of proceeding to the South Sea. He had not sufficient provisions to make the attempt, neither would his men go with him: when he had yielded to them in this point, they seem contentedly to have obeyed him.

Cabot goes up the Plata,

and enters the Paraguay.

Cabot was not a man to return without having done something. He entered the great river, and advanced thirty leagues up till he came to a little island about half a league from the Brazil side, which he named St. Gabriel. Here he anchored, and proceeding seven leagues farther with his boats, discovered a safe station for the ships, in a river on the same side, which he called St. Salvador. The ships were brought there and unloaded, the mouth not being deep enough to receive them otherwise. He built a fort, left men enough to defend it, and advanced with the rest in boats and in a caravel rasée, thinking that although the main object of his expedition had been frustrated, he might still make it of some utility by exploring this river. Thirty leagues farther up he came to the mouth of the Carcaraña; the natives were friendly, and he built another fort there, which he called Santespirito, or Fort Holy Ghost, but which retained his own name. Still he went on till he came to the junction of the rivers Paraguay and Parana; the latter appeared to lead in a direction towards Brazil; he left it, therefore, and proceeded four and thirty leagues up the Paraguay2, where he first found an agricultural people. But as these people cultivated their lands, so also they knew how to defend them.

2 "Paraguay," says Techo, "signifies the Crowned River, so called because the natives on each side of it wear coronets made of feathers." It seems rather to be the same word as Paraguazu, the Great River. The Guarani and Tupi languages are radically the same; and the same word for a river is found from the Para to the Parana.

[page] 54

CHAP. III. 1527.

Herrera. 3. 9. 3.

Property had produced patriotism: they had something to fight for; and so well did they fight, that having slain five and twenty of his men, and taken three, they prevented him from advancing.

Voyage of Diego Garcia.

Herrera. 3. 10. 1.

While Cabot was taking possession of the country, that his expedition might not be wholly useless, other ships were on their way from Spain, destined for this very service, under the command of Diego Garcia3. Rodrigo de Area was pilot, and it had been stipulated that he should make a second voyage there to instruct other pilots in the navigation of those parts which he might discover. One of their instructions was to make every possible search for Juan de Cartagena and the French priest whom Magalhaens had turned ashore. The squadron consisted of a ship of one hundred tons, a pinnace (patacke) of twenty-five, and one brigantine, with the frame of another. They got among those perilous shoals which are called the Abrolhos4, a word implying the vigilant look-out that must be kept to avoid them: from this danger they had the good fortune to escape, and came to the Bay of St. Vicente, where a Portugueze, who bore the degree of batchelor, supplied them with meat, fish, and such other stores as were raised in the country; and his son-in-law undertook to go with them to the River Solis as interpreter. They touched at the Ilha dos Patos; the natives complained of the treatment which they had so unexpectedly endured from Cabot, but returned only good for evil to his countrymen. At

3 Charlevoix converts him into a Portugueze sent by the Captain General of Brazil to reconnoitre the country, and take possession of it for the King of Portugal. Brazil had no Captain General till many years afterwards, nor was there one of the Captaincies founded at this time.

4 Abra os olhos, Open your eyes. Los baxos que llaman de Abre el ojo, says Herrera.

[page] 55

CHAP. III. 1527.

Herrera. 4. 1. 1.

length they entered the river, put together the other brigantine, and sailed up in it. It was not long before they saw signs of the Spaniards. Cabot's people, who were left there with two ships, seeing the brigantine, thought that those persons whom he had set ashore upon the island were coming against him; and they took arms and proceeded to attack it. Garcia recognized Anton de Grajeda, the commander, in good time, and they met as friends. Intelligence had just been received from Cabot, who was fighting with the natives far up the stream, and had slain about three hundred of them. Garcia now sent his ship back under pretence that it was not well adapted for exploring the river; the true motive was, that his Portugueze friend at St. Vicente had secretly agreed to hire of him this vessel of a hundred tons to carry eight hundred slaves to Portugal! He then proceeded with sixty men, in two brigantines, up to the second fort, and summoned Gregorio Caro, the commander, to deliver it up, as that discovery appertained to him and not to Cabot. Caro answered, that he held the fort for the King of Castille and Sebastian Cabot; but that it was at Garcia's service; and he besought him if, when he advanced higher up, he should find Cabot dead (of which apprehensions now began to be entertained), that he would ransom any prisoners whom the Indians might have taken, promising to pay whatever should thus be expended. He also requested that, on his return, he would take him and his people away with him. Garcia, however, when he got a hundred leagues farther up, found Cabot, and they returned together to the upper fort.

The river now named Plata.

They brought down with them a little gold, and more silver5,

5 These treasures were not the growth of the country; they proved however a destructive bait to many an unhappy adventurer, tantam enim amnis ille vauo suo inanique nomine de se expectationem excitarat, says Peramas.

Prol. ad Sex Sacerd.

[page] 56

CHAP. III. 1527.

which as it was the first that had yet been seen in America, made them name the River Rio de la Plata, supplanting the memory of Solis by this erroneous appellation. Specimens of this metal, of the natives, and of whatever else he had procured, Cabot now sent to Castille, praying the King to send him reinforcements, and grant him powers to settle there. His application was favourably received, and the merchants who had fitted out the former expedition were called upon to bear part in the expences of another; but this they refused to do, chusing rather to lose the whole of their first expence than risk a second. The Court then resolved to take the adventure upon itself. In such things governments are more dilatory than individuals; and weeks and months are wasted before supplies are sent to new colonists, who are daily expecting them, and starving during the delay.

The Guaranis expel the Spaniards.

Cabot had behaved well to the Guaranis, the tribe nearest his settlements. Their villages were pitched round about his fort, and for two years he had remained upon peaceable and friendly terms with them. Garcia's men were not under the same necessary discipline, and they injured the natives. The Guaranis were a fierce tribe: they called all those who did not speak the same language as themselves, slaves, and waged perpetual war with them, never sparing a man in battle. The gold and silver which Cabot obtained from them were spoils which they had brought from Peru, whither they penetrated in the reign of Guaynacapa, the father of the last Inca. These people, according to their custom, dissembled their resentment till they could manifest it effectually. They secretly collected their strength, fell upon the fortress at break of day, and set fire to it. St. Salvador was destroyed in the same manner, and Cabot, weary of expecting succour, and thinking it hopeless to attempt retaining

[page] 57

CHAP. III. 1531.

the country against so resolute an enemy, quitted it after having retained possession five years6.

Herrera. 4. 10. 6.

A Portugueze, by name Gonzcalo de Acosta, returned to Europe with Cabo. From him the Court of Portugal made enquiries concerning the River Plata, and then prepared an armament of four hundred men, beside voluntary settlers, for those parts. It was attempted to conceal the object of this expedition, by giving out that it was destined to drive the French from Brazil. The court of Spain suspected the real destination, and remonstrated against it, and accordingly the design was abandoned.

Expedition of D. P. de Mendoza.

Argentina c. 4. st. 2.

It was not long before a far more extensive settlement was projected, by Don Pedro de Mendoza, a knight of Guadix, one of the royal household. Mendoza had enriched himself at the saccage of Rome; ill-gotten wealth has been so often ill expended, as to have occasioned proverbs in all languages; the plunder of Rome did not satisfy him, and dreaming of other

6 Techo says he left a garrison in Santespirito, and then proceeds to relate the story of Lucia Miranda, Sebastian Hurtado her husband, and the Chief of the Timbues, Mangora. This Chief, says the story, fell in love with Lucia, and resolved to destroy all the Spaniards for the sake of possessing her. Accordingly he got possession of the fort by treachery and massacred all who were in it, except four women, and as many boys, .. but he himself fell. His brother Siripus succeeded him, and in his turn became enamoured of Lucia, on whom however no persuasion could prevail. After awhile her husband, who had been absent when the fort was surprized, returned; finding the havoc which had been made, he guessed at the cause, and delivered himself up to the Timbues, that he might be conducted to his wife. Siripus would have put him to death: but at Lucia's entreaties he spared him, vowing however, that if she admitted him as her husband, both should die. They were surprized together, Lucia was burnt alive, and Sebastian, like his patron saint, bound to a tree and pierced with arrows. It can scarcely be necessary to say that all this is mere romance, and has not the slightest foundation in fact.

I

[page] 58

CHAP. III. 1531.

Mexicos and Cuzcos, he obtained a grant of all the country, from the river Plata to the Straits, to be his government, with permission to proceed across the continent to the South Sea; and he undertook to carry out in two voyages, and within two years, a thousand men, an hundred horses and mares, and stores for one year at his own expence, the King granting him the title of Adelantado, and a salary of two thousand ducats for life, with two thousand more from the produce of the conquest, in aid of his expences. He was to build three fortresses, and be perpetual Alcayde of the first; his heirs after him were to be first Alguazils of the place where he fixed his residence, and after he had remained three years he might transfer the task of compleating the colonization and conquest, either to his heir or any other person whom it might please him to appoint, and with it the privileges annexed; if within two years the King approved the choice. A King's ransom was now understood to belong to the Crown; but as a farther inducement, this prerogative was waived in favour of him and his soldiers, and they were to share it, having deducted the royal fifth first, and then a sixth; if however the King in question were slain in battle, in that case half the spoils should go to the Crown. These terms were made in wishful remembrance of the ransom of Atabalipa. He was to take with him a Physician, Apothecary, and Surgeon, and especially eight Religioners. Life is lightly hazarded by those who have nothing more to stake; but that a man should, like Mendoza, stake such riches as would content the most desperate life-gambler for his winnings, is one of the many indications how generally, and how strongly the contagious spirit of adventure was at this time prevailing.

1534.

Mendoza had covenanted to carry five hundred men in his first voyage; such was his reputation, and such the ardour for going to the Silver River, that more adventurers offered than

[page] 59

CHAP. III. 1534.

Argentina. c. 4. st. 4.

Foundation of Buenos Ayres.

it was possible for him to take, and he accelerated his departure on account of the enormous expence which such a host occasioned. The force with which he set forth consisted of eleven ships and eight hundred men. So fine an armament had never yet sailed from Europe for America: but they who beheld its departure are said to have remarked, that the service of the dead ought to be performed for the adventurers. They reached Rio de Janeiro after a prosperous voyage, and remained there a fortnight. The Adelantado here, being crippled by a contraction of the sinews, appointed Juan Osorio to command in his stead. Having made this arrangement they proceeded to the place of their destination, anchored at isle St. Gabriel within the Plata, and then on its southern shore, and beside a little river, Don Pedro de Mendoza laid the foundation of a town, which because of its healthy climate he named Nuestra Señora de Buenos Ayres. It was not long before he was made jealous of Osorio by certain envious officers, and weakly lending ear to wicked accusations, he ordered them to fall upon him and kill him; then drag his body into the Plaza, or public market place, and proclaim him for a traitor7. This murder was perpetrated, and thus was the expedition deprived of one who is described as an honest and generous good soldier.

Experience had not yet taught the Spaniards that any large body of settlers in a land of savages, must be starved, unless they are well supplied with food from other parts, till they can raise it for themselves. The Quirandies, who possessed the country round about this new settlement, were a wandering tribe, who, in places where there was no water, quenched their thirst by eating a root which they called cardes, or by sucking the blood

7 Schmidel calls him his brother; brother-in-law he might have been, .. but the case is atrocious enough without this aggravation.

[page] 60

CHAP. III. 1535.

War with the Quirandies.

of the animals whom they slew. About three thousand of these savages had pitched their moveable dwellings some four leagues from the spot which Mendoza had chosen for his city. They were well pleased with their visitors, and during fourteen days brought fish and meat to the camp; on the fifteenth they failed, and Mendoza sent a few Spaniards to them to look for provisions, who came back empty-handed and wounded. Upon this he ordered his brother Don Diego, with three hundred soldiers and thirty horsemen, to storm their town, and kill or take prisoners the whole horde. The Quirandies had sent away their women and children, collected a body of allies, and were ready for the attack. Their weapons were bows and arrows and tardes, which were stone-headed tridents about half the length of a lance. Against the horsemen they used a long thong, having a ball of stone at either end. With this they were wont to catch their game: they threw it with practised aim at the legs of the animal; it coiled round and brought him to the ground8. In all former wars with the Indians the horsemen had been the main strength, and often the salvation of the Spaniards; this excellent mode of attack made them altogether useless: they could not defend themselves; the Commander and six hidalgos were thrown and killed, and the whole body of horse must have been cut off, if the rest had not fled in time and been protected by the infantry. About twenty foot soldiers were slain with tardes. But it was not possible that these

8 The Peruvians used a weapon of the same kind but with three thongs, according to Herrera, who says they invented it against the horse (5. 8. 4.). He elsewhere (5. 2. 10.) speaks of it by the same name, Ayllos, but describes it differently, as long spears or rods, with certain cords attached to them, to catch men as in a net, or snare. Ovalle (3. 7.) says that what the Pampas used had the stone bullet at one end only, and at the other a ball of leather, or other light substance, by which the Indian held it, while he whirled the other round his head, taking his aim. The stone bullet is perfectly round and polished.

[page] 61

CHAP. III. 1535.

people, brave as they were, could stand against European weapons, and such soldiers as the Spaniards: they gave way at last, leaving many of their brethren dead, but not a single prisoner. The conqueror found in their town plenty of flour, fish, and what is called fish-butter, otter skins, and fishing nets. They left an hundred men to fish with these nets, and the others returned to the camp.

Famine at Buenos Ayres.

Herrera. 5. 9. 10.

Schmidel. c. 1—9.

Mendoza was a wretched leader for such an expedition. He seems improvidently to have trusted to the natives for provision, and unnecessarily to have quarrelled with them. Very soon after his arrival six ounces of bread had been the daily allowance; it was now reduced to three ounces of flour, and every third day a fish. They marked out the city, and began a mud wall for its defence, the height of a lance, and three feet thick; it was badly constructed, .. what was built up one day fell down the next; the soldiers had not yet learnt this part of their occupation. A strong house was built within the circuit for the Adelantado. Meantime their strength began to fail for want of food. Rats, snakes, and vermin of every eatable size were soon exterminated from the environs. Three men stole a horse to eat it. Mendoza was cruel enough to hang them for this; they were left upon the gallows, and in the night all the flesh below the waist was cut from their bodies. Of all miseries famine is the most dreadful. One man ate the dead body of his brother; some murdered their messmates, for the sake of receiving their ratios as long as they could conceal their death, by saying they were ill. The mortality was very great. Mendoza seing that all must perish if they remained here, sent George Luchsan, one of his German or Flemish adventurers, up the river with four brigantines, to seek for food. Wherever they came the natives fled before them, and burnt what they could not carry

[page] 62

CHAP. III. 1535.

away. Half the men were famished to death, and all must have died if they had not fallen in with a tribe, who gave them just maize enough to support them during their return.

Buenos Ayres burnt by the Savages.

The Quirandies had not been dismayed by one defeat; .. they prevailed upon the Bartenes, the Zechuruas, and the Timbues to join them, and with a force which the besieged in their fear estimated at three and twenty thousand, though it did not probably amount to a third of that number, suddenly attacked the new city. The weapons which they used were not less ingeniously adapted to their present purpose than those which had proved so effectual against the horse. They had arrows which took fire at the point as soon as they were discharged, which were never extinguished till they had burnt out, and which kindled whatever they touched. With these devilish implements they set fire to the thatched huts of the settlers, and consumed them all. The stone house of the Adelantado was the only dwelling which escaped destruction. At the same time, and with the same weapons, they attacked the ships and burnt four; the other three got to safe distance in time, and at length drove them off with their artillery. About thirty Spaniards were slain.

1536.

Buena Es. peranza founded.

Argentina. c. 4. st. 22.

The Adelantado now left a part of his diminished force in the ships to repair the settlement; giving them stores enough to keep them starving for a year, which they were to eke out how they could: he himself advanced up the river with the rest, in the brigantines and smaller vessels. But he deputed his authority to Juan de Ayolas, being utterly unequal to the fatigue of command; .. in fact he was at this time dying of the most loathsome and dreadful malady that human vices have ever yet brought upon human nature. About eighty-four leagues up they came to an island inhabited by the Timbues, who received

[page] 63

CHAP. III. 1536.

The Timbues-

Schmidel. 10—13.

Herrera. 5. 10. 15.

them well. Mendoza presented their Chief, Zchera9 Wasu, with a shirt, a red cap, an axe, and a few other trifles, in return for which he received fish and game enough to save the lives of his people. This tribe trusted wholly to fishing and to the chase for food. They used long canoes. The men were naked, and ornamented both nostrils with stones. The women wore a cotton-cloth from the waist to the knee, and cut beauty-slashes in their faces. Here the Spaniards took up their abode, and named the place Buena Esperanza, signifying Good Hope. One Gonzalo Romero, who had been one of Cabot's people, and had been living among the savages, joined them here. He told them there were large and rich settlements up the country, and it was thought advisable that Ayolas should proceed with the brigantines in search of them.

Mendoza returns to Spain.

Meantime Mendoza, who was now become completely a cripple, returned to Buenos Ayres. He waited awhile in hopes of hearing some good tidings from Ayolas, and at length sent Juan de Salazar with a second detachment in quest of him. His health grew daily worse, and his hopes fainter; he had lost his brother in this expedition, and expended above forty thousand ducats of his substance, nor did there appear much probability of any eventual success to reimburse him; so he determined to sail for Spain, leaving Francisco Ruyz to command at Buenos Ayres, and appointing Ayolas Governor, if he should return, and Salazar in case of his death. His instructions were, that as soon as either of them should return he was to examine what provisions were left, and allow no ratios to any persons

9 So Schmidel writes the name: .. his own German mouth might perhaps articulate it. By the word Wasu, great, it appears that this tribe was of the same stock as the Tupinambas.

[page] 64

CHAP. III. 1537.

Schmidel. 14.

Herrera. 6. 3. 17—18.

who could support themselves, nor to any women who were not employed either in washing or in some other such necessary service: that he should sink the ships or dispose of them in any other manner, and if he thought fit, proceed across the continent to Peru, where if he met with Pizarro and Almagro he was to procure their friendship in the Adelantado's name; and if Almagro was disposed to give him one hundred and fifty thousand ducats for a resignation of his government, as he had given to Pedro de Alvarado, he was to accept it, or even one hundred thousand, unless it should appear more profitable not to close with such an offer. How strong must his hope of plunder have been, after four years of continued disappointment and misery! .. Moreover, he charged his successor, if it should please God to give him any jewel or precious stone, not to omit sending it him, as some help in his trouble. And he instructed him to form a settlement on the way to Peru, either upon the Paraguay or elsewhere, from whence tidings of his proceedings might be transmitted. Having left these directions, Mendoza embarked, still dreaming of gold and jewels, and died upon the voyage.

Ayolas ascends the Paraguary.

Ayolas meantime advanced up the river with four hundred men in search of the Paraguay, and the rich countries of which he had heard, where maize and apples were said to grow in abundance, and roots of which the natives made wine; where there was plenty of fish and flesh, and sheep as big as mules. On their way they found upon the banks of the river, a serpent worthy to have stopt a second army; it was forty five feet long, in girth the size of a man, black, and spotted with red and tawny; they slew it with a ball. The natives said they had never seen a larger, and that such serpents were very destructive, coiling round them in the water and dragging them down, and devouring them. They cut it in pieces, and ate it boiled or roast-

[page] 65

CHAP. III. 1536.

The Carios.

ed10, but it does not appear that the Spaniards were at this time hungry enough to partake of the banquet. Before Ayolas reached the Paraguay he lost one of his ships; it was impossible to take the men out of it on board the other, so they were compelled to proceed by land, where they suffered so much from want of food, and from crossing marshes, lakes, and lagoons, that if a friendly tribe had not given them provisions and canoes, they must all have perished. Thus sometimes at peace, sometimes fighting their way, and suffering all the extremes of fatigue and hunger, they advanced nearly three hundred leagues up this river, till they came to a tribe called the Carios11, who though as ferocious as their neighbours, were in some respects less savage. They cultivated maize; they planted the sweet potatoe12, and a root13 which had the taste of the chesnut, from which they made an intoxicating liquor, as they did also from honey, boiling it. And here the Spaniards found the swine, ostriches, and sheep as big as mules, of which they had heard. The people were little, but stout: they were naked, and wore a long lip-stone. They devoured all their prisoners except one woman, and if she ever refused to prostitute herself they ate her also. These Carios had a town called Lampere, on the eastern bank of the river, four leagues above the place where the main branch of the Pilcomayo falls into the Paraguay. It was surrounded with two palisadoes about as high as a man could reach with his sword. The

10 This is a dainty among the Indians, and also among the Mamalucos.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 46.

11 Herrera (5. 10. 15.) says, these are the people who in other parts of the Indies, are called Caribs. But it is probable that the Islanders applied this name indiscriminately to all the cannibal tribes.

12 Schmidel calls them Padades, and says they taste like apples.

13 Mandiochpobion Schmidel calls the root, and the liquor Mandeboere.

K

[page] 66

CHAP. III. 1536.

stakes were as thick as a man's waist, and set about twelve paces asunder; .. it is difficult to guess of what use they could have been, being so far apart, .. possibly the fortification had not been compleated. They had dug pit-falls, planted sharp stakes in them, and covered them over, as a stratagem against these invaders, whom they were resolved to resist.

The Spaniards win the town, and call it Asumpcion.

Schmidel. c. 15—21.

When Ayolas advanced against the town, he found them drawn up ready for battle. They sent to him, bidding him return to his ships, and to his own country as soon as possible, for which, they said, they would supply him with provisions, and every thing necessary. But the Spaniards were not come as visitors; they had now hungrily subsisted four years upon fish and meat, and having at length reached a cultivated country, they were determined to take and keep possession of it. This they explained to the Carios, and assured them that they came as friends; the natives would listen to no such friendship; but when the guns were discharged, terrified at seeing their people fall without a blow, and wounded so dreadfully, they knew not how, they fled precipitately, and many of them in their flight fell into the pits which they had dug for the enemy. Still they defended their town, and killed sixteen of the Spaniards; but on the third day they sued for peace, because their women and children were with them. They promised to obey the conquerors in all things; presented Ayolas with six stags and seven girls, and gave two women to each of the soldiers. Having made peace upon these terms, the Catholic Spaniards named the town Asumpcion in honour of the Virgin Mary, and in memory of the day upon which they took possession of it14.

14 It is remarkable, that Herrera says nothing of the capture of this town, nor of the settling there, though when he next treats of this country, he speaks of it as of a well known place.

[page] 67

CHAP. III. 1536.

The Agaces.

Schmidel. 22. 19.

The first service in which the Carios were employed, was in building a fort of wood, earth, and stones, to secure their own subjection. They then offered to assist the Spaniards against the Agaces15, .. a way of asking assistance from them against an old enemy. The Agaces were a tribe of hunters and fishers, who painted their skin with an indelible blue die, extracted from a root. Their settlements were about thirty leagues lower down the stream; they fought better by water than by land, and had annoyed the Spaniards on their way, and slain fifteen of them. Ayolas therefore willingly indulging his own resentment, and that of his new subjects at the same time, descended the river and fell upon them suddenly before day-break. The Carios, according to their custom, spared not a soul alive. They took about five hundred canoes, and burnt every settlement they came to. A few of the tribe happened to be absent, and thus escaped the slaughter: about a month afterwards, when they returned, they put themselves under the protection of the Spaniards, which Ayolas conceded, the laws of the Conquests not permitting him to declare them slaves, till they had rebelled, as it was called, three times. The Cueremagbas, who were the nearest tribe to these, wore a parrot's feather through the nose.

Ayolas in of the .

Ayolas remained six months at Asumpcion. The Carios informed him that beyond their track of territory, which extended eighty leagues higher up the Paraguay, the lands of the Payagoaes began, a people who had the Algarroba, the Carob or Locust Tree16, whereof they made a flour which they ate with

15 Aigais according to Schmidel's orthography.

16 The Germans, says Schmidel, call this Joannebrot; .. this word probably alludes to the erroneous opinion, that the locusts which were the food of the Baptist, were the fruit of this tree.

[page] 68

CHAP. III. 1536.

Schmidel. 23. 24.

fish, and also a liquor as sweet as must. Beyond them he heard of a richer nation, called the Carcarisos: against these he determined to go, and leaving a hundred men at Asumpcion, he proceeded up the river with the rest. The Payagoaes made no resistance; they knew what had befallen their neighbours, and followed a wiser policy. Ayolas enquired of them concerning the Carcarisos; they replied, that they had heard of them; that they dwelt far up the country in a province which abounded with gold and silver; that they were as wise a people as the strangers who were enquiring for them, and that provisions of every kind were plentiful among them; this, they said, they had heard, .. but they had never seen any of that nation. He asked for guides to the country of these people, which they readily gave. Here he dismantled three of his vessels, and left fifty Spaniards in the other two, under Domingo Martinez de Yrala, with orders to wait four months for him at this post (which he named Candelaria), by which time, if he were not returned, they were to fall down the river to Asumpcion. Then taking with him three hundred natives, whom he had brought to carry their food and baggage, he began his march towards the West, with about two hundred men.

Yrala obliged to return to Asumpcion.

The four months elapsed, and Yrala waited two months longer in vain. The vessels required caulking, and for want of oakum he used the men's shirts as a substitute. But there is no finding a substitute for food: the Payagoaes lived upon the chance supply of their rivers and forests, and when this was to be shared with fifty Spaniards, it may well be supposed that it soon began to fail. Yrala endured this dearth as long as he could, and then returned to Asumpcion to repair his vessels and lay in stores. As soon as this was done he came back to Candelaria. Ayolas had not appeared, nor could any tidings be heard of him; the Payagoaes would not provide food, and

[page] 69

CHAP. III. 1536.

Herrera. 6. 3. 17.

the Spaniards could not provide themselves with it by force, as if they had been among an agricultural people. Once more, therefore, he was compelled to return to Asumpcion. There he found news of an unexpected calamity. The locusts had stript the maizals, and no food was to be had except what they could win in war from those tribes whose fields had escaped this destructive visitation.

1537.

Fr. Ruyz comes to Asumpcion.

Meantime Juan de Salazar had set out in search of Ayolas, as Mendoza had instructed him. He came first to the Island of Buena Esperanza, where the Timbues continued on friendly terms with the Spanish settlers, and had taught them their method of fishing, so that they were enabled to provide for themselves better than formerly. Salazar went on some way, but the difficulty of subsisting was such, that he turned back without reaching Asumpcion, and returned to Buenos Ayres. Upon this Francisco Ruyz, whom Mendoza had left there in command, determined to go upon the same search himself with a stronger force: and he began his expedition with two hundred men, on board six vessels, upon the miserable ratio of six ounces of maize per day. After grievous sufferings, they reached Asumpcion at a time when Yrala and the Carios were living by plunder; and so little plunder was to be had, that men were lying dead along the ways, having perished for want. This was no station for two hundred starving adventurers. They prepared to return, but Yrala requested Francisco Ruyz, as his own vessels were now so rotten as to be unserviceable, to leave him one wherein he might again go to Candelaria, in hopes of meeting his commander. Francisco said he would do so, if Yrala would acknowledge himself to be under obedience to him. It was manifest from this that he designed to usurp the government Yrala had in his possession the deed by which Ayolas had appointed him to the command during his absence; but his

[page] 70

CHAP. III. 1537.

Herrera. 6. 3. 18.

force was inferior to that of these new comers, and he wisely forbore to produce it. Had he been less prudent, it is said that Francisco Ruyz would assuredly have slain him, .. for the Spanish discoverers held the lives of each other as cheap as they did those of the Indians. He avoided the danger by saying, that if the other could show any powers from Ayolas which vested the authority in him, undoubtedly he would yield obedience. This seems to have been thought satisfactory: the vessel was given him, and Francisco returned to Buena Esperanza.

Misconduct of Fr. Ruyz.

There this man destroyed the friendship which had so long subsisted between the settlers and the natives. He, with the aid of a priest and a secretary, from what motive does not appear, treacherously and wickedly tortured and put to death some of the Timbues; .. then leaving a garrison of one hundred and twenty men in a little fort, called Corpus Christi, these wretches departed, and escaped the vengeance which fell upon their countrymen. A Chief of the Timbues, who had lived upon terms of great intimacy with the Spaniards, warned him not to leave one of them behind, for it was determined to cut them off, or drive them out of the land. This warning only produced a promise from him to return speedily; but it proved the means of beguiling the garrison. For, a few days afterwards, the brother of this Chief came and requested of them that they would send a few men to escort him and his family, saying it was his wish to come and settle among them. Six men were all be asked for; the Captain, more prudently as it might have been supposed, sent fifty harquebusseers, well-armed, and instructed to be upon their guard. They were welcomed with much apparent good-will; but no sooner had they sate down to eat, than the Timbues fell upon them; large parties rushed out from the huts where they had been concealed, and so well was the slaughter planned and executed, that only one of the fifty escaped. Immediately the

[page] 71

CHAP. III. 1537.

Buena Esperanza besieged and abandoned.

Herrera. 6. 3. 18. Schmidel. 27. 28.

conquerors beset the fort, and assaulted it night and day for fourteen days. On the fourteenth they set fire to the dwellings. The Captain sallied, and was entrapped into an ambuscade, where he was surrounded and killed by a party armed with long lances, in which the swords were set which they had taken from the slain. Luckily for the Spaniards, the besiegers had not sufficient store of provisions to continue the blockade, and were therefore obliged to retire and provide themselves anew. Meantime Francisco Ruyz, forboding the consequences of his conduct, sent two brigantines to their assistance, in which they embarked for Buenos Ayres, and abandoned the station.

Reinforcements sent out under Cabrera.

Herrera. 6. 3. 18.

When the ship, on board which Mendoza died, arrived at Seville, two vessels were lying there ready to set off with reinforcements for him, pursuant to the terms of his contract, and the arrangements which he had made for fulfilling it. These vessels the King ordered to sail under Alonso de Cabrera, granting them permission to proceed on a trading voyage through the Straits, if they should find the settlements in the Plata forsaken. He sent also a galleon laden with arms and ammunition. The first orders from the Court were, that if the Adelantado had not appointed a successor, the soldiers should chuse one; but when it was understood that he had named Ayolas, that nomination was confirmed. Six Franciscans went out in this expedition: they carried with them the King's pardon for those Spaniards who, having eaten human flesh from extreme hunger during the famine, had fled among the savages to escape punishment for it; it was thought a less evil to pardon them, than that they should thus be cut off from all christian communion.

1538.

One of these ships reached Buenos Ayres about a fortnight after the evacuation of Buena Esperanza: its companion, with two hundred men on board, had put into the island of St. Catalina, on the

[page] 72

CHAP. III. 1538.

Schmidel. 29. 30.

coast of Brazil, where a small vessel was dispatched to look for her, and to load with rice, mandioc flour, maize, and whatever other provisions the island afforded. This vessel, on its return, was wrecked in the river, and six only of the crew escaped by clinging to the mast. Hulderick Schmidel was one of the six, a German adventurer, who went out with Mendoza, and who wrote the history of these transactions.

Yrala marches in search of Ayolas.

Herrera. 6. 7. 5.

The Franciscans set out to preach among the natives, and Cabrera, with Francisco Ruyz, and the main body of the Spaniards, proceeded to Asumpcion. No tidings had yet been heard of Ayolas; there could now be little doubt of his death; the question of the succession was to be settled, and Yrala now produced his powers, being encouraged by Cabrera, who hoped to share in them, and therefore lent his influence against Francisco Ruyz. But when Cabrera found that Yrala was not disposed to admit an equal, he instigated the officers of the crown to require that farther search should be made for Ayolas. Yrala needed no compulsion for this service; with nine ships and four hundred men, a stronger force than they had ever before had so far inland, .. he once more advanced to Candelaria. Here nothing was to be learnt: the Spaniards proceeded farther up the river, till they met six Indians in a canoe, who gave them to understand, by signs, that their countrymen were in the interior, dwelling in a strong house which they had built, and employed in digging gold and silver. Upon this good news, about two hundred set out to join them, taking these Indians for their guides. After the first day's march the ways became bad, for the inundations were beginning; they had to wade through water, always up to the waist, and sometimes breast high; and frequently no spot of dry land was to be found where they might lie down at night. At length both their provisions and

[page] 73

CHAP. III. 1539.

strength began to fail, and they gave up this desperate attempt, having wasted a month in it before they rejoined the brigantines.

The death of Ayolas ascertained.

Herrera. 6. 7. 5.

Schmidel. 25.

Two days after their return an Indian came to them, and gave the first information of the fate of Ayolas and all his men. He belonged, he said, to the tribe of the Chanes, by whom the Spaniards had been friendlily received, and where they had learnt that the Chemeneos and Carcaraes17, who resided still farther inland, used the precious metals. Towards their country they proceeded; they reached it, and saw its riches; but meeting with resistance, turned back, thinking to come again with a greater force. The Chief of the Chanes then gave them much gold and silver, and Indians to carry it, of whom he who related this was one. They arrived at Candelaria, where Yrala had been appointed to wait for them, .. but it was long after the time appointed, and they were greatly exhausted by a long march through a waste country. Here the Payagoaes welcomed them, and as the brigantines were not there, invited them to be their guests till Yrala should return. The Spaniards trusted these people, were decoyed by them into a marsh, and there slain to a man, with all their Indians, this being the only one who escaped.

The Payagoaes.

Yrala could not take vengeance now because of the inundations, nor were the Payagoaes18 at any time easily to be chastised.

17 Probably the same name as Carcarisos.

18 Schmidel always calls them the Paiembos. It is difficult to account for his exceeding inaccuracy in dates and names. All other authors write Payagoaes, a word which certainly has a more Paraguayish appearance. They are spoken of in a manuscript account of the Lake of Xarayes, as infesting those parts in 1786, with canoes of remarkable swiftness.

[page] 74

CHAP. III. 1539.

Jolis. 4. 6. Art. 9.

This nation, which continued for two centuries to be the curse of Paraguay, is divided into two tribes, the Sarigues and Tacambus: the former infest the river above Asumpcion, for more than two hundred leagues up, as far as the Lake of Xarayes; the latter carry their depredations to a still greater distance below it, and into the Parana. No fresh-water pirates have ever been so daring and destructive as these almost amphibious savages. Sometimes they would approach a vessel in the darkness, and so turn it that it should run aground, for they knew every shoal and sand-bank in the stream. Sometimes they would swim to the vessel unperceived, .. head only above water, .. and in an instant board her on all sides. Their canoes usually carried three persons, were exceedingly light, and of beautiful workmanship; when they were pursued and overtaken, they upset them, and used them in the water as pavaises against the weapons of their pursuers; .. as soon as the danger was over, righted them with a touch, and went again upon their way. They were not less insidious by land than by water. Hunters they decoyed into ambush by imitating the cry of whatever game they were questing, whether bird or beast; stronger parties they betrayed by offering to be their guides, giving them food and fruits, and so enticing them on till they had them in their power, and could fall upon them unawares. Even during the last century the Paraguay could not be navigated without infinite danger from these savages. They dwelt chiefly in the islands, or in the bays and creeks, and there lurking under cover of the trees, lay in wait for prey. Their women are handsome, but of low stature, and with feet so remarkably small, that they have been likened to the Chinese women. This is supposed to be occasioned by their peculiar mode of life, passing so much time in their narrow canoes, and never travelling in any other manner.

[page] 75

CHAP. III. 1539.

Buenos Ayres abandoned.

Schmidel. c. 26.

Herrera. 6. 7. 5.

It was impossible, during the inundation, to chastise these Payagoaes for the murder of Ayolas and his companions, and Yrala could do nothing but return. Some time afterwards two of the tribe were made prisoners by the Carios: he tortured them till, whether guilty or innocent, they confessed the fact, and then, with the true barbarity of a discoverer, he roasted them alive! .. But these discoverers were as enterprizing as they were cruel; the gold and silver which Ayolas had collected, though they had only heard of these treasures, encouraged their cupidity, and being determined to tread in his steps, and prosecute their discoveries in the heart of the continent, they thought it advisable to abandon Buenos Ayres, and collect their whole force at Asumpcion. This accordingly was done, Yrala commanding, by virtue of the powers which Ayolas had vested in him, and the stronger title of the people's choice; for he had always, says Hulderick Schmidel, shewn himself just and benevolent, especially to the soldiers. .. There is reason to believe that all his justice and benevolence was confined to them.

[page 76]

CHAPTER IV.

Expedition of Diego de Ordas.—Gonzalo Pizarro sets out in quest of El Dorado.—Voyage of Orellana.—Attempt of Luiz de Mello to settle at Maranham.

CHAP. IV. 1530.

Expedition of Diego de Ordas.

The Maranham, which had proved so fatal to Joam de Barros, was destined to be, for many years, the scene of adventure and mishap. One adventurer had already failed there before his disastrous expedition. This was Diego de Ordas, he who has left a memorable name in Mexican history for having ascended the burning mountain Popocatepec. But neither the glory which he had thus gained, nor his share of the spoils of Mexico contented him, for it is at once the nature and the punishment of ambition to be never at rest. He applied for a commission to conquer and settle the country from Cape de la Vela eastward, two hundred leagues; and it was granted, on condition that he should endeavour to explore the coast as far onward as the Maranham, .. but not trespass upon the limits of the King of Portugal. The title of Governor was given him, with a salary of 725,000 maravedis, from which he was to pay an Alcalde Mayor, a Physician, Surgeon, and Apothecary, thirty Foot-soldiers, and ten Esquires. He was, moreover,

[page] 77

CHAP. IV. 1530.

Herrera. 4. 10. 9

appointed Adelantado and Captain General for life, and the wand of Alguazil Mayor given him for life also; and he had permission to erect four fortresses in such places as he should think convenient: these were to be erected at his own expence, but the command of them was vested in him and his heirs, with the ordinary appointments; he was also to have one thousand ducats yearly during life, in aid of his expences, and a twentieth of the royal rights in his conquests, provided it did not exceed one thousand ducats more. He was privileged to retain his possessions in New Spain, though he did not reside upon them. Five and twenty mares, and as many horses, were to be given him from the King's stock at Jamaica; he had permission to take fifty slaves, and a grant of 300,000 maravedis towards the cost of artillery and ammunition; and he had leave to establish a hospital, and alms given him towards it. Terms so advantageous would hardly have been conceded had it not been for the high reputation which Ordas had already gained.

1531.

Four hundred men were raised for this enterprize. He set sail from Seville early in 1531, and at Teneriffe he engaged three brethren of the name of Silva to follow him with two hundred more: the Spanish Canarians are an active and adventurous race, and have ever supplied the colonies with their most useful subjects. Ordas went on to the Maranham. There he caught a canoe with four natives. They had two stones with them, which the Spaniards supposed to be emeralds; one of them was as large as a man's hand; and the account they gave was, that some days distance up the river there was a whole rock of such stone. They had also two cakes of flour, resembling soap, and seeming as if they had been kneaded with balsam; which they said, they gathered from the boughs of incense trees, of which there was a wood about forty leagues up the stream. Ordas attempted to make his way up; but he found the navigation far

[page] 78

CHAP. IV. 1531.

1532.

Herrera. 4. 10. 9—10. 5. 1. 11.

P. Simon. 2. c. 17—26.

too difficult; and after having been in imminent danger among the shoals and currents, and losing one of his ships, he resolved to try his fortune elsewhere. First he went to Paria, and there interfered with the conquests which had already been taken possession of by another. Then having received a severe reprimand from Madrid, with orders to chuse his two hundred leagues either beginning from Cape de la Vela towards the Maranham, or from the river towards the Cape, he entered the Orinoco, then called the Viapari, from a Cazique whose territories lay upon its banks. This attempt proved as unfortunate as the former; he however persevered in wintering in the river, till at length having lost great part of his men by shipwreck and other mishaps, he abandoned the enterprize, set sail for Spain, and died either on the voyage, or soon after his arrival.

This expedition took place a few years before that of Aires da Cunha and the sons of Barros; .. a few years after it the Maranham was navigated from the mountains of Quito to the Sea.

1541.

Expedition of Gonzalo Pizarro in search of El Dorado.

When Pizarro had secured, as he imagined, the authority of his family in Peru, by the execution of his old friend and comrade and benefactor, he gave the government of Quito to his brother Gonzalo, a man even more bloody and more infamous in history than himself. Eastward of that city there was said to be a rich country, which abounded with cinnamon; and Gonzalo, as soon as he reached his government, prepared to take possession of this land of spice, and then proceed and conquer El Dorado, thinking to anticipate Belalcazar, who was gone to Spain to solicit a grant of these parts. There was no lack of adventurers for such an enterprize. He set out with about two hundred foot-soldiers, one hundred horse, four thousand Indians, to be used as beasts of burthen for the army, and about four thousand swine and Indian sheep.

[page] 79

CHAP. IV. 1541.

He entered first the province of the Quixos, the last people whom the Incas had subdued. They opposed the Spaniards, but finding their inferiority fled in the night, and removed their women and children, so that not one was to be seen. While the army halted here, a violent earthquake happened, which threw down the Indian dwellings, and cleft the earth in many places. This was but a prelude to what they were to suffer from the elements. Violent storms of thunder and lightning followed, with such rain, that a river beyond which they were wont to procure provisions, was no longer fordable, and they began to be in want. At length quitting this station, they crost a branch of the Cordilleras, where many of their Indians were frozen: they threw away their provisions here, and abandoned their live stock, that they might hasten on and save themselves. The country into which they descended was unpeopled. They cut their way through the woods, till they reached the valley of Zumaque, which lies along the foot of a volcano, thirty leagues from Quito. Here they found habitations and food, and here they were joined by Francisco de Orellana, a knight of Truxillo, with thirty horse. He had set out after them from Quito, and suffered even more upon the road, for they had devoured the country before him. Gonzalo appointed him his Lieutenant-General; and leaving the main body of his people in Zumaque, advanced with seventy foot-soldiers towards the East, to reconnoitre the land of spice.

Pedro de Cizza. c. 40.

He found the spice trees1; their produce resembled the cinnamon of the East in taste, but was of inferior quality; in shape it is described as like an acorn cup, but deeper, thicker, and of

1 A missionary is at this time endeavouring to introduce the culture of the cinnamon among the Indians of Manoa. Mercurio Peruano. N. 153.

[page] 80

CHAP. IV. 1541.

darker colour, approaching to black; they were in abundance, and those which were cultivated produced better spice than such as grew wild. The natives carried on a considerable trade in it with all the adjoining country, exchanging it for provisions, and the few articles of clothing which they used. They were a poor, unoffending people, contented with little. Their poverty at once disappointed and provoked Gonzalo; he enquired of them if these trees grew in any other country except their own. They replied that they did not, and this they knew, because other tribes came to them for the produce. But when he asked what countries lay beyond them, and they could give no intelligence of El Dorado, the golden kingdom which he coveted, .. with the true spirit of a Pizarro, .. a name never to be uttered without abhorrence, .. he tortured them to extort a confession of what they did not know, and could have no motive to conceal; burnt some alive, and threw others alive to his dogs, .. blood-hounds, which were trained in this manner to feed upon human flesh! During the night a river on whose banks he had taken up his lodging rose so suddenly that he and his men hardly escaped from the inundation. He then returned to Zumaque. For two months that the Spaniards had remained there, it rained day and night, so that they were never dry, and their garments rotted upon them. The natives, who were aware of this inconvenience, went naked, which they could well do in a climate excessively hot.

Gonzalo soon found the evil effects of his accursed cruelty. The tidings had spread from tribe to tribe, and when he enquired for the rich countries of which he was in search, the poor natives, not daring to contradict his hope, deluded him and sent him on. They came at length to the banks of a deep and wide river, along which they proceeded. In one place it made a fall of some hundred feet, and about forty leagues farther on, it was

[page] 81

CHAP. IV. 1541.

contracted to the breadth of twenty feet, between two precipices. The rocks were of tremendous height, .. they guessed it at two hundred fathoms; but for fifty leagues which they had now tracked the river, there had been no place where they could possibly cross, and they resolved to throw a bridge from rock to rock. The natives who attempted to impede them on the opposite side, were soon put to flight. It was with infinite difficulty that the first beam was laid across; when that was done the rest was comparatively easy. One soldier turned giddy on the height, and fell.

But severe as their sufferings had been in the mountainous country, and in the woodland, there was now yet more to suffer. They had marshes to wade through, lagoons and lakes and flooded savannahs to pass, and again to endure excessive rains. By this time their provisions were nearly expended, and they had begun upon their war-dogs. It was determined to build a brigantine which should carry the sick, and ferry them across the river whenever the way appeared more practicable on the opposite shore, or the country more abundant. They built huts before they could make charcoal, on account of the rain; they eked out what iron they had taken with them, with the bits and stirrups of the horses, which had been slaughtered as dainties for the sick; they gathered gum which served for pitch, and for oakum they used their own rotten garments. This was a work of great labour and difficulty for soldiers to perform, and when the vessel was compleated and launched they thought their troubles were at an end.

Still those troubles were very great. They had still to cut their way through thickets on the hill-side, and canes in the flat ground, and to traverse inundated fields where oftentimes man and horse were fain to swim, they in the brigantine anchoring from time to time, that the stream might not carry them on

M

[page] 82

CHAP. IV. 1541.

Herrera. 6. 8. 6—7.

Zarate. l. 4. c. 1—4.

Gomara. c. 143.

Garcilasso. 2. 3. c. 2—3.

Acuña in El Marañon y Amazonas. l. 2. c. 10.

Pizarro y Orellana. Vida de G. Pizarro. c. 2.

faster than their comrades could proceed on shore. Gonzalo, with his wonted tyranny, carried with him as prisoners all the Caziques on whom he could lay hands, whether their tribes had fled from him, or received him with friendly welcoming, making only this difference, that he put those in irons whom he suspected of wishing to escape. These prisoners, partly from fear, partly with a design to rid their own territories of such guests, affirmed that rich and plentiful lands lay before him, a report in which all the natives agreed for the same reasons. They said that he would come into this better country by following the stream till it was joined by a larger river. One day these Caziques, who had long watched for the opportunity, leapt into the water fettered as they were, swam across, and eluded all pursuit. They were then, according to the account of the natives, about eighty leagues from the junction of the two rivers, and the famine among them was by this time excessive. Above a thousand of their Peruvians had already perished. As the best means of obtaining relief which could be devised, Gonzalo ordered Orellana to proceed in the brigantine with fifty men to the fertile country at the point of junction, load there with provisions, and return as speedily as possible to meet and relieve the army.

The stream being joined by many others from the South side, carried them rapidly down. On the second day they struck upon a stump, which stove one of the planks of the vessel: they haled her ashore and repaired the damage. It was on the Coca that they were embarked, and in three days they reached the place where it joins the Napo; the eighty computed leagues of the Indians they judged to be more than a hundred. The country through which they had past was uninhabited, neither were there any signs of culture or of population here. What was to be done? To return against that strong stream was almost impossible, with that vessel, and weak as they were for

[page] 83

CHAP. IV. 1541.

want of sufficient food; and if they waited for the army, what could they expect, already sinking with famine, but to perish? this would be to destroy themselves without benefitting their fellows. Orellana urged this to his men; the plea was strong and reasonable; and he had conceived the adventurous hope of following this great river through the continent, and making his way to Spain, there to ask the conquest of the countries through which he should pass. Fray Gaspar de Carvajal, a Dominican, and Hernan Sanchez de Vargas, a young knight of Badajoz, opposed his project, representing to him the distress which the army would endure when they should arrive at the appointed place of meeting, and find that their last reliance had failed them. Orellana set this latter ashore between the rivers, alone, and in a desert country, to wait for the army, and probably to perish2 with hunger long before they could reach him. He then renounced the commission which Gonzalo Pizarro had given him, and received the command anew from the election of his men, that so he might make discoveries for himself, and not, holding a deputed authority, in the name of another. Fray Gaspar's opposition had been less strenuous than that of Hernan Sanchez, .. perhaps it was not so sincere: .. this is to be suspected because he lent his testimony to all the falshoods which Orellana afterwards reported. The Friar now said mass according to the form appointed for mariners at sea, and they committed themselves to the stream.

It was upon the last day of December 1541, that this voyage was begun, one of the most adventurous that has ever been enterprized. The little stock of provisions with which they had

2 He was found alive when the army reached the junction, .. having subsisted upon herbs.

[page] 84

CHAP. IV. 1542.

parted from the army was already exhausted, and they boiled their leathern girdles and the soles of their shoes with such herbs as seemed most eatable. On the eighth of January, when they had almost given up all hope of life, they heard before day-light an Indian drum, .. a joyful sound, for be the natives what they would, this they knew, that it must be their own fault now if they should die of hunger. At day-break, being eagerly upon the lookout, they perceived four canoes, which put back on seeing the brigantine; and presently they saw a village where a great body of the natives were assembled, and ready to defend it. The Spaniards were too hungry to negociate. Orellana bade them land in good order and stand by each other; they attacked the Indians like men who were famishing and fought for food, put them presently to the rout, and found an immediate supply. While they were enjoying the fruits of their victory, the Indians took to their canoes and came near them, more to gratify curiosity than resentment. Orellana spake to them in some Indian language, which they partly understood; some of them took courage, and approached him; he gave them a few European trifles, and asked for their Chief, who came without hesitation, was well pleased with the presents which were given him, and offered them any thing that it was in his power to supply. Provisions were requested, and presently peacocks, partridges, fish, and other things were brought in great abundance. The next day thirteen Chiefs came to see the strangers; they were gaily adorned with feathers and gold, and had plates of gold upon the breast. Orellana received them courteously, required them to acknowledge obedience to the Crown of Castille, took advantage as usual of their ignorance to affirm that they consented, and amused them with the ceremony of taking possession of their country in the Emperor's name.

The account which Orellana and Fray Gaspar gave of their

[page] 85

CHAP. IV. 1542.

voyage is in some respects palpably false, as will presently be seen. Their object was to aggravate the riches of the provinces which they had discovered. It is not probable that these tribes had any gold, .. none of the tribes on the Maranham were so far advanced as to use it. Wherever the American Indians used gold, stationary habitations were found, habits of settled life, a regular government, a confederated priesthood, and a ceremonial religion. Wandering tribes will pick up a grain of gold, like a coloured stone, and wear it for its beauty; but they must cease to be erratic before they fabricate it into trinkets or utensils. One of these Chiefs, according to the Friar, informed them that there was a rich and powerful nation inland, and that farther down the river they would come to another rich country, which was inhabited by Amazons. Seven Spaniards died here in consequence of the hunger which they had endured. Their Captain, who was not deficient in any quality which his desperate enterprize required, thought that as they were on such good terms with the natives, this was a fit place to build a better brigantine than the frail one in which they were embarked, and which would be unserviceable when they reached the sea. Two men who had never before tried the smith's trade undertook the iron work; a third undertook to make the charcoal, and they contrived a bellows out of some buskins which had luckily escaped the stew-pan. All fell to work, Orellana being the first at any exertion that was required. In twenty days they made two thousand nails3, and having done this they proceeded,

3 This was waste of iron as well as of time: tree-nails would have answered the purpose better. It does not appear how the iron was procured, and this is remarkable, since Gonzalo Pizarro had such difficulty in finding enough for the first vessel.

[page] 86

CHAP. IV. 1542.

Herrera. 6. 9. 2.

not thinking it prudent to wear out the hospitality of their friends. The delay was injudicious, for nails might have been made at the same time as the brigantine, and in these twenty days their new stock of provisions was consumed. Twenty leagues onward a smaller river fell from the North into the great stream: it came down with a fresh, and raised such a commotion of waters at the junction that the Spaniards thought themselves lost. From hence they advanced, according to their computation, two hundred leagues, encountering many difficulties and dangers on the way, through an uninhabited country. At last they came again in sight of habitations. Orellana sent twenty men ashore, ordering them not to alarm the natives; they found a friendly people, who admired the strangers, and gave them tortoises and parrots for food: on both sides of the river they were supplied with equal willingness. The country was now well peopled as they proceeded. Four canoes came off to meet them next day; gave them tortoises, good partridges, and fish, and were so well pleased with what they received in return, that they invited the Commander to land and see their Chief, Aparia. Orellana landed and made a speech to this Chief upon the Christian Religion, and the Kings of Castille, to which he and his subjects are said to have listened with much attention. Aparia told them if they went to see the Amazons, whom he called Coniapuyara, or the mighty Chieftains4, they would do well to bear in mind how few they were themselves, and that this was a numerous nation. Orellana then requested that all the Chiefs of the province might be convened; twenty

4 This name seems to be ill translated, and to afford some support to the story of the Amazons, .. for Cunha (in our orthography Coonia) is the Tupi word for woman. The mighty, women, therefore, is its more probable meaning.

[page] 87

CHAP. IV. 1542.

assembled, to whom he repeated his former topics, and concluded by saying, that as they were all children of the Sun, it behoved them all to be friends. They were delighted with this acknowledgement of brotherhood, and not less so at seeing the Spaniards erect a cross and perform the ceremony of taking possession of the land. And here Orellana finding the people hospitable, and food in plenty, built his new brigantine. There was a carver among the crew, who proved singularly serviceable in this coarser but more useful occupation. They caulked it with cotton; the natives supplied pitch, and in five and thirty days the vessel was launched.

Acuña in El Marañon y Amazonas. l 2. c. 10.

While they were thus employed, four Indians arrived, who were clothed and ornamented, and were of great stature; their hair hung down to the waist. They must therefore have belonged to a tribe whom the Spaniards afterwards named Encabellados, from the great length of their hair, both men and women letting it grow as long as it would, .. in some instances below their knees. They came to Orellana, and with much reverence placed food before him, saying they were sent by a powerful Chief to enquire who these strangers were, and whither they were going. He gave them the usual edifying account of the Christian religion, the authority of the Pope, and the power of the King of Castille, and dismissed them with presents. Lent was over before the Spaniards departed. Fray Gaspar and another Priest who was in the expedition, shrieved all the party, preached to them, and exhorted them to go bravely through all their difficulties to the end. On the 24th of April they once more embarked; for eighty leagues the banks were peopled by friendly tribes; then the course of the river lay between desert mountains, and they were fain to feed upon herbs and parched maize, not even finding a place where they could fish. On May 6th they came to a place which seemed to have

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been inhabited formerly, and here they halted for the purpose of fishing. The carver saw an yguana, which is a large animal of the lizard kind, upon a tree near the river; he took aim at it with a cross-bow, and the nock of the bow fell into the water; a large fish was presently caught, and the nock was found in its inside.

In six days more they came to the populous province of Machiparo, which bordered upon the land of a Chief called Aomagua. Orellana has here mistaken the name of the tribe for that of the Chief, for the Omaguas were then settled in these parts5; and he has probably fallen into a contrary error respecting the former appellation, because Machiparo is afterwards stated to be the name of the Cazique. One morning a fleet of canoes was seen coming to attack them: the Indians carried shields made of the skins of the alligator, or the manati, or the anta,

5 Condamine wrongly supposes that they had fled here from the Kingdom of New Granada, before the Spaniards, .. the conquest of that kingdom had not yet taken place: and on the contrary it is still a tradition among the Omaguas of Quito, that their stock was upon the Marañon, but that many of their tribes fled at sight of Orellana's vessels, some to the low lands of the river, others by the Rio Negro towards the Orinoco, and the new kingdom of Granada.

(Hervas, quoting a letter from Velasco. T. 1. P. 266.)

Condamine is also wrong respecting their language, which he says bears no resemblance either to the Peruvian or Brazilian. It is radically the same as that of the Guaranis and Tupis. (Hervas. T. 1. P. 30. 121.) Acuña confirms the authority of Hervas by calling them in his marginal note, "nacion descendiente de los Quixos." El Marañon y Amazones. L. 2. C. 10.

The etymology of their name is variously given: Acuña says Omaguas, impropio nombre, que les pusieron, quitandoles el Natibo, por su habitacion, qui es a la parte de afuera, que esso quiere dezir Aguas. (El Maranon y Amazonas. L. 2. C. 10.) Condamine says it means flat-heads in the language of Peru.

The province of Machifaro is mentioned in the subsequent voyage of Orsua.

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they came on with beat of tambour and with war-shouts, threatening to devour the strangers. The Spaniards brought their two vessels close together, that they might better defend themselves; but when they came to use their powder it was damp; they had nothing but their cross-bows to trust to, and plying these as well they could, they continued to fall down the stream, fighting as they went. Presently they came to an Indian town; a large body of inhabitants were upon the shore; half the Spaniards landed to attack it, leaving their companions to maintain the fight upon the water. They drove the Indians before them to the town, but seeing that it was a large place, and that the natives were so numerous, the commander of the party returned to Orellana and made his report. A reinforcement of thirteen men was sent; they won the town and loaded themselves with provisions, but above two thousand Indians, as they guessed them to be, attacked them as they were bearing off their spoil, and it was not till after a hard battle of two hours, that they could regain the brigantines. Eighteen of the party were wounded, of whom Pedro de Ampudia died. They had neither surgeon nor any remedy for the rest: nothing could be done for them except psalming, that is, repeating some verses of the psalms over the wound: this mode of treatment was not unusual, and it was so much more reasonable than the methods which were ordinarily in use, that it is no wonder if it generally proved more successful6.

6 A soldier in Hernando de Soto's expedition had effected great cures by the help of oil, wool, and psalming; but all the oil had been lost in their retreat, and he had given over practice, as being of no avail without it. However at last he was wounded himself; and as he had sworn not to submit to the surgeon's cruelty, he took lard instead of oil, unravelled an old cloak to supply the place of wool, and psalmed himself. In four days he was well; .. he then declared that the whole virtue lay in the words of scripture, and begged pardon for having let so many perish, through a fond persuasion that oil and dirty wool were necessary to the cure. Herrera (7. 7. 5.) has the same faith as this psalmer, and concludes this story by saying, era este hombre casto, buen Christiano, temeroso de Dios, gran ayudador de todos, y curioso en otras tales virtudes.

N

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As soon as they had embarked their booty, they pushed off. By this time the whole country was upon them. The shore was covered with thousands, who, though they could not reach the Spaniards themselves, encouraged those in the canoes by joining in their war-cry. All night the canoes followed them; in the morning the pursuit was relaxed, and the adventurers, weary with the exertions of the day and night, landed upon an island to rest, and dress their food; they could not do this upon either shore, for both were peopled, and both hostile; and they were not permitted to be at peace here. The canoes came on again, and Orellana perceiving that they were landing to attack him, hastened to his vessels. Even there it required all his efforts to save himself. It seemed as if the whole force of the province had been collected against him, with all their canoes. On they came, beating their rude drums, sounding cornets and trumpets, and with tremendous war-whoops. Four or five Conjurors were among them, whose bodies were coated over with some unction, and who spit ashes from their mouths at the Spaniards, and scattered water towards them, in a manner which they likened to the ceremony of sprinkling holy-water with the hyssop. Their aim was to board the brigantines; but the Spaniards had now dried some powder, and one of their harquebusseers, whose name was Cales, getting a steady mark at the Chief of the Indians, shot him in the breast: his people gathered round him, and while they were thus occupied, the brigantines got a-head. The pursuit was

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not however discontinued for two days and nights, till they had got beyond the territories of this powerful Chief Machiparo. When Orellana saw that the enemies no longer followed him, he determined to land and rest. They put to shore, drove the inhabitants from a little village, and remained there three days.

Herrera. 6. 9. 3.

The distance from the territories of Aparia to this place, they estimated at three hundred and forty leagues, of which two hundred were uninhabited. Many roads branched off from this village, which indicated a state of government more formidable than they were prepared to cope with; they did not, therefore, deem it safe to tarry longer; so putting on board good store of fruit, and of biscuit made from maize and from mandioc, the spoils of the place, they reimbarked on the Sunday after Ascension. About two leagues on, the river was joined by another of considerable magnitude, which they named Rio de la Trinidad, because it had three islands at its mouth. The country was well peopled, and abounded with fruits; but so many canoes came out, that they were fain to keep the middle of the stream. The next day, seeing a little settlement delightfully situated, they ventured to land, and easily forced the place; they found there plenty of provisions; and in a sort of pleasure-house, some jars and jugs of excellent pottery, with other vessels, glazed, and well painted. They also found gold and silver, and the Indians told them there was plenty of all these things in the country. Here were two idols, made of platted palms, after a strange fashion; they were of gigantic size, and round the thicker part of the arms and legs were broad circles of a funnel shape, like the guard of a spear. There were two high roads leading from this place; Orellana went about half a league along each of them,.. and seeing that they widened as he went on, thought it not safe to remain a

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night on shore in such a country. He and his people were not to think of enriching themselves now, but of saving their lives, and discovering what they might return to conquer. For above a hundred leagues further they sailed on through this populous track, keeping alway the middle of the stream, to be at safe distance from the land. Then they entered the dominions of another Chief, called Paguana, where they were received as friends; the land was fertile, and the people had the Peruvian sheep.

On the day of the Holy Ghost they past in sight of a large settlement, which had many streets, all opening upon the river; from these the inhabitants got into their canoes to attack the brigantines, but soon retreated when they felt the effect of fire-arms and cross-bows. The next day brought them to the last place in Paguana's territories, and they entered into another country belonging to a warlike people, whose name they did not learn. On the eve of Trinity they stormed a settlement where the inhabitants used large pavaises for their defence. A little below this a river from the South joined the main stream: its waters, they said, were as black as ink, and for more than twenty leagues after the junction, formed a dark line, keeping themselves unmingled. They past by many small settlements, and stormed one in search of food; it was surrounded with a wooden wall, the gate of which they were obliged to win; .. this can mean nothing more than the common palisade circle. The river was now so broad, that when they were near one bank they could not see the other. In another place they found several dresses of feathers; .. an Indian whom they took said that these dresses were worn at festivals, and that they were now in the land of the Amazons. Wherever they past the people on the shore called out to them, as if defying them to battle. On the 7th of June they landed at a village without opposition,

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none but women being there; they took good store of fish at this place; and Orellana, yielding to the importunity of the soldiers, consented to pass the night ashore, because it was the eve of Corpus Christi. At evening the men of the village returned from the fields, and finding such guests, attempted to drive them out. The Spaniards soon put them to flight; but Orellana wisely insisted upon embarking, and getting off immediately.

A gentler people dwelt beyond these; then they came to a large settlement, where they saw seven pillories as they call them, with human heads set upon spikes; there were paved roads from hence, with rows of fruit trees on either side. The next day they came to another such place, and were necessitated to land there, for want of food: the natives seeing their design, lay in ambush for them and attacked them furiously; but their Chief was slain by a cross-bow-shot, and the Spaniards carried off a supply of maize, tortoises, ducks, and parrots. With this seasonable supply they made off to an island, to take food and refresh themselves. A woman of comely appearance, whom they carried off from this place, told them there were many men like themselves in the interior, and that one of the native Chiefs had got two white women, whom he had brought from the country lower down the river. These women were probably survivors from the wreck of Aires da Cunha's expedition. During the next four days, which was while their provision lasted, they never attempted to land; in that time they past by a settlement from whence, the woman told them, was the way to the country where the white men were. At the next place where they foraged maize was found, and oats, from which the inhabitants brewed a sort of beer: .. they found what they called an ale-house for this liquor, good cotton cloth, and an oratory in which arms were hung up, and two coloured head-dresses, resembling

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episcopal mitres in shape. They slept upon the opposite shore, on a hill, and were disturbed by the Indians in canoes.

Herrera. 6. 9. 4.

On the 22d of June they saw many large settlements on the left bank, but the current was so strong that they could not cross to them. Villages, inhabited by fishers, were now always in sight. On turning an angle of the river they saw the country far before them, and many large places, the people of which had been apprized of their coming, and were collected apparently with hostile intentions. Orellana proffered to them trinkets, at which they scoffed; he persisted in making towards them, to get food either by persuasion or by force. A shower of arrows was kept up from the shore, which wounded five of the Spaniards, and Fray Gaspar among them. They nevertheless landed, and a brave battle ensued, wherein the Indians appeared not to be dismayed by the slaughter which was made among them. Fray Gaspar affirmed that ten or twelve Amazons7 fought at the head of these people, who were subject to their nation, and maintained the fight thus desperately, because any one who fled in battle would be beaten to death by these female tyrants. He described the women as very tall and large-limbed, white of complexion, the hair long, platted, and banded round the head; their only article of dress was a cincture, and they were armed with bows and arrows. The Spaniards slew seven or eight of them, and then the Indians fled. A trumpeter whom they made prisoner gave them much information concerning the interior; such bodies however were pouring in from all sides, that Orellana hastened to embark, without obtaining any booty. By

7 It is amusing to observe how this story was magnified where it was known only by tradition. In the Noticias do Brazil it is said that Orellana fought with a great army of women. 1. C. 4.

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this time, according to their computation, they had voyaged fourteen hundred leagues.

At safe distance from this perilous place they came to another large settlement, and the men seeing no natives urged their leader to land. He told them that if the people did not appear they were certainly lurking in ambush, and so it proved. The moment the brigantines were near enough, up they started, and discharged a flight of arrows. The brigantines had been pavaised since they left Machiparo's country, or they must have suffered severely now: as it was, Fray Gaspar lost one of his eyes, .. it would have been to his credit if he had lost both before he saw his white Amazons. The towns or villages on the South bank were nowhere more than half a league apart, and they were told that the country inland was equally populous. As Orellana had entered the province on St. John's day, he called it after his name the Province of S. Juan. Its extent he estimated at a hundred and fifty leagues of inhabited coast; he observed it with especial care, as a country which he hoped one day to make his own: it was high land, with many savannahs, and forests of corks and oaks of sundry species. In the middle of the river were many islands, at which he meant to land, supposing them to be uninhabited; but suddenly about two hundred canoes sallied out from them, each carrying from thirty to forty men, some of whom raised a loud discord with tambours, trumpets, three-stringed rebecks, and instruments which are described as mouth-organs, while they attacked the brigantines. The Spaniards, though they repelled these enemies, were so harrassed that they could not take in provisions at any of these islands. The land in them seemed to be high, fertile, and delightful, and they judged the largest to be fifty leagues in breadth. When the canoes had given over pursuit, Orellana landed in an oak-forest, and there by means of a

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vocabulary which he had made, interrogated a prisoner. He learnt from him that this country was subject to women, who lived after the manner of the Amazons of the antients, and who possessed gold and silver in abundance. There were in their dominions five temples of the Sun, all covered with plates of gold; their houses were of stone, and their cities walled. It is justly remarked by Herrera, that Orellana could not possibly in the course of his voyage have made a vocabulary8 by which such an account as this could have been understood. The truth is that, like Ralegh, having found a country which he thought worth conquering and colonizing, he invented just such falshoods about it as were most likely to tempt adventurers to join him in his projected enterprize. A few women had been seen fighting with bows and arrows; this had often been seen in America; .. his temples of the Sun were borrowed from Peru, and concerning them it should be observed, that he affirmed they were there, because he hoped and expected to find them there; .. cupidity and credulity made him a liar.

Here they thought again to enter upon an uninhabited country, but presently they saw upon the left bank large and goodly settlements, seated upon high ground. Orellana would not go near them, for he wished to avoid danger whenever it was to be avoided. The natives got into their canoes, and pushed off even into the middle of the river, to look at the brigantines, not offering to attack them. Their prisoner said that this province extended above a hundred leagues, and belonged to a Chief called Caripuna, who had much silver. At length they came to

8 Condamine prepared a vocabulary before he began his voyage down the river. He set down all the questions which it could be necessary for him to ask, but he forgot to put any answers. P. 111.

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Herrera. 6. 9. 5.

a village at which they thought themselves strong enough to call for food. The inhabitants stood upon their defence, and slew Antonio de Carranza; .. it was soon discovered that they used poisoned arrows. The Spaniards anchored under a forest, and made barricadoes to protect themselves against these dreadful weapons: .. here they thought they could perceive the tide9. After another day's voyage they came to some inhabited islands, and to their infinite joy saw that they had not been deceived, for the marks of the tide here were certain. Two squadrons of canoes issued from a small branch of the river and fiercely assailed them: the barricadoes were now of excellent service, and they repelled the assailants. Gaspar de Soria received a slight arrow-wound, and died within four and twenty hours, such was the force of the poison. This land upon the right shore belonged to a Chief called Chipayo. The canoes attacked them a second time; but a Biscayan, by name Perucho, brought down their Chief by a well aimed shot, and this as usual put an end to the action. The Spaniards then stood across the river to the North shore, the South side being too populous. This other was uninhabited, but it was plain that the interior was peopled. They rested here three days, and Orellana sent some of his men a league in, to explore the country; their report was that they had seen many people who seemed to be hunting, and that the land was good and fertile.

From this place the country was low, and they could never

9 Fray Gaspar said that a bird who had followed them a thousand leagues, crying huis, huis, which signified houses, whenever they were near habitations, here cried out huy, huy, (which the good Friar has not explained) and then left them. Cuenta otras cosas maravillosas, says Herrera, who seems to have had the narrative of this veracious Dominican before him.

O

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venture to land except upon the islands, among which they sailed, as they supposed, about two hundred leagues, the tide coming up with great force. These islands were inhabited. One day as they were about to land at one, the small brigantine struck upon a tree, which stove in one of her planks, and she filled. They however landed to seek for provisions: the inhabitants attacked them in such force that they were compelled to retire, and when they came to their vessels they found that the tide had left the only serviceable one dry. Orellana immediately ordered half his men to fight, and the other half to thrust her into the water; that done they righted the old brigantine, and fastened in a new plank; all which was compleated in three hours, by which time the Indians were weary of fighting, and left them in peace. They then embarked what stores they had won, and pushed off into the middle stream, for security during the night. The next day they found a desert place, where Orellana halted to repair both vessels. This took them eighteen days, for it was necessary to make nails: during that time they suffered much from hunger; .. a dead anta which they dragged out of the river proved a seasonable supply. As they drew near the Sea they halted again for fourteen days, to prepare for their sea-voyage; made cordage of herbs, and sewed the cloaks on which they slept into sails: while they were thus employed they lived upon shell-fish. On the 8th of August they proceeded once more, anchoring with stones when the tide-turned, though it sometimes came in with such strength as to drag these unstable anchors. Here the natives were happily of a milder mood than those whom they had lately dealt with; from them they procured roots and maize, and having laid in what store they could, they made ready to enter upon the Sea in these frail vessels, with their miserable tackling and insufficient food, without pilot, compass, or any knowledge of the coast.

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It was on the 26th of August that they sailed out of the river, passing between two islands, which were about four leagues asunder; .. the whole length of the voyage from the place where they had embarked to the Sea, they computed at eighteen hundred leagues. Thus far their weather had been always favourable, and it did not fail them now. They kept along the coast to the northward, just at safe distance. The two brigantines parted company in the night: they in the larger one got into the gulph of Paria, from whence all their labour at the oar for seven days could not extricate them. During this time they lived upon a sort of plum called hogos, being the only food they could find. At length they were whirled through those tremendous currents which Columbus called the Bocas del Dragon, and reached the island of Cubagua on September the 11th, not knowing where they were. The old brigantine had arrived at the same place two days before them. Here they were received with the welcome which their wonderful adventure deserved, and from hence Orellana proceeded to Spain to give the King an account of his discoveries in person.

Herrera. 6. 9. 6.

Orellana undertakes the conquest of the river.

The excuse which he made for having deserted his Commander was admitted. He solicited a grant of the conquest of the countries which he had explored, offering to take out an hundred horse, two hundred foot-soldiers, eight religioners, and materials for building brigantines at his own cost: this also was granted. The name of Nueva Andalusia was given to the province which he was to govern; the Islands were not to be within his jurisdiction; he was to convert the islanders if he could, to traffic with them if he would, but not to conquer or form any settlement among them: and he was instructed not to trespass upon the Portugueze limits. Every thing promised fairly; he raised funds and adventurers for the expedition, and even found a wife who was willing to accompany him. In May 1544, he set sail from San Lucar with four ships, and four hundred men10.

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Herrera. 7. 9. 8.

But the tide of Orellana's fortune had turned. He stopt three months at Teneriffe, and two at the Cape de Verds, where ninety-eight of his people died, and fifty were left behind as invalided. They proceeded with three ships, and met with contrary winds, which detained them till their water was gone; and had it not been for heavy rains all must have perished. One ship put back in this distress with seventy men and eleven horses on board, and was never heard of after. The remaining two reached the river. They procured food at some islands near the mouth, and would have landed there to refresh themselves and the horses, but Orellana would not permit this, saying the country was well peopled. Having ascended about a hundred leagues, they stopt to build a brigantine: provisions were scarce here, and fifty-seven more of the party died. These men were not, like his former comrades, seasoned to the climate, and habituated to the difficulties of the New World. One ship was broken up here for the materials; the other, when they had advanced about thirty leagues higher, broke her cable; she was then no longer serviceable, and they cut her up, and made a bark of the timbers. This was the labour of thirty perons for ten weeks.

While they were thus employed Orellana endeavoured to discover the main branch of the river, which it had been easy to

10 A heavy charge has been raised against Orellana; that Gonzalo Pizarro had embarked a great treasure in gold and emeralds in the brigantine, and that he appropriated them to his own use. This is every way improbable. Gonzalo had found no gold and no jewels on the expedition, and for what possible motive could he take any with him? Pizarro y Orellana makes no mention of this charge, which he certainly would have done had it been well founded. This wretched writer delivers it as his opinion, that nothing but the desertion of the brigantine prevented his great-uncle Gonzalo from conquering as rich an empire as had yet been discovered in America.

Varones Ilustres del Nuevo Mundo. Vida de G. Pizarro. C. 2.

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keep when carried down by the stream, but which he now sought in vain for thirty days, among a labyrinth of channels. When he returned from this fruitless search he was ill, and told his people that he would go back to Point S. Juan, for there he thought the main stream would be found, and there he ordered them to seek him, when they had compleated their work. After he had left them his people, who had demeaned themselves well towards the natives, and been well supplied with food, launched their vessel. A Cazique with six canoes accompanied them as far as the islands of Caritan and Marribiuque, and there consigned them to the Cazique of the latter place, who went with them thirty leagues farther as their guide. Here they thought they had found three principal channels; but the shipwrights had done their business ill; the bark was leaky; their men failed at the oar, and their currency of trinkets was almost exhausted. These numerous causes induced them to return. About forty leagues above the mouth of the river, they found a province which the natives called Comao, and which they supposed to be part of the main land; it consisted of extensive savannahs, and a stream ran through it. The inhabitants received them with great kindness, and gave them fish, ducks, poultry, maize, mandioc flour, potatoes, and a root called names: and here a hundred of the party chose to remain among them. They probably expected Orellana's death, or they would not have acted thus independently of him, instead of obeying his orders. A Spanish peacock was found at this place.

Death of Orellana.

The remainder of the Spaniards left the river, and coasted along towards the North, till they came to the Island of Margarita; there they found the brigantine, and learnt the fate of Orellana from his widow. Having in vain attempted to find the main stream, and feeling his sickness increase upon him, he determined to abandon the expedition, and return to Europe. While

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Herrera. 7. 9. 9.

he was seeking provisions for the voyage, the Indians slew seventeen of his men; what with vexation and his disorder, he died in the river; and then his widow and the other survivors made for Margarita. This was the fate of Orellana, who as a discoverer surpassed all his countrymen; as a conqueror he was unfortunate, and the happier it now is for him. He burnt no Indians alive, nor threw them to the war-dogs; and perhaps at his hour of death thanked God that success had never put it in his power to commit these atrocities, from which I do not believe that any one of the conquerors can be acquitted. The great river which he explored was formerly called after his name, and is marked by it in old maps. By that name I shall distinguish it, because its appellation from the Amazons is founded upon fiction, and is inconvenient; and its other name would occasion some confusion, belonging equally to the state of Maranham, and the island wherein the capital of that state is situated, both of which must often be mentioned in the course of this history. These are sufficient reasons for preferring the name of Orellana, even if there were not a satisfaction in rendering justice to his memory, by thus restoring to him his well-deserved honour.

Attempt of Luiz de Mello da Sylva.

Just after the failure of this expedition, Luiz de Mello da Sylva, sailing from Pernambuco, was driven northward along the coast, and entered the great river. He caught one of the natives; all that he saw of the country, and all that he could learn from this prisoner, pleased him well; and when he reached the Isle of Santa Margarita, he found there the survivors of Orellana's party, whom their own sufferings had not so far discouraged, but that they advised him to repeat the attempt which had proved to them so unfortunate. On his arrival in Portugal he applied for permission to form a settlement there; Joam de Barros waived his right to the Captaincy; the King lent assistance to Luiz de Mello, for his own means would have been inadequate, and he

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1573.

Noticias. MSS. 1. c. 4.

Berredo. § 82—3.

set sail with three ships and two caravels11. The armament was lost upon the shoals, just as that of Aires da Cunha had been lost before it. One of the caravels escaped, and by this the Commander was picked up and saved. He returned to Lisbon, went out to India, enriched himself there, and after twenty-five years hard service, embarked for the mother country, with the resolution of once more adventuring himself and his fortune in an attempt to settle the Captaincy of Maranham. But the ship San Francisco, in which he sailed, was never heard of after her departure from India.

11 Rocha Pitta (2. § 40—42) places this expedition before that of Aires da Cunha. He also says that the sons of Barros returned to Portugal. He gives no dates, and is, as usual, as little studious of accuracy in facts as in time.

[page 104]

CHAPTER V.

Cabeza de Vaca succeeds Mendoza in the Plata.—He marches overland from S. Catalina.—Advances from Asumpcion up the Paraguay, and marches into the country towards Peru in search of gold.—The Spaniards return for want of food, .. mutiny against him, and send him prisoner to Spain.

CHAP. IV. 1540.

Cabeza de Vaca succeeds Mendoza.

After the ill success of Don Pedro de Mendoza it might have been thought that no adventurer would be found sanguine enough to risk his property upon the same enterprize; the vacant post of Adelantado was however solicited by Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca, .. of all men the one who might least have been expected to expose himself to the dangers of such an expedition, for he had been ten years a slave among the barbarous tribes of Florida. The office was granted him on the supposition that Ayolas was lost; if however that officer should appear again, the government was to vest in him, according to Mendoza's appointment, and Cabeza de Vaca was then to be second in command. He engaged to expend eight thousand ducats in his preparations, and he set sail, November 2, 1540, with two ships and one caravel, carrying four hundred soldiers,

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Comentarios de Cubesa de Vaca. Co. 1. Herrera. 7.2.8.

all bearing double arms1. The largest of the ships proved leaky, by which accident much of their stores was spoiled, and they were obliged to work at the pumps day and night till they reached the Cape de Verds: there the vessel was unloaded, and the master, who was the best diver in Spain, stopt the leak. It was remarked, as something almost miraculous, that not one of the fleet died, though they remained five and twenty days at these islands.

The ships saved by means of a Grillo.

Mar. 29. Comentarios c. 2.

When they had crossed the line, the state of the water was enquired into; and it was found that of an hundred casks there remained but three to supply four hundred men, and thirty horses: upon this the Adelantado gave orders to make the nearest land. Three days they stood towards it. A soldier, who set out in ill health, had brought a grillo, or ground-cricket, with him from Cadiz, thinking to be amused by the insect's voice; but it had been silent the whole way, to his no little disappointment. Now on the fourth morning the grillo began to ring its shrill rattle; scenting, as was immediately supposed, the land. Such was the miserable watch which had been kept, that upon looking out at this warning, they perceived high rocks within bowshot; against which, had it not been for the insect, they must inevitably have been lost. They had just time to drop anchor. From hence they coasted along, the grillo singing every night as if it had been on shore, till they reached the island of S. Catalina,

1 Todos los que se of recieron a ir en la jornada llevaron las armas dobladas.

Coment. c. 1.

It was a part of his instructions, que ningun Governador echasse cavallo a yegua. Herrera. 7, 2, 8. Perhaps this had been complained of, because a soldier who, like Gradasso, rode a mare, would be for a time deprived of her services, and compelled to go on foot.

P

[page] 106

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and there they disembarked. Of forty-six horses, twenty died upon the voyage.

He resolves to march overland from the coast.

Cabeza de Vaca took possession of this island, and of the coast of Brazil from Cananea, which lay about fifty leagues North of it, in 25° South latitude, for the crown of Castille. Having learnt from the natives that there were two Franciscans a few leagues off2, he sent for them. They were Fray Bernaldo de Armenta, and Fray Alonso Lebron, men who proved to be little qualified for the service which they had undertaken: the party who were with them had provoked the Indians by setting fire to some of their houses, and the Adelantado made peace between them. He dispatched the caravel to Buenos Ayres to bring him news of the state of the settlements: the season of the year was unfavourable, and the vessel not being able to get into the river, returned. It happened however that nine Spaniards arrived at the island in a boat; by their own account they had fled from Buenos Ayres because of ill treatment3, and from them he learnt the death of Ayolas. This information determined him to march by land to Asumpcion. He sent the Factor, Pedro Dorantes, forward to inspect the way, and waited about fourteen weeks till he returned; then set out on his march, contrary to the advice of some of his officers, who urged him to go in the ships to Buenos Ayres. But he thought the land journey would be more expeditious, and wished to explore the country; and as they were marching to a Spanish settlement, this was the wisest resolution. The Friars he would have sent back to their

2 Probably two of those who went out with Alonso de Cabrera.

3 The account which they gave of themselves seems to have been false, .. for Buenos Ayres had been abandoned: they made also complaints of Yrala's conduct, which have a suspicious appearance, coming from Cabeza de Vaca.

[page] 107

CHAP. V. 1541.

Comentorios 3—6.

mission, but they chose to accompany him, and administer their spiritual services at Asumpcion. He left one hundred and forty men, under Pedro Estopiñan Cabeza de Vaca, to go in the ships, and took with him two hundred and fifty cross-bowmen and harquebusseers, and his six and twenty horse. Immediately on setting out, he crost the river Ytabucu, and took possession of the province.

Oct. 18. Cabesa de Vaca begins his march.

The Guaranies.

No man could be better qualified to command in such a march than this Adelantado, because of the miserable experience which he had acquired in Florida of such travelling, and of the nature of the Indians. He had taken the best possible measure in sending Dorantes first to explore the way, and from his report he knew how long it would be before they could reach an inhabited country. Nineteen days they travelled through woods and over mountains, oftentimes cutting their way before them; then, just as their stores were expended, they came to the first settlement. This part of the interior was possessed by the Guaranies, one of the most numerous and most improved tribes. They cultivated mandioc and maize, of which they had two harvests in the year; they reared fowls and ducks, and kept parrots in their houses; but, like their kindred tribes, they were cannibals, and this accursed practice was, like the slave trade, first the consequence of war, and then the cause of it. Cabeza de Vaca demeaned himself towards them with politick kindness: the gifts which he distributed to their Chiefs, and the liberal price which he paid for food, obtained better treatment and more abundant supplies, than the respectable force of his army could have done, had force alone been trusted to. On the first of December they came to the Yguazu, or the Great Water, and in two days more to the Tibagi, which flows over a bed of rock, lying in such squares as if it had been artificially paved. It was not deep, but the stream so rapid, and

[page] 108

CHAP. V. 1541.

Comentorios 6—7.

this pavement so slippery, that the horses could not have crost unless they had been fastened one to another. This day they met Miguel, a converted Indian of Brazil, coming from Asumpcion, where he had dwelt for some time, and now on the way to his own country. He offered to turn back and be their guide, and the Adelantado then dismissed the natives of S. Catalina, who had accompanied him thus far.

The means whereby Cabeza de Vaca was able to keep on good terms with the Guaranies were these. He never suffered his people to enter their houses, nor permitted any persons to purchase for themselves; some, who understood the language, were appointed commissaries for this purpose, and the whole was at his expence. The horses struck terror into the natives. They besought the Adelantado that he would tell these tremendous animals not to be angry, for they would give them food in plenty; and they brought out honey and fowls for them, and whatever else they thought might serve as a peace-offering. The horses were however as much the object of curiosity as of fear, and women and children were brought from far to behold them. On the 7th they reached the Taquari, a considerable river, as probably every stream is to which the natives have given a name, .. the smaller ones were innumerable. On the 14th they left the inhabited country, and had once more to contend with woods, and marshes, and mountains. In the course of one day they were obliged to make eighteen bridges for the horse. A thorny cane was a great obstacle to them in this part of their march; twenty men were obliged always to go before, cutting it away. The boughs were often so thick over head, as completely to shut out the sky from sight. After five days of this labour, they came again to a Guarani settlement, where they were well supplied with poultry, honey, potatoes, maize, and flour made from the stone-pine, .. a food which none of the Spanish adventurers had met with till

[page] 109

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Flour made from the stone pine.

Comentarios 7. 9.

Herrera. 7. 2. 9.

now. This tree grows in that country to a prodigious height; four men could not grasp the trunk, in its ordinary growth: the cones are proportionably fine, and the pine-nuts as large as acorns4. The monkies fed upon these nuts; they climbed the tree, swung themselves by the tail, and then with hands, or feet, threw down the fruit; but the wild boars understood this, and used to assemble underneath and eat the nuts, while the monkies chattered at them from aloft. In this place, which was called Tugui, the Adelantado halted a few days in honour of Christmas; at other times, though often urged to let the men rest, he had refused; and they now perceived, from the ill effects of a few days remission, how necessary exercise was to preserve them in health.

1542.

A grub used for food.

A winding river, whose banks were beautifully clothed with cypress and cedar, gave them much trouble in crossing and re-crossing it for four days. The potatoes in this country were of three sorts, white, yellow, and red, all large and excellent: there was also plenty of honey. With the new year they entered again upon a desert, and for the first time were in want of food. They found however a good resource in what European prejudice would at another time have rejected. A large white

4 The translator of Techo, in Churchill's Collection, absurdly calls them pineapples. These trees, according to that author, shed their boughs, so that only the signs of them appear, and the knots which they leave are so hard, that when polished, they resemble bone rather than wood. The Guaranies of the Reductions turn beads of them for rosaries, and make images of the larger; by laying them at some distance before a fire, the resin which they contain diffuses itself over the surface, and at once dies them red and varnishes them. The native name of the tree is Curiyeh, .. the last syllable of this word is aspirated; this being premised, there is no occasion of a new character to express the sound.

Dobrizhoffer. T. 1. P. 401.

[page] 110

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grub, about the size of a man's little finger, is bred between the joints of a certain species of cane; these grubs are fat enough to be fried in their own grease5; the Indians eat them, and the Spaniards being now forced to make the proof, admitted that they were savoury. Other canes grew there, which contained good water. In six days they came again to habitations. It was necessary here to reprimand the two Franciscans; they had brought with them, in defiance of the Adelantado's orders, a useless train of converts, old and young;

5 Antonio de Ullos, in his Noticias Americanas (Entretenimiento. 6. §. 11.) says this grub has the singular property of producing milk in women, aunque no esten en positura de tenerla. The Argentina (Canto 3.) adds a stranger fable, .. that they first became butterflies, and then mice. There are two sorts of these, says D. Martin—

De los unos y de otros he comido;
En muy poco defleren sus sabores,
Estaudo el uno y otro derretido;
Manteca fresca a mi me parescia,
Mas sabe Dios la hambre que tenia!

In Ponto et Phrygiâ vermes albos et obesos, qui nigello capite sunt, et nascuntur in lignorum carie, pro magnis reditibus pater-familias exigit, et quo modo apud nos attagen et ficedula, mullus et scarus in deliciis computantur, ita apud illos ξυλофо comedisse luxuria est.

St. Hieron. ad Jovin, L. 2. quoted in Hole's Remarks on the Arab. Nights Ent. p. 94.

The Spaniards of Santiago in Tucuman, when they go seeking honey in the woods, cleave certain palm-trees upon their way, and on their return find large grubs in the wounded trees, which they fry as a delicious food.

Dobrizhoffer. T. 1. P. 410.

The caterpillar, or maggot of the palm-tree snout beetle, (curculio pal) is served up at all the luxurious tables of West Indian epicures, particularly of the French, as the greatest dainty of the western world.

Winterbottom's Account of the Sierra Leone Africans, Vol. 1. 314. note.

[page] 111

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Comentarios 9.

and with these they thought proper to advance before the army, and eat up the provisions. The Spaniards would have driven them and their retinue away, if Cabeza de Vaca would have permitted. He contented himself with strictly forbidding them to pursue this conduct; they regarded this as little as they had done his former prohibition; here, however, they ventured to leave him and take a road by themselves. He had the humanity to send after them, and compel them to come back; otherwise they would soon have met with the fate which they seem to have deserved.

On the 14th they came again to the banks of the Yguazu, a river which is described to be as broad as the Guadalquivir. The inhabitants here were the richest in all these parts; and this word is applied to them in its wisest and truest meaning; they lived in the most fruitful country, and every man partook of the abundance. From hence Cabeza de Vaca sent two Indians forward with letters to Asumpcion, informing the Spaniards of his approach, and here he left four of his men who were unable to proceed, with Francisco Orejon, who was lamed by the bite of a dog. The tidings of his coming ran before him, and his people every where experienced the good effects of their good order. The natives came out to meet them, and made the ways ready when they drew nigh; and the old women received them with great joy, .. a thing of no little consequence, for old women were unaccountably held in high veneration here, which old men were not. On the last day of January they came to the same river Yguazu, a branch of which, bearing the same name, they had crost so long before. This river, known also by the name of Rio Grande de Curituba, falls into the Parana. A party of Portugueze, whom Martim Affonso de Sousa had sent to explore the country, had been cut off by the natives while crossing it. The Adelantado was informed that the tribe which bordered

[page] 112

CHAP. V. 1542.

Comentarios 10. 11.

upon the river Pequeri, was preparing to cut him off in like manner; and in consequence of this information he determined to go with a part of the army down this river, while the rest marched along its shore, till they reached the Parana. Canoes were purchased of the natives, and he embarked in them with eighty men. They had hardly began their voyage before they were whirled away by the current. It seems as if the natives had wished for their destruction, for they were near the tremendous falls of the Yguazu.

Falls of the Yguazu.

This river, which flows tranquilly through forests of gigantic trees, preserving in its course an uniform breadth of about a mile, takes a Southern direction some three miles before it reaches the fall, its contracted width being four hundred and eighty-two fathoms, its depth from twelve to twenty feet, and its banks little elevated. As it approaches the descent several small islands, and many reefs and detached rocks on the left hand side, confine its channel and direct it a little to the Westward. Not far below them the waters of the middle channel begin their descent. The shallower branch makes its way along the Eastern bank among reefs and rocks, where it falls sometimes in cataracts, sometimes in sheets, till being confined on that side by the shore, it makes its last descent from a small projection, two hundred and eighty fathoms from the point where it began. The waters fall first upon a shelf of rock jutting about twenty feet out, then precipitate themselves into the great bason, which is eight and twenty fathoms below the upper level. The Western branch seems to rest after its broken course in a large bay, formed by the projecting point of an island, then pours itself by a double cataract into the great bason. The breadth of this Western branch is thirty-three fathoms, and from the point where the descent begins on this side to its last fall is a distance of six hundred and fifty-six. On the fall the water

[page] 113

CHAP. V. 1542.

rises during the floods five feet, and below it five and twenty. The breadth of the channel opposite the island is forty fathoms, and sixty-five a league below the fall, to which distance the waters still continue in a state of agitation. Enormous trunks of trees are seen floating down, or whirled to the edge of the the bason, or entangled among the reefs and broken rocks, or caught by the numerous islands which lie in the midst of the stream, and some in the very fall itself, dividing and subdividing its waters into an infinity of channels. From the bason the collected river flows with a force which nothing can resist, through rocks, eighty or a hundred feet in height, of hard stone, in some places brown, in others of a deep red colour inclining to purple. No fish, it is said, can endure to approach this dreadful place. A thick vapour rises ten fathoms high in a clear day, twenty at morning, when the sky is overcast. This cloud is visible from the Parana, and the sound of the fall is distinctly heard there, .. a distance of twelve miles in a right line6.

Passage of the Parana

Aware of danger from the increased rapidity of the stream, and hearing the sound of the Falls, the Spaniards got to shore in time, carried the canoes half a league over land with great difficulty, then re-embarked, and both parties reached the point of junction in safety. The Parana, which they were now to cross, was a long bow-shot in width, and the stream ran with great strength. A large body of Guaranies were assembled on the banks, their bodies painted of many colours, and smeared with oker: their coronals were of parrots feathers; .. it was a pleasure, says the journalist,

6 This description is from a manuscript account of the Falls, in the Spanish language. The author remained eight days on the spot for the purpose of making observations; he was well qualified to be correct in his measurements, and the account is to be relied on. The exact situation of the Falls is in latitude 25° 42′ 20″ S.: longitude 3° 47′ 50″ East of Buenos Ayres.

Q

[page] 114

CHAP. V. 1542.

Comentarios. 11—13.

to behold the show they made. Cabeza de Vaca sent his interpreters to conciliate them, and making presents to their Chiefs he won their good will, and they helped him in his passage. Rafts were made for the horses by fastening two canoes together. There were many whirlpools in the river. One canoe was upset, and one Spaniard carried down by the stream and lost. Here the Adelantado expected to have found brigantines from Asumpcion awaiting him, to secure this passage where he might have been so greatly annoyed by the Guaranies, and to take on board such of his people as were now disabled by the fatigue of so painful a march. None however appeared; there were about thirty sick men who could not proceed, and it was not safe to tarry with them among a tribe suspected to be hostile, and known to be treacherous. It was resolved to send them upon these same rafts down the Parana to the care of Francisco, a converted Indian who lived upon its banks. A Chief, by name Yguaron, undertook to conduct them there; the place was four days distance, and fifty men were sent to protect them.

Arrival at Asumpcion.

Techo in Churchill, P. 36.

The land march which still remained to be performed was computed to be a journey of nine days. Cabeza de Vaca performed the ceremony of taking possession of the Parana, a ceremony which he seems to have omitted no opportunity of performing, .. and then proceeded. The ways were worse because of the number of rivers and marshes which lay between; but the people were still of the same language, and continued to be friendly. The country between the Parana and the Paraguay is divided by a chain of mountains. Towards the South they slope gradually, and all the streams which they discharge into the former river are clear; on the North they are precipitous; the waters roll down into a marshy muddy land, and render the Paraguay turbid. A messenger from Asumpcion met him. He

[page] 115

CHAP. V. 1542.

Coment. 12—13.

reported that the Spaniards there were in such distress, that although they had received his letters, they could scarcely give credit to tidings so joyful till they had seen him with their own eyes. From this man the Adelantado learnt of the evacuation of Buenos Ayres; he learnt also that the Spaniards repented having evacuated it, because vessels which might arrive would have no place to shelter in, and therefore they had lost all hope of receiving succours. This intelligence made him quicken his march, that he might send to relieve the ships, which he knew must needs be in great distress in consequence of the desertion of that settlement. As he drew nearer the Guaranies came out to meet him, and clear the way for his coming; they supplied him plentifully, and brought their wives and children with them, the surest pledge of amicable intentions. Many among them addressed him in good Spanish. At length, on the eleventh of March, he reached Asumpcion, where he produced his powers, and was received as Governor. The wands of justice were resigned into his hands; he appointed new officers, and there seemed to be general joy at his arrival.

Danger of the sick and their escort.

Meantime the sick and their escort had been in great danger. As soon as the Adelantado was departed, and the Indians had nothing more to fear from his power, nor to hope from his liberality, they attempted to cut off this detachment. One party pursued them in canoes; another assailed them from the banks, striving to drag the rafts to shore with long hooks; could they have effected this, the Spaniards must soon have been overpowered by numbers. Day and night this harrassing warfare was continued for fourteen days: all that the Spaniards could do was to keep the mid stream, shield themselves as well as they could, and let the current carry them down. The whirlpools frequently endangered them, and had it not been for their utmost exertion, must have driven them to shore, where their des-

[page] 116

CHAP. V. 1542.

Coment. 14.

Orders given to re-settle Buenos Ayres.

truction would have been inevitable. At length the Indian Francisco having heard of their approach, came to their assistance, and took them to an island which he possessed, where their wounds were healed, and they recovered from their fatigue and hunger. Cabeza de Vaca sent brigantines to bring them from hence, and they reached Asumpcion thirty days after him.

Immediately on his arrival he had dispatched two brigantines to Buenos Ayres, to relieve the ships, and ordered two others to be built as speedily as possible, that they might follow them and re-establish that important place, without which any settlements in the interior must always be insecure. For not only did vessels after the voyage from Europe need a port where they could find supplies, and land their sick, but it was necessary also to build brigantines before they could proceed up the river; and how was this to be done where there were no provisions, and the natives hostile? He provided this detachment with a skin of wine for the ceremony of the mass: and gave them strict orders neither to provoke nor injure the Indians on their way.

Coment. 13.

The Guaranies.

The Guaranies who dwelt in the immediate vicinity of Asumpcion differed from the Brazilian tribes in their mode of killing a captive. The women fattened him. He was then tricked with all their adornments of plumery and strings of bone, and led out to dance for an hour. Then a warrior felled him by a blow on the loins and another on the shins, given with the macana, or wooden sword, which was held in both hands. When he had thus been felled, three boys, about six years old, were put to hammer at his head with little hatchets7, their parents and kinsmen standing by, and telling them to be valiant, and

7 Of copper, it is said in these Commentaries; but this must be erroneous, for there is no metal of any kind found in this part of the country.

[page] 117

CHAP. V. 1542.

Coment.. 16.

learn how to kill their enemies. It is said that the skulls of these people were so thick, that though one blow with the macana would fell an ox, it required five or six to bring one of them down. He who struck the first blow at one of these butcheries, took from that time the name of the victim. Cabeza de Vaca assembled these Guaranies, and told them that as vassals of the King of Spain they must leave off such abominations, and come to the knowledge of God and the Christian faith.

The Agaces.

The Paraguay was infested by a hunting and fishing tribe, called Agaces, who were the pirates, or free-booters of the country, and exceeded the Payagoaes in cruelty. It was their practice when they had taken any prisoners with their flying squadrons of canoes, to carry them from time to time back to their places of abode, and when their kinsmen, wives, or children came out to treat for their ransom, torture them till provisions were given to purchase a remission of cruelty. They usually killed them at last, and fixed their heads upon stakes, on the shores of the river. This accursed race were terrified at the Adelantado's arrival, and came to request peace. He granted it on condition of their giving up all the prisoners who were then in their power, and promising never more to offend either the Spaniards or their allies, nor even to enter that part of the river which ran through their territories, except by daylight.

Coment. 17.

The Guaycurus.

The allies of the Spaniards complained also of the injuries which they suffered from the Guaycurus, a tribe of whom they stood in great fear. The Guaycurus were hunters, and had therefore no fixed habitations. The mats of which they made their tents were easily removed from one place to another, when they had exhausted the game round about; few beasts escaping them,.. for if their arrows failed they could run down the swiftest. In November they gathered the pods of the Algarroba, or carob

[page] 118

CHAP. V. 1542.

Coment. 19.

Jolis. C. & 6 A. 11.

Techo in Churchill, p. 32.

tree, which they preserved in flour; and of this they made a strong drink. Each Cazique had his limits of wandering; they sometimes overpassed them in hunting or fishing, and this license was permitted to all of the same nation, but not to borderers of a different stock. They paid singular honours to a Chief; when he was about to spit, they who were near held out their hands to receive his saliva.

Before a Guaycuru can be admitted to the rank of warrior, he must give proof of his courage by showing that he can endure pain as if he were insensible to it. This they do by cutting and piercing themselves in the tenderest parts. Boys are trained up to glory in these exhibitions of fortitude, and to engage in mock wars with real fury. Their attacks were usually made by night, and the darkest nights were chosen. The rank which an individual had attained was distinguished by the fashion in which the hair was cut. The men are naked, but in some degree disguise nakedness by painting their bodies. Such among them as would be coxcombs in Europe wear a net upon the head. The women are decently clothed from the waist with skins, or cloth: above it they tattoo themselves. When a Chief is buried, some slay themselves to bear him company, others are killed. They erect huts in their cemeteries for the dead, and repair them when needful; and here they lay food, clothing, and whatever they think the spirit can require. The Enacagas, one of the tribes into which this nation is divided, are held in abhorrence by the others, because they make no scruple of opening the graves for the sake of what has been buried with the dead. It is their belief that the souls of the wicked pass into the bodies of wild beasts.

They destroy all deformed children, all illegitimate ones, and all twins, probably from a notion that they must needs be feeble. A custom yet more barbarous, and far more singular,

[page] 119

CHAP. V. 1542.

Coment. 19.

Techo in Churchill, p. 32.

Jolis. C. & 6. A. 11.

is, that a mother rears8 only one child; either procuring abortion, or killing the rest as soon as born. The one which they save is indulged in every want and wish, however capricious. A sort of monogamy is established among them; with respect to the men, it is merely having many wives in succession, instead of many at once; because they change as often as they chuse; yet this custom is better than polygamy; the women are not enslaved by it, and it is probably owing to this cause that they are treated with respect. In this remarkable and important point the Guaycurus differed from most other savages; and if the women of their enemies fell into their power, they never detained them prisoners, nor injured them in any way.

Cabersa de Vaca marches against the Guaycurus.

Cabeza de Vaca investigated the truth of the complaints against this nation with ridiculous formality. He examined witnesses to prove the actual fact of hostility committed by the Guaycurus, and required the Friars to pronounce sentence of war against them, as capital enemies. Two Spaniards who understood their language were then sent, with a priest in company and a sufficient guard, to summon them to make peace with the Guaranies, and yield obedience to the King of Castille, which summons they were to repeat three times. The messengers were received with scorn, and driven back by force, and the Adelantado with two hundred men and twelve horse began his march against them. So large a body of Guaranies assembled for this expedition, that they were eight hours crossing the river in two hundred canoes. When the passage was effected and they were about to enter the enemies country, they asked permission of the Adelantado to make him the customary present on such occasions. Every Chief gave him a painted bow,

8 Probably only one of each sex is meant: the tribe would otherwise have soon been extinct, as every generation must have halved it.

[page] 120

CHAP. V. 1542.

Coment. 20—22.

Herrera. 7 6. 14.

and a painted arrow winged with parrots feathers, and every man gave an arrow: the whole afternoon was employed in this ceremony. These allies were smeared with oker and painted with divers colours. They wore white beads upon the neck, coronals of the richest plumery, and a plate of burnished copper upon the forehead, which they said, was meant to dazzle the eyes of their enemies, and confuse them. Hitherto they had brought in store of venison and of ostriches to the army; but now that they were in the country of the Guaycurus, they no longer hunted, for they hoped to fall upon them by surprize.

Coment. 24.

The Spaniards had little confidence in their allies, and thought it as necessary to keep watch against them as against the enemy. The second night a jaguar, the tyger of South America, got into the camp among the Guaranies; an uproar arose, and the Spaniards immediately suspecting treachery, beat to arms, set up the cry of Santiago, and attacked them. They instantly fled: as soon as the cause of the disturbance was discovered, Cabeza de Vaca went to them, and with great difficulty succeeded in convincing them of the mistake, and reconciling them. He himself had narrowly escaped in the confusion; two musquet balls had grazed his face; and this he imputed to design, not to accident; for he thought that Yrala regretted the authority of which he had been dispossessed by his arrival, and that he would scruple at no means of regaining it.

Just as order was restored, one of the scouts arrived with intelligence that the Guaycurus, who had been on the move, were pitching their tents about three leagues off. It was now about midnight; the Adelantado set out immediately, that he might fall upon them at day-break, and he ordered a white cross to be made with plaister upon the backs and breasts of the allies, that they might not be hurt by mistake. They reached the place while it was yet dark, and waited till it should be

[page] 121

CHAP. V. 1542.

light enough for the attack: there were about twenty of their matted tents, if tents they may be called, each about five hundred paces in length. The number of fighting men in the horde was estimated at four thousand9. Cabeza de Vaca gave orders to leave a way by which the enemy might escape, his object being to intimidate, not to destroy them. The mouths of the horses, bridled and bitted as they were, were filled with grass, to prevent them from neighing. Amid these precautions the Guaranies were trembling with fear; even the presence of such allies could not give them any confidence against so formidable a tribe, now that the hour of trial was come. While Cabeza de Vaca was exhorting them to take courage and attack their enemies, the Guaycurus began their morning song and beat of tambour; it was a song of exultation; .. they called upon all nations to come against them if they dared, .. for though we are few, said they, we are braver than all other people, and are lords of the earth, and of all the vson of the woods, and of the rivers, and of all the fish therein. Every day this was their song just before the dawn; and when the break of morning appeared, it was their custom to come out, and fall upon the ground, .. probably in adoration of the rising sun. According to this custom they came out now, holding torches in their hands; they saw the lighted matches of the harquebusseers, and soon discovered the army which was come against them; but instead of running back in alarm, they bravely demanded what men were bold enough to come to their tents. A Guarani Chief made answer, I am Hector (it was the name by which he had been

9 There must surely be some great exaggeration in this account; what with old and young women, each dormitory must have contained at least five hundred persons upon this computation. Such tents must be as long as a Bazar, and would be more troublesome to erect than many smaller ones.

R

[page] 122

CHAP. V. 1542.

christened) and I am come with my people to take exchange for those whom ye have slain. This was their phrase to signify revenge. You come in a bad hour, replied the Guaycurus, for you will fare after them; and throwing their torches at the Spaniards they went in for their arms, and in an instant rushed out and attacked them, as if they had the utmost contempt for their assailants.

The Guaranies drew back, and would have fled if they dared. By this time the horses poitrals, which were hung with bells, had been put on, and Cabeza de Vaca charged at their head. At this unexpected mode of attack, and the sight of animals which they had never seen before, they instantly took to flight, and set fire to their tents. The smoke secured their retreat, and taking advantage of this they slew two Spaniards and twelve Indians, and bore away their heads as trophies. This mode of killing and beheading at the same time was effected with singular and barbarous dexterity; they clenched the foe by the hair, sawed round his neck, and twirling the head at the same time, it came off with inconceivable facility. The instrument with which they performed this was the jaw of the Palometa. No other animal so small is furnished with such formidable teeth as this fish; for though its ordinary weight does not exceed two or three pounds, and it is half as wide as it is long; it attacks men when swimming, and is far more dreaded in this part of South America than the crocodile. Each jaw contains fourteen teeth, so sharp that the Abipones shear their sheep with the pair10. One of these brave Indians, like Eleazar with the elephant,

10 Dobrizhoffer. T. 1. P. 370. Binos milites Hispanos, says this author, qui nantes in flumine nantes equos sequebantur, perfeetissime eviratos a palometis novi. They will bite a man's foot half through. This is donbtless the pery of Surinam, against which Stedman was cautioned by the negro old Caramaca.

Narrative of an Exped. to Surinam. T. 1. P. 151. 157.

[page] 123

CHAP. V. 1542.

Comentarios 26—26.

was determined to see what the horses were, and whether they were vulnerable; he caught one by the neck and ran three arrows clean through it, nor could the Spaniards make him quit his hold, till they had slain him. But in general it was the custom of these people when they found themselves so utterly overpowered as to have no hope of victory, to yield themselves and not attempt any unavailing resistance. Perhaps they thought it more honourable to be slain at a feast, than to die in battle. The Spaniards made about four hundred prisoners, men, women, and children, and then began their march homeward. It required all their vigilance to protect the Guaranies, for when one of those allies had laid hold of a feather, an arrow, a piece of one of the tent-mats, or any thing belonging to the enemy, off he set with it to his own country as a trophy of victory. This folly threw many into the hands of the Guaycurus, who lost no opportunity of harrassing them on their return.

The Yapirues.

Comentarios 27.

When the Adelantado reached Asumpcion, he found six Yapirues detained there as prisoners. Their tribe were of gigantic stature, hunters and fishers, and enemies both of the Guaranies and Guaycurus, .. of which latter they stood greatly in fear; and having heard that the Spaniards were going against them, sent these deputies to offer their alliance and assistance; but Gonzalo de Mendoza, who had been left in command, suspected they were come as spies, and had therefore detained them. Cabeza de Vaca conversed with them through an interpreter, found that their intention was friendly, and dismissed them with a favourable reply. In a few days the Chiefs of the tribe came to Asumpcion, and left some of their sons and daughters as hostages, whom the Adelantado ordered to be instructed in the Christian religion. He would fain have sent some of the Religioners to convert these people, but they said it was impossible to do any good among them, and declined the

[page] 124

CHAP. V. 1542.

mission. The truth was, that he had a worthless set of Friars, who had neither zeal nor honesty, and who were far more willing to share in the spoils of the Indians, than to make any effort for their benefit.

Peace with the Guaycurus.

He then set at liberty one of the Guaycurus, told him that none of the prisoners were to be made slaves, and bade him go bring his countrymen that they might establish peace. The whole horde came to the invitation in perfect confidence, and sent twenty men across the river as their representatives, while the rest remained with the women and children on the other shore. The deputies seated themselves upon one foot, as was their manner, and said that hitherto they and their forefathers had been wont to conquer all enemies; but that as the Spaniards had now conquered them, a thing which they never expected, they were willing to serve their conquerors. Cabeza de Vaca received them affably, and explained to them the right of the King of Castille to all that country; they better understood his presents, and the liberation of their countrymen, not only from the Spaniards, but also those whom their old enemies the Guaranies had taken. From this time the Guaycurus were long the most useful allies of the Spaniards, proving themselves as faithful in peace, as they were courageous in war. Every eight days they brought provisions to sell, consisting of game which they had preserved by the Boucan, here called the Barbacoa, fish, and some kinds of butter, which must either mean lard or inspissated oil. They brought also dressed skins, and cloth made of a species of thistle, and stained of many colours. For these they received, from the Guaranies, maize, mandioc, and mandubis, a sort of earth-nut, the product of their agriculture. These markets, or rather fairs, delighted them as much as war had done. They strove which could pass the river first with their laden canoes, of which there were usually about

[page] 125

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two hundred; frequently they ran against each other and upset; such accidents were matter of mirth to the parties, as well as to the beholders. They were as vociferous in trade as in battle, but all past on in the best humour. How soon would the Romans have made such a people as civilized as themselves11!

Comentarios 29—31.

Comentarios 28. 33.

During the Adelantado's absence upon this expedition the Agaces had broken the peace. No sooner was he departed than the women whom they had left as hostages at Asumpcion fled, and told them the town was left defenceless. They attempted to set fire to it, but were discovered by the centinels in time; they then wasted the fields, and carried off many prisoners. Process was made against them as soon as Cabeza de Vaca returned, war denounced with fire and sword; and about a dozen of them who were prisoners, were sentenced to be hung. But these savages who were to suffer for the offences of their tribe, concealed some knives, and when the officers went to bring them out to execution, stood upon their defence, and wounded several of them. Assistance came in time to save them; two of the Agaces were slain in prison, and the rest executed according to their sentence.

11 Jolis divides the Guaycurus, or Mbayas as they are frequently called, into seven tribes, 1. the Guetiadegodis, or inhabitants of the mountain, which divides their territory from the Chiquitos; 2.3. two branches both called Cadiguegodis, a a name taken from the little river Cadiguegui, near which they lived; 4. the Lichagotegodeguis, inhabitants of the Red Land; who dwell about the river Tareiri; 5. the Apachodegoguis, inhabitants of the plain of the Ostriches; 6. the Eyibegodeguis, or Northerns, who are also called the Enacagas, or the Hidden Ones. This latter name Jolis supposes to be derived from their belief that they formerly lived under the earth, till a dog made way out for them. They live upon the river Mboimboi. 7. the Gotocoguegodeguis, they who dwell among the canes. Their territory lies between the rivers Mboimboi and Iguarii. L. 6. Art. 11.

Either these names have been written carelessly, or barbarous as they are, they seem to imply a singular rule of mutation in compound words. The Guaycurus are now an equestrian nation.

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CHAP. V. 1542.

Buenos Ayres a second time abandoned.

1549. Feb. 3.

Comentarios 37—38.

Meantime the ships which carried the remainder of the armament from St. Catalina to the River Plata reached Buenos Ayres, where instead of finding a settlement of their countrymen, and the relief which they expected, they saw a high pole with these words cut upon it, 'here is a letter!' The letter was buried underneath in an earthen pot; it stated that the Spaniards had abandoned the place and removed to Asumpcion. This occasioned them great distress and great danger. The natives harrassed them, they were in want of food, and a party of five and twenty took the boat and fled to Brazil, to escape famine; .. it is no wonder that famine was dreaded at Buenos Ayres! Had the succour which the Adelantado sent, reached them a day later, they must all have perished; for, on the very night of its arrival, the Indians attacked them in great force, and set fire to their camp, nor was it without much difficulty, reinforced as they were, that they were able to repulse them. They began to rebuild the town, but to no purpose; it was the wrong season, and the walls were washed down as fast as they built them up. At length they gave up the attempt, and proceeded to Asumpcion. That settlement caught fire early in the ensuing year; two hundred houses were consumed; fifty escaped, being divided from the other by a brook. The Spaniards lost most of their apparel and stores in this conflagration. They immediately however began to rebuild the town, and by the Adelantado's orders made their dwellings of clay instead of wood, that this calamity might not befall them a second time.

It was not doubted that Ayolas had found gold in the interior, before he was cut off by the Payagoaes. Cabeza de Vaca prepared to follow his steps and pursue the discovery. He ordered a caravel to be built which he might send with dispatches to Spain, and ten brigantines for the river; and he sent Yrala up the stream to learn in what direction the country might most

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Ducks kept to devour the crickets.

Comentarios 34—39.

easily be penetrated. At the same time two detachments went by land upon the same service; both these returned with unsatisfactory intelligence; one party had been deserted by their Indians, the other wandered in a wilderness till they thought it hopeless to wander longer; and subsisted as they returned upon a species of thistle, with no other liquid than the juice which they expressed from herbs. Yrala meantime ascended the river from October 20, to the 6th of January, when he came to a people called Cacocies Chaneses, who cultivated the ground and had domesticated ducks for an odd purpose. Their houses were infested with a species of cricket which bred in the thatch and ate all their skins and other articles of clothing, unless they were secured from them in closed earthen vessels; and the ducks were kept to devour these vermin. Here Yrala saw gold; he went a little way into the country, and having seen no better place from whence to begin their march, returned with this tidings to Asumpcion.

Faction against the Adelantado.

Coment. 43.

Before the Adelantado could commence his expedition, a faction was formed against him, which was abetted by the two Franciscans whom he had brought from Brazil. These vagabonds undertook to return to St. Catalina by their former route, and carry complaints against him to Spain. They chose also to take with them five and thirty young women, daughters of the Chiefs of the land, by whom they had been given as hostages. The girls were unwilling to go, and complained to their fathers; the fathers complained to Cabeza de Vaca, when the party had just set out; he sent after them, and they were overtaken and brought back. The Friars escaped punishment as being churchmen, the sheeps-cloathing in such cases saving the wolf; but some of the King's officers, who were implicated, were thrown into prison, and left there. It would have been better for the Adelantado if he had acted with more decision, and sent them all prisoners to Spain.

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CHAP. V. 1543.

Cabesa de Vaca undertakes an expedition into the interior.

Dobrizhoffer 1. 331.

Com. 44—43.

He now set forth. Two hundred men and twelve horses went by land; as many more with six horses by water. The flotilla consisted of ten brigantines and a hundred and twenty canoes, which carried twelve hundred Indians. At a place called Ypananie they found a Guarani who had been some years a slave among the Payagoaes, and therefore understood their language. This man willingly consented to go with them as interpreter, and they proceeded to Puerto de la Candelaria, where Ayolas had been slain. Hitherto it w s an expedition of pleasure; they who were on shore had plenty of game; the river abounded with fish, and with Capiiguaras, or river-pigs, which live in the water by day, and go on shore during the night; they are gregarious, and the noise they make resembles the braying of an ass. Six canoes were necessary to hunt these animals. When they saw one rise for breath, one half the party stationed themselves above the spot, and the other below it, at good distance; when he rose again they fired, and this they continued to do as often as their prey appeared, till the dead body floated.

The Payngoaes offer to restore what they had taken from Ayelas.

A few Payagoaes came to the banks. The interpreter was sent to them, and they enquired if these were the same people who had formerly entered their country. On being assured that they were new comers, one of them was persuaded to go on board the Adelantado's brigantine. He told him their Chief had deputed him to say he desired to be the friend of the Spaniards, and that all which had been taken from Ayolas was safely reserved for them: it consisted of sixty man-loads, which the Chanes had carried, in plates, bracelets, crowns, hatchets, and little vessels of gold and silver; all this the Chief offered to restore, requesting that what had been done might be forgiven, as having happened in war, and that he might be received into their alliance. The Chief of this horde of fishers exercised a

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The fly into the interior.

degree of power seldom known among the savages of America. If one of his people offended him, he took a bow, and arrowed him till he was dead; then he sent for the wife of the slain and gave her a bead-string, or a couple of feathers, to satisfy her for the loss of her husband. When he chose to spit, the same loathsome mark of reverence was shown as among the Guaycurus. A favourable answer was given to the envoy, and he promised to return with his Chief on the morrow. That morrow and another morrow past without their appearance. The interpreter said they were a crafty tribe, and had only proposed peace for the sake of gaining time to remove with their women and children: he thought they would not stop till they came to the Lake of the Mataraes, a tribe whom they had destroyed, and whose country they had won. Upon this probability the Adelantado proceeded: he found traces of the Payagoaes all along the banks, and when on the eighth day he entered the Lake, there he discovered their sunken canoes, but no people were to be seen. As he advanced up the river he past a grove of cassia-fistula. Higher up was the tribe of the Guaxarapos: Cabeza de Vaca, apprehensive lest he might offend or alarm them by appearing with his whole force, went forward with half of it, leaving Gonzalo de Mendoza to follow him slowly with the rest.

Com. 49—50.

Garcia the Portugueze adventurer.

This tribe received him in peace. They were settled near to the place where a river which was then called Yapaneme12

12 The mouth of this river he places in lat. 19° 3′. I should have supposed that this Yapaneme is the Paraguay itself, and the other, to which he gives that name, the Cuyaba; but this supposition cannot be reconciled with his after course. The original passage is subjoined, en aquel parage do el Governador estaba con los Indios, estaba otro Rio que venia por la Tierra adentro, que seria tan ancho, como la mitad del Rio Paraguay, mas corria con tanta fuerza que era espanto, y este Rio desaguaba en el Paraguay, que venia de acia el Brasil. There is no other means of explaining the difficulty than by supposing that the author's recollection had so far failed, as to make him mistake his right hand for his left.

S

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Life of the aquatic tribes.

falls into the Paraguay, carrying into it a stream half as broad as its own, and running with surprizing force. Here it was, old people told him, that Garcia a Portugueze had entered the country, fighting his way, at the head of an Indian army: he had only five Christians with him; there was a mulatto named Pacheco in his company, who turned back to the land of a certain Chief called Guazani, and was killed by him. Garcia they said returned to Brazil, but not by that rout; many of his people had remained behind him, and it was likely that the Spaniards might meet with some of them, and obtain intelligence from them concerning the land which they sought. Farther up the Adelantado found another tribe of the same stock, whose canoes were so small as to carry only two paddles; but they plied them so excellently well that it seemed as if they fled upon the water; the swiftest twelve-oared brigantine, though carrying sail at the same time, and built of cedar, the lightest of all wood, could not overtake them. When the Paraguay flows in its ordinary channel, these aquatics tribes build their huts upon its banks, and live upon fish, singing and dancing through the fair season, day and night, like people whose food is provided for them, and who have no need to take thought for the morrow. In January the inundations begin, and the whole lowlands for a hundred leagues into the country, are flooded like a sea. They have large canoes ready, each of which has an earthen fire-place; and every family commits itself in one of these arks to the waters of the flood. The hut is embarked also; about three months they live in this manner, finding store of food by going to the high grounds as the inundation rises,

[page] 131

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Com. 50—52.

and slaughtering the animals who have retreated there. When the waters have returned to their channel, they go back to their wonted places of abode, set up their houses again, and dance and sing through another season of fine weather. So many fish are always left behind by the flood, that while the earth is drying, the atmosphere is pestilential to the natives as well as to strangers; but they recover in April. These people have no Chief. They make the cordage of their hammocks of a thistle, which they bruise, macerate in water for fifteen days, and then dress it with a sort of cockle shell, when it is as white as snow.

Oct. 25.

Above their settlements the river is contracted between rocks, and runs with more rapidity than in any other part; the brigantines however made way against the stream13. Higher up the river divided, or rather three branches met; the one was from a great lake, called by the natives the Black River; its course was from the north: the other two soon united; but the Adelantado shortly afterwards came to a labyrinth of streams and lakes, where he lost the Paraguay.

Source of the Paroguay.

This river rises among the mountains of what the Portugueze call the Districto defezo dos Diamantes, the prohibited diamond country, in latitude 14° S. longitude 322° E. from the meridian of Paris. Its waters, during their course among the serras, have a harsh and saltish taste, though beautifully clear; and they cover their banks with a strong incrustation, so that the tree-roots on their margin look like rock-work. Having received

13 The dorados were in such abundance here that one man caught forty. Broth made of this fish and taken as diet, was said to cure any scorbutic or leprous complaint. The writer adds that it is a very pretty fish to eat, .. may hermoso pescado para comer.

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CHAP. V. 1543.

Lake of Xarayes.

the Cipotuva14, which is the most northerly source of the Plata, the Cabacal, and the Jauru, the Paraguay leaves the mountains in 16° 43′ South15. And here it enters upon that vast track of inundated country which is marked in maps by the name of Lake Xarayes, from the principal tribe which Cabeza de Vaca found settled there; but which the Portugueze Paulistas, who have frequently traversed all this part of the interior, call the Pantanaes, or Flooded Savannahs. These plains are in flower, as they term it (florentes) in June, by which is meant that the waters are then so deep that it is no longer necessary to seek out the vein of the river, but they may navigate boldly in any direction. The wooded islands are inhabited by a species of bearded monkey, remarkably like man in its countenance. They are killed for the sake of their skins, which are covered with a black and glossy fur; the leaner the monkey is the greater is his value, for then the fur is closer, and the skin more easily and effectually cured. The females and young are of a lighter colour. They are social animals; the Portugueze call a troop of them a Choir, from the circumstance which Linnæus has noticed, of their singing in concert at sun-rise and sun-set. Being otherwise defenceless, they are provided with organs of voice which enable them to terrify even man, when he is not accustomed to the terrific sound. That part of the throat which

14 The Zuputuba of the Spanish map.

15 At its junction with the latter river is a marble pyramid, bearing these inscriptions. On the East, Sub Joanne Lusitanorum Rege Fidelissimo. On the South, Justitiæ et Pax Osculatæ sunt. On the West, Sub Ferdinando VI. Hispaniarum Rego Catholico. And on the North, Ex Pactis Finium Regendorum Conventis Madriti Idibus Januarii MIOCCL. The Treaty has been abolished, but the monument still remains. Noticias do Lago Xarayes. MSS.

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in many countries is called Adam's Apple, from a vulgar fable, is in these creatures formed of bone instead of cartilage, and shaped like a kettle drum, the hollow side inward. Their cry of fear therefore is so powerful, that it may be heard for miles around; .. it is a deep bray in octaves, .. and during the alarm which this unexpected and monstrous sound occasions, they generally make their escape.

When the floods are out the fish leave the river to feed upon certain fruits: as soon as they hear or feel the fruit strike the water, they leap to catch it as it rises to the surface, and in their eagerness spring into the air. From this habit the Ounce has learnt a curious stratagem; he gets upon a projecting bough, and from time to time strikes the water with his tail, thus imitating the sound which the fruit makes as it drops, .. and as the fish spring towards it, catches them with his paw. This animal traverses with ease the aquatic plants which in many places obstruct the navigation of the Pantanaes. The vein of the river is to be sought among the floating islands of shrubs and trees which seem to block it up; but the stream has brought them: they keep its course, and falling down gradually leave it open.

Noticias de Lago Xarayes. MSS.

It was the Southern verge of this land of waters that Cabeza de Vaca had reached. They who lived among them were often bewildered in these intricate channels. That which he took was on the left hand, and led him Westward. He cut down trees at its mouth, and erected three high crosses, that the half of his flotilla which were behind him might see his course. The natives called this stream Yguatu, or the Good Water. Instead of falling into the Paraguay, it seems to be another branch from the same innumerable sources, for till now the Spaniards had ascended the current, and on entering this, the stream was in their favour. Thus they proceeded through rivers and broads,

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till they came to a shoal, immediately beyond which lay the place which Yrala had reconnoitred, and which he had named Puerto de los Reyes, because he had arrived there on the Festival of the Three Kings. The shoal was about two musquet shot in length; they got out of the brigantines and pushed them over.

Com. 52. 53.

The Sacocies, Xaquesses, and Chaneses.

Coment. 53.

Three tribes dwelt about this place, the Sacocies, the Xaquesses, and the Chaneses, who were fugitives that had settled here. Yrala had left them in good humour, and they were now highly pleased at the arrival of these other strangers, who brought with them such acceptable articles of traffic. Cabeza de Vaca made them the usual harangue about Original Sin, the Pope, and the King of Castille; erected a cross under some palm-trees by the water-side, and took possession of the land in presence of the Public Notary of the province. He and his people took up their lodging on the side of the lake, because these Indians were unwilling that any one should enter their habitations.

Vampire Bat.

These tribes cultivated maize, mandioc, and a species of earthnut called mandubies. They housed their poultry at night; the ducks to catch the crickets16; the fowls to protect them from the vampire bat, who would else fasten upon their combs. This vampire, the body of which is larger than that of a pigeon, is as great a curse as the fabled harpy, to the countries which it infests. Neither man nor beast is safe from them. The parts

16 Charlevoix, with his usual carelessness, supposes that these people wished to destroy the crickets because they disliked their noise, and says his author does not explain how the fowls could defend the inhabitants. He refers to the Comentarios of Cabeza de Vaca, and in some form or other had the book before him, .. yet thus does he mistate, or misunderstand it!

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CHAP. V. 1543.

Coment. 54.

of man which they attack are the thumb, the nose, and, in preference to all others, the great toe: the patient is not awakened by their bite, and they continue to hold on like leeches till they have had their fill. Cabeza de Vaca was bit by the toe, .. a coldness in his leg awakened him in the morning, he found the bed bloody, and was looking for the wound, when his people laughed, and explained what enemy had wounded him. The Spaniards had brought with them six breeding sows, meaning to stock the country; these vampires bit off the teats of all, so that it was necessary to kill them and all their young. It was with great difficulty that the horses could be secured from them; they delighted to fix upon their ears, and it may well be imagined how such a pendant would terrify an animal, which of all animals seems to be the most violently agitated by fear.

Plague of Ants.

The ants, which are so great a curse to Brazil, were here more troublesome, though less mischievous. They were of two sorts, red and black, both very large, and the bite of either occasioned such intolerable pain for twenty-four hours, that the sufferer commonly writhed upon the ground, groaning the whole time: no remedy was known, .. but the force of the venom spent itself thus, without leaving any ill effect. The sting of a species of fish found here was of worse consequences; it struck with such force as to pierce through a man's foot; there was an antidote for the poison, but the wound was long in healing.

Coment. 54.

The hideous fashion of stretching their ears prevailed among these tribes17; this they accomplished by wearing gourds as

17 Some of the French soldiers who were taken in L'Eissegue's squadron off St. Domingo in 1806, had disfigured themselves as much as these savages, and upon the same principle. They cultivated their whiskers till they stuck out more than a foot on either side the head; and this, one of the Officers said, he did d'etre terrible. This was being what old Ronsard calls

Cruel de port, de moustache, et de cœur.

Franciade.

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CHAP. V. 1543.

First Idolaters.

Coment., 54.

pendants, increasing the size of the gourd from time to time, till the hole in which it hung was so large that a man might put his fist through, and the flap hung down upon the shoulder. As these lop-ears would have offered too convenient a handle to their enemies, they either tucked them up when they went to battle, or fastened them back behind the head. They were social, not gregarious tribes, each family having its own habitation. The settlement contained about eight hundred. The women spun cotton. They had wooden idols: till now no tribe had been discovered either in Brazil, or Paraguay, who were strictly idolaters. Cabeza de Vaca burnt their idols; they denounced the vengeance of the spirit upon them, but seeing no vengeance executed, they did not appear to resent what had been done. The Spaniards supposed that the Devil had taken flight as soon as he saw an altar erected, and mass performed.

Further intelligence obtained of Garcia.

About four leagues off were two settlements of the Chaneses, whom Garcia, the Portugueze, had brought from their own country; here they had taken wives, and thus allied themselves with the natives of the land. Many of them came to the Spaniards, rejoicing to see the countrymen of Garcia, whom they remembered with delight. From one of these men, who was about fifty years of age, some account was collected of this remarkable expedition. The sum of his information was, that the rest of his fellows had been cut off by the Guaranies when they attempted to return; that for this reason he and the others who had escaped could not go back by the route which they had

[page] 137

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taken, and they knew no other way: the Sacocies received them kindly in their distress, and they had remained and married among them. He mentioned the different tribes in the land from whence they came; all were cultivators, and had large sheep, as well as domestic fowls. Women were an article of exchange among them. The Chief of these Chaneses offered to guide the Spaniards there, saying there was nothing which he so earnestly desired as to remove with his wife and children into his own country.

Coment. 50.

Cabera de Vaca sends to the Xarayes.

When the Adelantado understood that there were Guaranies in the land, he sent a party of their countrymen, with a few Spaniards, to find them out, and procure guides among them; but after hunting the country for ten leagues round, they found only their deserted habitations. This the Chaneses said was very likely, for they and their allies had lately made war upon them, killed many, and driven the rest to flight: they were perhaps gone to join some of the same race who bordered upon the Xarayes; the Xarayes had gold and silver, which they received from a people dwelling farther up; and all that country was inhabited. How far was it to their country, was the immediate question. By land the journey of four or five days; but it was a miserable way, where they would have to cross marshes, and yet want water. By water, canoes might go it in eight or ten. Hector de Acuña, and Anton Correa, who understood the Guarani language, were dispatched by land to them, with two Guaranies and ten Sacocies; they took with them articles of barter, and a red cap for each of the Chiefs.

Coment. 57—58.

The Artaneses.

These messengers came the first day to a hideous tribe called Artaneses; the women tattoed themselves and slashed their faces, and the men cultivated their under-lips as successfully as their neighbours had laboured in improving the growth of their ears. They wore in their lip the shell of a fruit as big as a large

T

[page] 138

CHAP. V. 1543.

Journey to the Xarayes.

dish. These ugly people however gave them food and sent a guide with them. The next day's was a dreadful journey, through wide sloughs, in which they sunk at every step knee-deep; and the sun, which had not dried the mud, had yet heated it to such a degree that it was painful. They suffered also from thirst; for though the Indians carried water in calabashes, it was expended before half the day was over. They slept that night on a spot of dry ground amid the sloughs. There was the same sort of country to toil through the third day, but they came sometimes to lakes whereat they could drink, and found one tree, under the shade of which they rested and slept at noon; there also they consumed the last of their provisions. One day's journey more was yet to be performed, and a league of this was through a slough, where they sunk to the middle, and from which they never expected to get out; but having conquered this, the road became good. Just after mid-day they met about twenty Xarayes, whom the Chief, having heard of their coming, sent to meet them with maize-bread, a drink made from the same grain, boiled ducks, and fish. An hour before night-fall they reached the village: four or five hundred persons came out to welcome them, all gaily adorned with parrot feathers, and wearing a fan-shaped apron of white beads: the women were clothed in cotton. They were conducted to the Chief, who sate up ready to receive them in a cotton hammock, in the midst of the area of the town, with the elders round about him. A lane was made for the messengers to approach, and two benches were brought, on which he made signs to them to seat themselves. He then sent for a Guarani who was naturalized among them, and said through him, that he rejoiced at seeing them, having long desired to see the Christians; for since the time when Garcia had been in that country, he had held them as friends and kinsmen. He wished also to see their Chief, who he

[page] 139

CHAP. V. 1543.

heard was liberal to the Indians and gave them many good things; and he said, that if he had sent for any thing from that country, it should be given him. The Spaniards replied, that they were come to learn how far it was to the land of those people who had gold and silver, and what nations dwelt upon the way; they came also to see him, and assure him that the Adelantado greatly desired to have him for his friend. The old Chief made answer, that he should rejoice in his friendship. The way to those settlements, for which they enquired, he could not tell, because in the rainy season the whole country was flooded, and when the floods retired it was impassable. But the Guarani who was now interpreting had been there, and be would send him to the Adelantado, to tell him all he knew. The Spaniards then asked him to give them a guide to the Guaranies; but he replied that these Guaranies were at war with him, and that seeing he was the friend of the Christians, they ought not to go to his enemies and make friendship with them. Nevertheless if they were resolved to go, his people should conduct them there on the morrow. By this time it was night. The old Chief took them to his house, food was given them, each was then shewn his hammock, and women offered them according to the brutal custom of savage hospitality: but from these mistresses the Spaniards excused themselves, pleading the fatigue of their march.

Coment. 59.

An hour before day-break they were awakened by the sound of horns and drums; the Chief ordered his door to be opened, and they beheld about six hundred men, ready for war. This, said he, is the guise in which my people visit the Guaranies; they will conduct you safely there, and bring you safely back; otherwise you would be slain, because you are my friends. When the Spaniards perceived that they could not go in any other manner, and that if they persisted in their intention

[page] 140

CHAP. V. 1543.

The Xarayes.

Schmidel. 36.

Com. 59. 60.

it would probably offend the Xarayes, they said they would go back, tell the Adelantado what they had learnt, and return with his instructions. With this resolution the old Chief was well satisfied; his visitors remained with him that day, and gave him the articles of barter which they had brought, and also the red cap, which was his particular present, and they were as much amused with his admiration, as he was with the gift. In return he gave them coronals of rich plumery for the Adelantado, and thus they separated, being mutually well pleased with each other. The name, or title, of the Chief was Camire; his town contained about a thousand houses18; and four neighbouring settlements were subject to his authority. The Xarayes lived in separate families; the men cultivated the under lip like the Artaneses; it is more remarkable that they wore mostachos; the women spun cotton, and manufactured webs of it as fine as silk, in which they wrought the figures of animals, .. a waste of ingenuity, for the use of these webs was to wrap round them at night, when the season required it. Both sexes stained themselves from the neck to the knees with a blue die, which they laid on in such exquisite pattern-work, that a German, who saw them, doubted whether the best artist in Germany could have surpassed the nicety and intricacy of the design. They had two harvests in the year. The cricket infested them also, and they also kept ducks in their houses to destroy this mischievous insect.

Great expedition of the Guaranies towards Peru.

The Guarani interpreter accompanied the Spaniards on their return. He told Cabeza de Vaca that he was born at Itati, a

18 Ribera says one thousand houses, .. the Commentaries one thousand inhabitants. The smallest computation is usually the safest in such cases; but six hundred fighting men could not have been collected from one thousand inhabitants.

[page] 141

CHAP. V. 1543.

Comment. 60.

settlement upon the Paraguay. When he was a lad his countrymen undertook a great expedition, in which he went with his father: they plundered the first settlements, and carried off plates and ornaments of gold and silver; for awhile they went on victoriously, but at length the whole country gathered together against them, and gave them a severe defeat; the enemy then got behind them, took possession of the passes, and cut off their retreat, so that not above two hundred of the whole multitude escaped. Of these the greater number dared not attempt to return, for fear of the Guaxarapos and other tribes, through whose territories they must have passed; they therefore took up their abode among the mountains: he, with the rest, endeavoured to reach his own country; but they were discovered on their way by these hostile tribes, and every one, except himself, slain. In his flight he fell in with the Xarayes, where he had been kindly treated, and adopted into their nation. Cabeza de Vaca asked him if he could find the way to those people whom his countrymen had attacked. He replied that they had cut their way through thickets, and felled trees for land marks; but all this must have been overgrown long since. Still he thought he knew the course. It lay by a high round mountain which was then in sight from the Puerto de los Reyes, and the first settlements were, to the best of his remembrance, about five days distance. He was asked if there was gold there, and answered yes; his countrymen had carried off plates, gorgets, earrings, bracelets, crowns, hatchets, and small vessels both of gold and silver. After this tempting intelligence he consented to go with the Spaniards and guide them as well as he could, saying that to this end his Chief had sent him there.

Cabeza de Vaca follows their route.

Cabeza de Vaca bade this man look well to the truth of what he said; there was however no reason to suspect deceit, and he determined to undertake the journey, taking with him three

[page] 142

CHAP. V. 1543.

Coment. 60. 58.

hundred men, and provision for twenty days. One hundred, with twice that number of Guaranies, he left to guard the brigantines, under Juan Romero. The natives about the Puerto de los Reyes had begun to be discontented with their guests. Gonzalo de Mendoza, who had now joined the Adelantado with the remainder of his force, had been attacked on the way by the Guaxarapos; one of his own people provoked the quarrel, and five Spaniards were slain in it. The Guaxarapos regarded their death as a victory, and called upon their friends, the Sacocies, to take courage and destroy these strangers, who were not valiant, and whose heads were soft. Nothing seems to have encouraged these tribes so much as the discovery that the Spaniards heads were not so hard as their own: they did not recollect that an iron cap was harder.

Nov. 26. March towards Peru.

Coment. 63.

The first day's journey lay through pleasant woods, where there was a track, though but little trodden; they slept beside some springs. On the morrow it was necessary to clear their way before them, and the farther they advanced the thicker they found the woods: they were also greatly impeded by a close grass, which grew to an exceeding height. Their second night's lodging was beside a lake, wherein the fish were so abundant that they caught them by hand. The guide was ordered to climb trees and ascend eminences as they went on, that be might survey the road well; and he maintained that they were in the right way. Honey was found in the trees, and there was plenty of game, but the noise of their march scared it, so that they profited little by this resource. Of all the fruits which they ate, only one proved unwholesome; it was the berry of a tree resembling the myrtle. The palms produced a fruit of which (unlike the date) the kernel, and not the pulp, was eaten, the shell, as of the pistachio, being divided; it is likened to the sweet almond; the Indians made from it a flour of excellent quality.

[page] 143

CHAP. V. 1543.

On the fifth day of their march they came to a little river of hot water, issuing from a mountain. The water was clear and good, and there were fish in it notwithstanding its heat. Here the guide confessed that he was at fault; the old road marks were gone; it was many years since he had been there, and he knew not which way to go. The following morning, however, as they still advanced, cutting their path, two Guaranies ventured to approach them. These people were some of those who had escaped from the great overthrow which the guide had related, and retired into the wildest part of the woods and mountains to hide themselves. Their hut was near, and the whole of this wreck soon made their appearance, consisting of only fourteen persons, the eldest of whom appeared to be about five and thirty. They were children, they said, at the time of the great destruction of their nation, and they knew that some of their race dwelt near the Xarayes, and made war upon them. Two days journey on there was another family consisting of ten persons, the head of whom, this man told them, was his brother-in-law, and he knew the way to the country for which the Spaniards enquired, for he had often been there. Cabeza de Vaca made these people happy by distributing among them a few presents. His business was now to find out this second family, where he was sure of a guide. He sent forward an interpreter, with two Spaniards and two Indians, to make enquiry there concerning the road and the distance, and proceeded slowly after them the next day. On the third he met one of the Indians returning with a letter, stating that from the Guarani's hut, where it had been written, it was the journey of sixteen days, through thickets and close high grass, to a lofty rock called Tapuaguazu, from the top of which much cultivated country could be seen. The road to this habitation was so bad, that they had been obliged to crawl great part of it, and the

[page] 144

CHAP. V. 1543.

Com. 62—53.

master of the Guarani family said it was worse beyond. He was however coming with the interpreter, to tell the Adelantado all he knew. Upon this Cabeza de Vaca retired to the huts which had been set up for the last night's lodging, and there waited for them, till they arrived, on the following afternoon.

The Guarani said he was well acquainted with the way to Tapuaguazu, having often gone there for arrows19, of which there were plenty there. The smoke of the inhabited country was visible from thence, but he had now for some time ceased to go, because on his last journey he had seen smokes on this side the rock, whereby he knew that they were returning to inhabit this country, which since the great invasion had been left desolate. It would be the journey of sixteen days, the road very bad, and a way to be opened through the woods. He was asked if he would go as guide, and replied, willingly, though he greatly feared the people of that land. Upon this Cabeza de Vaca assembled as usual his Clergy and Captains, and asked their opinion, what was to be done. They answered, the troops had relied too confidently on the guide's assertion that they should reach the inhabited country in five days, and had in consequence husbanded their provisions so ill that most of them had expended all, though each man had taken with him two arrobas20 of flour. The stores only contained enough for six days. It was well known how little the reports of the Indians could be trusted; instead of sixteen days journey, the distance might prove far greater, and the whole party might perhaps

19 Whether this means that they had been left upon the ground after the destruction of his tribe, or only that reeds grew there, is not explained.

20 About half a hundred weight.

[page] 145

CHAP. V. 1543.

Coment. 64—65.

perish for hunger, as had often happened in these discoveries. They therefore judged it best to return to Puerto de los Reyes, where they had left the brigantines, and there provide themselves for the expedition, now that they were better enabled to calculate what provision it required. Cabeza de Vaca represented to them that it was impossible to procure provisions there, the maize was not yet ripe, nor had the natives where-with to supply them; moreover they should remember what had been told them, that the inundations would soon begin. They persisted in their opinion; it was not easy to determine which evil was the least, to return or to advance, and he found it prudent to yield as the general wish was against him. Francisco de Ribera however, and six others, offered to go with the Guarani and eleven Indians to Tapuaguazu; these Indians were charged on pain of severe punishment not to leave them, till they had returned together and joined the Adelantado, .. and they went their way upon this adventure.

Scarcity at Puerto de los Reyes.

Cabeza de Vaca returned in eight days to Puerto de los Reyes, where he found that the natives, influenced by the Guaxarapos, were beginning to manifest their ill will; they had ceased to supply the Spaniards with food, and threatened to attack them. He assembled their Chiefs, gave them red caps, and pacified them with gentle words and fair promises; and they on their part declared that they would be the friends of the Christians, and drive out the Guaxarapos and all their enemies. The want of food was not so easily remedied; there was none now except what was on board the brigantines, and that would not suffice him and his Indians for above twelve days, however sparingly distributed. The interpreters were sent round to all the adjoining settlements to purchase more; but none was now to be purchased, for food was at this time so scarce as to be above all price. He enquired of the principal natives where it

U

[page] 146

CHAP. V. 1543.

Coment. 65—68.

was to be found. They told him that the Arianicosies had plenty, a tribe who inhabited the shores of some great lake about nine leagues off. He called his council again, and laid their situation before them; his men he said were ready to disperse themselves about the country and take provisions wherever they could find them. What was to be done? They replied, that there was no other remedy than to send the greater part of the people to those places where there was food, which they were to buy if the natives would sell it, and to take by force if they would not; for in case of famine it was lawful to take it from the altar. Gonzalo de Mendoza therefore was sent to the Arianicosies with one hundred and twenty Spaniards and six hundred Indian archers. The natives whom Cabeza de Vaca consulted had also informed him that as the waters were beginning to rise, the brigantines could now go up the river Ygatu to the land of the Xarayes, who had food. There were also many large and winding rivers which fell into the Ygatu, and on the banks of these were tribes who were plentifully stored. Accordingly Hernando de Ribera was dispatched with fifty-two men in a brigantine to the Xarayes, there to make enquiry concerning the country farther on, and then to proceed and explore the waters. Orders were given that neither he nor his men should land, but only the interpreter and two companions, that all occasion of quarrel might if possible be avoided.

Mendoza sent to the Arianicosies in search of food.

When Mendoza arrived at the land of the Arianicosies, he sent an interpreter with beads, knives, fishing-hooks, and iron wedges, which were in great request, as samples of the treasures that he had brought to barter with them: but they replied, they would give the Spaniards nothing, and ordered them to leave their country or they would kill them all; the Guaxarapos, who had already killed Christians would assist them; and they bade the interpreter tell the Spaniards they knew they had soft heads.

[page] 147

CHAP. V. 1543.

Coment. 58.

Mendoza tried a second embassy, which hardly escaped from them. He then landed with all his force, and being received with the same hostility, shot two of them: the rest fled, and he carried off store of maize, mandioc, mandubies, and other roots and herbs from their houses. He dismissed a prisoner, to bid them return to their habitations and he would pay for all that had been taken; but they were not to be conciliated. They attacked his camp, set fire to their houses, and summoned all their allies to assist them. Mendoza sent to the Adelantado for instructions how to act, and was directed still to use every means to pacify them.

1544.

Return of F. De Ribera.

Eight of the Guaranies who had been sent with Francisco de Ribera on his adventure to Tapuaguazu were now returned, and Cabeza de Vaca had given up him and the rest of his companions for lost. But on the 20th of January they arrived; they were all wounded, and this was the account which they gave. One and twenty days they and their guide travelled Westward, through a country so nearly impassable that sometimes they could only get on a league a day through the thickets, and on two days not half as much. Antas and venison and wild boars were in great abundance, whom their Indians shot with arrows; and smaller game was so numerous that they knocked it down with sticks: there was also plenty of honey, and of fruit, so that if the army had proceeded they would have been in no want of food. On the twenty-first day they came to a river which ran Westward, and according to their guide passed by Tapuaguazu: soon afterwards they saw the track of hunters, and came into some maizals, from which the maize had just been gathered. Here before they could conceal themselves an Indian met them; he had golden ear-rings, and wore a silver ornament in his under lip. They did not understand his language; but he took Ribera by the hand, and made signs to him and his companions

[page] 148

CHAP. V. 1544.

to come with him. He led them to a large house, built of wood and straw; the women were emptying it; but when the Spaniards came in, they broke a hole through the straw side, out of which they threw the things, rather than pass by the strangers. Among the things which they were removing were many ornaments and utensils of silver, taken out of large jars. Their host made his guests be seated, and gave them maize-beer to drink, served in gourds from large earthen vessels which were buried to the neck in the floor. Two slaves, Orejones by nation, waited upon them, and made them understand that there were some Christians about three days journey off, among a people called Payzunoes. They showed them also the high rock Tapuaguazu, in sight. By this time the Indians began to assemble round the door, gaily painted and plumed, and bearing bows and arrows as if prepared for war. Their host upon this took bow and arrow himself, and messages passed backward and forward, by which the Spaniards suspected that the country was rising to cut them off; and presently he warned them to hasten back by the way which they had come, before a greater multitude should be collected. About three hundred had already gathered together, and attempted to stop them; they made their way through, but when they were about a stone's throw distant, the Indians set up a cry, discharged their arrows at them, and followed them till they got into the woods, where they defended themselves, and their assailants turned back, thinking, the Spaniards supposed, that they had companions there to assist them. Every one of the party was wounded; the road however was now opened, and though they had been one and twenty days going from the place where they had left the Adelantado, they returned the whole way to Puerto de los Reyes in twelve, which they estimated to be about seventy leagues. A lake which they had forded when they went, and found only

[page] 149

CHAP. V. 1544.

Coment. 70.

knee-deep, was so swoln on their return that it had spread above a league beyond its banks, and with great difficulty and danger they crost it upon rafts. This was all that they had discovered, except that the people from whose country they had been thus rudely expelled were called Tarapecocies, and that they had abundance of tame ducks and fowls.

The Spaniards hear of gold and silver.

This information led to farther knowledge. There were some Tarapecocies here, part of the wreck of Garcia's heterogeneous army. It is greatly to be regretted that the history of this Portugueze adventurer4 has not been preserved; a man he must

4 The little information which Cabeza de Vaca obtained of Garcia is all that is really known concerning him. The Jesuits Nicholas del Techo and Juan Patricio Fernandez repeat it, with the extraordinary blunder that his expedition took place in the reign of Joam II. .. before Brazil was discovered: and this cannot be an error of the press for Joam III. because they state it to have been before the overthrow of the Incas, as indeed probably it was. Both say he was treacherously murdered by his own people.

They call him Alexo Garcia, and Techo says that he was sent by Martin Affonso de Sousa, who afterwards sent Jorge Sedenho with sixty Portugueze in search of him. When they came near the Paraguay the same Indians who had murdered Garcia, slew the commander and put them to flight: and on their return the Indians on the Parana embarked them in worm-eaten canoes covered with clay instead of pitch, pulled off the clay in the mid-stream, swam to shore themselves, and left the Portugueze to sink. This account is manifestly fabulous. In another place he adds that his Indians returned to the rich country where he had led them, for fear the Portugueze should send and take vengeance upon them; and that there they founded the nation of the Chiriguanos, who were so long the scourge of the Spaniards. According to Jolis, these writers follow the authority of the MS. Argentina of Ruy Diaz de Guzman; and he rightly remarks that the story is disproved by the mention which Garcilasso makes of this tribe in the time of the Inca Yupangui. L. 6. Art. 2.

The Mercurio Peruano (May 8. 1791. T. 2. P. 21.) says that Garcia and his army of Chiriguanos penetrated as far as the valley of Tarija; and that his savage followers killed him because they did not chuse to leave so delightful a country and return. The Essayist calls him a Portugueze of Paraguay, and says that his name, like that of Erostratus, deserves to remain for ever in oblivion. It would be difficult to prove that Garcia was worse than the Spanish conquerors, and it is manifest from what he atchieved, that in ability as well as in enterprize he must have been equal to the greatest of them. The Mercurio refers to no authority, and is probably wrong in dating the expedition after the conquest of Peru, as it assuredly is in saying that Garcia and his army spared neither Spaniard, Indian, nor Mestizo; .. for there could have been no Mestizo there to slay, even if there were any Spaniards.

[page] 150

CHAP. V. 1544.

have been of most extraordinary talents, with only five Europeans to have raised an army, and penetrated more than half way through the continent of South America: and the respect in which his memory was held, shows that as in prudence and courage he must have equalled the greatest men among the discoverers, so it is probable that he exceeded them in humanity. These people were immediately enquired for; one of the arrows which Ribera had brought back with him was shown them; their countenances brightened at the sight, and they said it came from their country. Cabeza de Vaca asked them why their nation should have attempted to kill his messengers, who went only to see them, and converse with them. They replied that their nation were not enemies to the Christians, but on the contrary regarded them as friends since Garcia had been there and bartered with them. The reason why they had now attacked the Spaniards must have been because they saw Guaranies in their company, whom they hated, inasmuch as that race had formerly invaded them, and wasted their borders. But if his messengers had taken an interpreter, they would have treated them well, for it was never the manner of their nation to receive as enemies those who came as friends: and they would have given them food, and gold and silver, which they got from the nations beyond them. It was asked from whom they got this

[page] 151

CHAP. V. 1544.

Coment. 70.

gold and silver, and for what? They replied, in exchange for bows and arrows, and slaves, from the Payzunoes, who were three days journey from them, and who themselves procured these metals from the Chaneses, Chimenoes, Carcaraes, and Candirees, tribes who had abundance. They were shown a bright brass candlestick, and questioned whether the yellow metal of which they spake was like that: no, they replied, it was yellower and softer, and had no such unpleasant smell; a gold ring was then produced, and that they said was the same. In like manner, when a tin vessel was shown them they said their white metal was whiter and harder and without smell, and when they saw a silver cup, declared that in their country they had bracelets and crowns and hatchets of the like.

They return to Asumpcion.

This intelligence made the Adelantado resolve upon attempting the march again, and he sent for Gonzalo de Mendoza to return with all his people that they might prepare for it. But the sickly season was begun, and agues soon prevailed so generally that there were not sound men enough to keep guard. The natives seized the opportunity. They began by laying hands on five Spaniards, who with some fifty Guaranies were fishing about a stone's throw from the camp; they cut them in pieces, and distributed the flesh among the Guaxarapos and their other allies. They then boldly attacked the Spaniards in their camp, and slew nearly three score before they could be repulsed. Weak however as the Europeans were they soon took vengeance for this, and kept them again in awe. Hernando de Ribera now returned from his expedition, but he found the Adelantado too ill to hear his report. Three months they continued in this miserable state; less in want of food indeed than formerly, for Mendoza had brought supplies; but the sickness rather increased than abated, and the mosquitos were now become a more intolerable plague than the ague. At length,

[page] 152

CHAP. V. 1544.

Coment. 71—73.

worn out with sufferings, it was agreed to return to Asumpcion. The stream carried them down in twelve days, and well it was that the stream was in their favour, for they had no strength to row, nor could they have defended themselves. Had it not been for the guns which they carried in the brigantine, they would hardly have escaped from the terrible Guaxarapos.

Mutiny against Cabeza deVaca.

Coment. 74—77.

Cabeza de Vaca had offended some of his people because he would not permit them to bring away a hundred Indian girls who had been given them by their parents, as the means of conciliating their favour. On all occasions he had endeavoured to suppress the infamous practice of taking the men for slaves and the women for concubines, and this made him very unpopular. He asserts that Yrala and the chief persons of his party designed to make themselves independent of Spain, and that this was the main reason why they abandoned Buenos Ayres. The accusation is not very probable; but it is certain that their distance from any efficient authority encouraged them to pay little respect to the King's edicts. A fortnight after their return, a party of the chief officers seized the Adelantado, who was confined by sickness to his chamber, put him in irons, and proclaimed Yrala governor. Cabeza de Vaca had still friends, who contrived to communicate with him by means of a female slave, though whenever she visited him she was searched, stark naked. The slip of paper which she carried was rolled up, covered with black bees wax, and fastened with two black threads between the ball of the foot and the toes. They offered to release him by force, but he forbade this, for he had been threatened with instant death if any attempt was made to rescue him, and the threat would, beyond all doubt, have been executed.

He is sent prisoner to Spain.

This sedition was the cause of great disorders. Many of the natives who relied upon his protection, and were beginning to adopt the religion and language of the settlers, fled. Above

[page] 153

CHAP. V. 1544.

Coment. 78—84.

Herrera. 7.9.13.

fifty Spaniards who were attached to the Adelantado set off by land to Brazil, to escape the intolerable insults and injuries which they endured from the triumphant faction. The Friars took the same road, meaning to get from thence to Spain, and present complaints against him; and they carried with them their female pupils, without any opposition from the new governors. At last, after having kept him in confinement eleven months, his enemies sent him prisoner to Spain. Alonso Cabrera the Veedor, and Garci Vanegas the Treasurer, went to be his accusers. According to the usual delay of justice in that country, Cabeza de Vaca was detained about the Court eight years, before his cause was adjudged, during which time one of his accusers died miserably, and the other became raving mad. He was then acquitted of all the charges which had been brought against him, but was neither reinstated in his government, nor in any way indemnified for the losses he had sustained. Unfortunately for him, the Bishop of Cuenca, at that time President of the Council of the Indies, died soon after his arrival, otherwise summary justice would have been inflicted upon his enemies; for that minister had said that such offences as these must now be punished capitally, and no longer by fines22.

22 The history of Cabeza de Vaca's transactions in Paraguay is related by two authentic writers; Pedro Fernandez, who was with him in that country, and wrote the Commentaries by the Adelantado's order, from the materials which he supplied, and from his own knowledge; and Schmidel, an eye-witness also, who writes more summarily, and with an ill will towards the Governor against whom he had mutinied: there is no difference in matter of fact between the two accounts, and it cannot be supposed that any thing of importance should remain unnoticed by both. Techo however relates a story in many respects different. He says that one of Cabeza de Vaca's first measures was to send to the tribe who dwelt upon the banks of the Ipana, desiring them to restore Garcia's son, whom they still detained in captivity: that they put all his messengers to death except one, who was sent back with a defiance: that he dispatched his nephew Alonso Riquelme against them, and they were defeated with the loss of four thousand slain and three thousand taken: after this victory the deliverance of so interesting a prisoner might have been expected; but he had never been spoken of before, neither is he ever mentioned afterwards. That the Adelantado on his way up the river punished the murderers of Ayolas, and having advanced two hundred and fifty leagues came to an island thirty miles long and nine broad, enjoying an equal temperature throughout all seasons, watered by so many springs of sweet water, and abounding with such exquisite fruits, game so plentiful, and honey in such profusion, that the Spaniards called it Paradise, and forgetting all their dreams of gold and of conquest, would fain have settled there. It was inhabited by the Orejones, a people so friendly and so gentle, that their minds seemed to have been moulded by the influence of the benignant region which they possessed. Cabeza de Vaca had some difficulty in forcing his men from this delicious island; he reproached them for their base desire of rest, asking them whether they had come from Spain only to settle in a delightful country, or to enrich themselves. Having at length made them advance, they marched onward in a northerly direction, till they came to a town containing eight thousand houses, which was deserted at their approach. In the middle of the great market-place there was a round tower made of large timber; the top was pyramidal, and covered with palm-tree bark: within this temple was a serpent, twenty-five feet in length, and about as big as an ox, with two rows of teeth sticking out of its jaws, like sickles. This monster was fed with the bodies of men slain in war, and the Devil used it as his mouth-piece to deliver oracles. The Spaniards killed it, but then a dispute arose concerning the division of the spoils, and in consequence they returned to Asumpcion. This account Charlevoix chuses to follow in preference to that which was written under Cabeza de Vaca's own eye, and to Herrera; Schmidel's book he does not appear to have seen; .. and his reason for this preference is, that Techo, writing in Paraguay, might have derived his information from some person who had been in the expedition, and that it is difficult to believe he would have asserted any thing for which he had not good authority, in a work which he dedicated to the Royal Council of the Indies. Charlevoix ought to have remembered, that no person who had been in the expedition could be better authority than Cabeza de Vaca himself, and that Techo did not write till more than a hundred years after it took place. But all these circumstances are manifestly false. No savages ever left four thousand men upon the field of battle. (The Peruvians and the people of New Spain were not savages.) No savage town ever contained eight thousand houses. As for the Island of the Orejones, which has found a place in De Lisle's maps, there is no such island in existence; .. the Paulistas have repeatedly traversed all that part of the country. In the last year of the Jesuits continuance in Paraguay, P. Joze Sanchez made his way to the Chiquito missions by this route, which had before been vainly attempted; .. he past over the ground which this Paradise ought to have occupied, and found it in the same dreadful state as the rest of that country, swarming with all the curses of a rank and uncultivated soil.

Dobrizhoffer. Peramas, Vita Petri Joanuis Andreu. §54. 55.

X

[page] 154

CHAP. V.

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CHAP. V.

[page 156]

CHAPTER VI.

Expedition of Hernando de Ribera; he hears of the Amazons and marches in guest of them over the flooded country.—Disturbances at Asumpcion.—Yrala conquers the Carios, and attempts a second time to march across the country.—He reaches the confines of Peru, makes his own terms in secret with the President, and then returns.—Diego Centeno appointed Governor; he dies, and Yrala remains with the government.

CHAP. VI. 1543.

Expedition of Her. de Ribera.

It has been said that when Hernando de Ribera returned from his expedition, the Adelantado was too ill to listen to his report, and no measures were taken in consequence of it. Ribera however sent home to Spain an account of his adventures, and Hulderick Schmidel, who was one of his company, published another in Germany. The tale which they relate is another instance of the hopes, the credulity, and the desperate perseverance of the discoverers.

Ribera departed on December 20, from Puerto de los Reyes, in a brigantine with eighty men, on his way to the Xarayes. He found a tribe called Achkeres, who took their name from the Cayman, an animal of which they stood in strange fear: they believed that it killed with its breath, that the sight of one was deadly, and that it could be destroyed in no other manner

[page] 157

CHAP. VI. 1544.

H. de Ribera.

Schmidel. 35—37.

than by holding a mirror1 before it, that it might kill itself with the reflection of its basilisk eye. They gave Ribera guides, and sent with him eight canoes, which by fishing and hunting supplied him abundantly with food. He had been nine days in reaching them, and was as many more proceeding six and thirty leagues farther to the Xarayes. Old Camire came out with a great body of his people to meet them about a league from his settlement, on a wide plain. A way was made for him some eight paces broad, from whence every straw and pebble was cleared away, and nothing but flowers and fresh herbage left. Musicians attended him, playing upon a sort of flute, like the German schalm. As soon as he had bidden the Spaniards welcome, he entertained them with hunting, and about fifty stags and ostriches were presently brought down. The Spaniards were quartered two and two in the town, and remained there four days; Camire then asked them what they were in search of: they were in a land of plenty, and seem to have forgotten the wants of the Adelantado and their countrymen, and their answer was, gold and silver. Upon this he gave Ribera a few silver2 trifles, and a little plate of gold, saying this was all he had, and that he had won it from the Amazons.

Report of the Amazons.

Perhaps there did exist a tribe in South America, whose name bore some resemblance in sound to the word Amazonas, at which the Discoverers eagerly caught in their ignorance and credulity. But most of the accounts which they obtained concerning them can only be explained by supposing that the natives always return-

1 Had they then stone mirrors like the Mexicans, (Clavigero. L 7. § 56.) or was their pottery so glazed as to answer this purpose?

2 The little silver which the Spaniards found in these parts, had been trafficked from one tribe to another, from the country about Potosi.

Pedro de Cieça. C. 115.

[page] 158

CHAP. VI. 1544.

ed such answers as they perceived were most agreeable, and that they themselves furnished in the shape of questions the information which they fancied they received in reply, the Indians assenting to what they understood but imperfectly, or not at all; a custom this of which the Missionaries often complain. Thus it must probably have been that they heard from Camire how the Amazons cut off the right breast, how their male neighbours visited them thrice or four times in the year, how they sent the boys to their fathers, and retained the girls; that they lived in a large island which was in a huge lake, and that they got gold and silver in great abundance from the main land. How could they get at them, was the next question, by land or water? Only by land, was the reply, but it was a two months journey, and to reach them now would be impossible, because the country was inundated. This they did not regard, but asked him for Indians to carry their baggage; he gave the Captain, twenty, and each of the men five; and these desperate adventurers set off on their march over a flooded country!

March through the flooded country.

Eight days they travelled through water up to their knees, and sometimes up to their middle: nad they not learnt the use of the hammock such a journey must have been utterly impracticable. Before they could make a fire to dress their food they were obliged to raise a rude scaffolding, and this was unavoidably so insecure, that frequently the fire burnt through, and food and all fell into the water. They then came to the Siberis, a tribe having the same language and customs as the Xarayes, who told them they would have four days more to travel through the water, and then five by land, after which they would reach the Urtueses; but they advised them to turn back, for they were not numerous enough for such an expedition. Here they obtained guides, and proceeded another week over the flooded country, the water being so hot as to be unpalateable, and the rain incessant. On the ninth day they came to the Urtueses: ..

[page] 159

CHAP. VI. 1544.

Schmidel. 37.

how far was it to the land of the Amazons? .. a month's journey, and still through floods. But here they found an insuperable obstacle. The locusts during two successive years had devoured every thing before them, and plague had followed the famine which they occasioned. No food was to be had; but the Spaniards thought this plague was their preservation, for that else they should hardly have escaped from the most numerous tribe that they had yet discovered.

Amazons.

H. de Ribera.

Here some Indians of the adjoining tribes came to see the strangers. They wore coronals after the fashion of Peru, and plates of a metal which in Ribera's report is called chafalonia. Of these people the Spaniards renewed their enquiries after the Amazons. Ribera solemnly swears that he faithfully reports the information they gave, and that it was not obtained from them by queries, but spontaneously given. He swears that they told him of a nation of women, governed by a woman, and so warlike as to be dreaded by all their neighbours: they possessed plenty both of white and yellow metal; their seats and all the utensils in their houses were made of them. They lived on the Western side of a large lake, which they called the Mansion of the Sun, because the sun sunk into it. On this side their country was a nation of little people, on whom they made war; beyond it a race of negroes with long beards, who wore clothes, lived in houses of clay and stone, and had also the white and yellow metals in abundance. To the West-South-West there were also large settlements of a rich and civilized people, who used a fleece-bearing animal for burthen and in agriculture, and among them there were Christians. .. How did they know this? .. They had heard from the tribes beyond them that a white and bearded people, riding upon large beasts, had been in the deserts which lay in that direction, from whence for want of water they had been forced to return. All the Indians of that country, they

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CHAP. VI. 1544.

said, communicated with each other, and they knew that far away, beyond the mountains, there was a great salt water, on which there were great ships. This account, when divested of fable, is sufficiently remarkable. The fact that in the centre of South America any knowledge was found of its shores, evinces an internal intercourse which it is not easy to explain.

They return to the Xarayes.

Schmidel. 37—38.

The Cazique of the Urtueses gave Ribera four large bracelets of silver, and four golden frontlets, which were worn as marks of distinction; for which he received in return a present of knives, beads, and such toys as were manufactured at Nuremberg. Having thus taken a friendly departure, the Spaniards marched back, because they could have got no food had they proceeded. On their way they were reduced to live on palmitoes and roots; and in consequence of this diet, and of having travelled so long half under water, the greater number of them sickened as soon as they reached the Xarayes. Here they were well nurst, and the men carried on so good a trade for silver and the fine cotton webs which the Xaraye women manufactured, that Schmidel estimates their profit at not less than two hundred ducats each. When they returned to Puerto de los Reyes, the Adelantado, ill as he was, was exceedingly incensed that Ribera should, in contempt of orders, have proceeded upon an expedition of discovery, leaving the army in such distress, and in expectation of relief from him. He ordered him to be put in irons, and took from the soldiers all that they had gained by the adventure. A sort of mutiny was the consequence, and Cabeza de Vaca thought it best to yield. It is to Ribera's honour that he did not resent this deserved anger, and bore no part in the insurrection against the Adelantado. Of eighty men who accompanied him upon this dreadful march, only thirty recovered from its effects. Schmidel contracted a dropsy, but fortunately for history as well as for himself, it did not prove fatal.

[page] 161

CHAP. VI. 1544.

Misconduct of the Spaniards.

Yrala subdues the Carios.

The sedition against Cabeza de Vaca threw every thing into confusion. Thus far Yrala and the King's officers had gone hand in hand; they quarrelled concerning their usurped authority, for when these officers elected him Governor, it was with the intention of being Governors over him. This struggle between the civil and military powers took place in almost all the Conquests, before the scheme of colonial legislation was fully formed. The Spaniards at Asumpcion were divided into parties, and both parties acted as mischievously as possible. The partizans of either side were allowed to treat the Indians as they pleased, and the Indians were indulged in their accursed cannibalism, the leaders permitting any thing to strengthen their own faction. Frequently they were on the point of deciding the quarrel by arms: from this it is probable that the civil officers were withheld by their fear of Yrala's popularity among the soldiers, and Yrala by a wise unwillingness to weaken the general strength. The Carios and Agaces seeing these dissentions, united to all upon the Spaniards and rid the country of them. This danger intimidated the civil faction, and Yrala was now suffered to exercise that power, which could not be in abler hands. He made an alliance with the Jeperos and Bathac is, tribes who could muster about five thousand men; and with one thousand of them and about three hundred Spaniards, so distributed as that every Spaniard should be assisted by three natives, he marched against the Carios, a large army of whom had assembled under their Cazique Machkarias. They advanced within half a league of the enemy, and then halted for the night, being weary with a march through incessant rain. At six in the morning they proceeded to the attack; after a battle of three hours the Carios fled to their strong hold called3 Fremi-

3 This is Schmidel's word, .. but the F is not used by any of these tribes.

Y

[page] 162

CHAP. VI. 1544.

diere, leaving many hundreds on the field, whose heads the Jeperos carried off that they might skin them and hang up the whole mask as trophies. The post to which they retired was fortified with three palisadoes, and with pit-falls, and it was so well defended that Yrala besieged it three days in vain. He then made four hundred pavaises of anta-skin4, under cover of which he sent as many Indians with pick-axes to level the palisade, and between every two went a harquebusseer. This mode of attack succeeded; after a few hours the assailants entered the place, massacring women and children before them, and making a great slaughter. The greater number however escaped, and fled to another strong hold called Carieba, whither the conquerors, having received a reinforcement of two hundred Spaniards and five hundred allies, pursued them. This hold was fortified in the same manner as the last; and the Carios had also contrived machines which, according to Schmidel's description, were like rat-traps, and each of which had it taken effect would have caught twenty or thirty men. Four days the Spaniards besieged them, without success. A Cario then, who had formerly been Chief of the town, came privately out and offered to betray it, if they would promise not to set fire to it. He then discovered to them two paths in the wood which led into the place, and they by this means surprised it. The women and children had previously been hidden in the woods, the former massacre having taught them this precaution. They who

4 I am reminded by a friend, that this word may to many persons require explanation. The Anta is that amphibious animal which is sometimes called the Tapiir, sometimes the Hippopotamos of South America, sometimes the Great Beast. Dobrizhoffer strangely confounds it with the Elk. The prints of this animal differ from each other, and I have seen a drawing, probably more authentic than any, which differs materially from all.

[page] 163

CHAP. VI. 1548.

Schmidel. 41—43.

escaped from this second slaughter fled to a Cazique called Dabero, and wasted the country before them to prevent pursuit. But upon this the Spaniards returned to Asumpcion, and from thence went down the river against them with fresh forces: the Chief who had betrayed Carieba joined them with a thousand of his people, and Dabero, after one defeat, submitted again to a yoke which it was impossible to shake off.

Yrala enters the country.

Schmidel. 44.

After this war was terminated the Spaniards remained at peace and at rest for two years, during which time no succours arrived from Spain. Yrala then, that they might not longer continue idling, as this quiet life was termed, proposed to them to renew the attempt in which his two predecessors had failed, and to ascertain whether gold and silver were to be found or not. Such a proposal was joyfully accepted. He left Don Francisco de Mendoza to command during his absence, and departed with three hundred and fifty Spaniards, and two thousand of the lately conquered Carios. They went up the river in seven brigantines and two hundred canoes; such of the expedition as could not go by water for want of sufficient embarkations, proceeding with two hundred and fifty horses by land. The place of meeting was in sight of the high round mountain called St. Fernando: the same, it may be presumed, by which the Guarani had guided Cabeza de Vaca. Fifty Spaniards were left in two brigantines, with a charge to be more wary than Ayolas had been; the other vessels were sent back, and Yrala began his march.

The Mapais.

Eight days they went on without finding any inhabitants. On the ninth, when they were about six and thirty leagues beyond the mountain St. Fernando, they came to the Meperos, a tall and robust race of hunters and fishers. Four days afterwards they found the Mapais, a tribe far more advanced towards servitude and civilization. The people were compelled to serve

[page] 164

CHAP. VI. 1548.

Schmidel. 44—45.

their Chiefs, like the peasants in Germany, they were cultivators; they made a sort of mead, and had tamed the Ilama. The women were handsome, and were exempt from that hard labour which savages usually force upon the weaker sex; their only employments were to spin and weave cotton, and to prepare food. These Mapais came out to welcome the Spaniards, and presented Yrala with four silver coronets, four frontlets of the same metal, and three girls. The Spaniards set their guard and went to rest. In the middle of the night Yrala missed the girls; immediately he suspected treachery, and ordered the men to be under arms. They were presently attacked, but being thus prepared, repelled the assailants with great slaughter, and pursued them two days and nights, never resting more than four or five hours. On the third day, still following the pursuit, the Spaniards fell in with a large horde of the same nation, who, not suspecting hostility, were surprized, and suffered for the offence of their countrymen. All who were not slaughtered fell into the hands of the Spaniards, and the prisoners were so numerous that nineteen were included in Schmidel's share of the spoil5. After this victory, if such it may be called, they rested eight days, having plenty of provisions.

The Zehmie.

The Tohannas.

The Peionas.

They came next to the Zehmie, a sort of Helots to the last tribe. This was a fine country for an army of such adventurers to traverse; the maize ripens there in all seasons, and wherever they went they found maizals fit for gathering. Six leagues farther were the Tohannas, a tribe also in vassalage to the Mapais, whose dominion seems to have extended in this direction as far as the inhabited country. They now passed over an

5 There were women among them, says this German adventurer, and not very old ones.

[page] 165

CHAP. VI. 1548.

The Maiegoni.

The Marronos.

The Parobios.

The Simanos.

Schmidel. 43.

unpeopled track of fourteen leagues, and then reached the Peionas. The Cazique came out to welcome them, and earnestly entreated Yrala not to enter his village, but pitch his tents upon the spot. Yrala gave no regard to this entreaty, but marched in, and quartered himself there for three days. The land was very fertile, though there was a scarcity of water, and of gold and silver, which Schmidel thus links with it as articles of equal necessity. The Spaniards thought it politic not to enquire for these precious metals, lest the tribes before them, hearing of what they were in search, should hide their treasures and fly. They took a guide from hence, who led them by a route where there was water, to a tribe, four leagues distant, called the Maiegoni: with them they remained a day, and then obtaining an interpreter and another guide, went on eight leagues farther to the Marronos, a populous nation. Here they rested two days. Their next halt was with the Parobios, four leagues on: there was a scarcity of food here; Yrala and his marauders however remained a day there, to devour what there was. The next people, who were twelve leagues distant, and were called the Simanos, stood upon their defence. Their settlement was upon an eminence, well fortified with a hedge of thorns. When they found themselves unable to resist fire-arms, they set fire to their dwellings and fled; but the country was cultivated, and the Spaniards found food in the fields.

The Barconos.

The Leyhanos.

After marching four days at the rate of four leagues a day, they came suddenly upon a settlement of the Barconos. The inhabitants would have fled, but were persuaded not to be alarmed at strangers who had no hostile intentions; having been thus conciliated they brought poultry, water-fowl, sheep, (the llama or vicuna is meant,) ostriches, and stags, in great abundance, and were well pleased at having the Spaniards four days or their guests. They departed laden with provisions, and in

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CHAP. VI. 1548.

The Carchuonos.

The Suboris.

Schmidel. 46.

three days, at their usual journey of four leagues, came to the Leyhanos, with whom they made only a night's stay, because the locusts had stripped their fields. In four days more, travelling at the same rate, they came to the Carchuonos, who had suffered from the same plague, though not so severely; and here they learnt that in the next thirty leagues they would find no water. Had this information been concealed, it is probable that they must all have perished. They therefore took water from hence, and began a march which continued six days; some Spaniards died of thirst notwithstanding the supply which they carried, and many more would have been lost had they not found a plant growing there, which retained the rain and dew in its leaves, as in a reservoir; each holding about a quarter of a pint. At last they reached the settlement of the Suboris; it was night, and the people began to fly, till they were assured by an interpreter of the peaceable intention of the strangers. Little relief did the Spaniards find here. The Suboris and their neighbours were often at war for water. There had been a three months drought, so that the stock of rain-water which they used to reserve, was exhausted. The greater part of the people had no other drink than the juice of the mandepore root, which was white as milk. When water was to be had, they made a fermented liquor from this root, .. now they were fain to support life with the simple juice. There were no running streams, and only one well in the place. Schmidel was stationed as centinel over this, to distribute it by measure: gold and silver were now no longer thought of; .. all the cry was for water.

Here the hearts of the adventurers failed them: they deliberated whether to proceed or turn back, and determined the doubt by casting lots. The lot was for advancing. They remained two days at the cost of the Suboris well, and then began a

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CHAP. VI. 1548.

The Peisenos.

Schmidel. 46.

march of six days more, taking guides, who said there were two running streams in the way. The guides fled during the first night; they were however fortunate enough to find the road, and came to the Peisenos, according to the information which they had procured. This tribe received them as enemies, and would listen to no persuasions. They were soon put to flight; but their sufferings did not end with their defeat. Some prisoners who were taken in the action told the Spaniards, that Ayolas had left three of his men sick in this place, where they had been put to death only four days ago, at the instigation of the Suboris. Yrala remained there fourteen days, inquiring where these people had fled, in order to take vengeance upon them; and having at length discovered part of them in the woods, attacked them, killed many, and made slaves of the rest.

The Maigenos.

Schmidel. 47.

The Maigenos were the next tribe, a people four days journey distant. Their town was on a hill, and surrounded with a thorn hedge about as high as a man could reach with his sword. They refused to admit the Spaniards, and killed twelve of them, besides some of the Carios, before the place could be forced: then they set fire to their houses and fled. The loss which they sustained here provoked the Carios, who served the Spaniards more resolutely than they had resisted them; they thirsted for vengeance, and five hundred of them secretly set off to take it, thinking to prove that they needed no assistance from the strangers, their fire-arms, and their horses. When they had got about three leagues from the camp they fell in with a large body of the Maigenos; a desperate battle ensued, and it was not till three hundred of the Carios had fallen, that they sent for succour, for they were beset on all sides, and could neither advance nor retreat. The Maigenos fled as soon as the horsemen appeared in sight, and the surviving allies returned to the army perfectly well pleased with their exploit.

[page] 168

CHAP. VI. 1548.

Carcokies.

They reach the Spanish Conquests.

Schmidel. 47—48.

They remained here twelve days, having found plenty of provisions. Then they marched thirteen days without intermission, during which time those of the party who understood the stars computed that they had advanced two and fifty leagues. A tribe of the Carcokies were settled here. In nine days more they came to a track of country covered with salt, so that it appeared like snow: they halted two days, in doubt how to proceed, then struck to the right, and in four more came to another horde of the same nation. Fifty Spaniards and as many Carios were sent forward to the town to procure lodging and food; when they entered it they were alarmed at finding a more populous place than they had ever seen before in that country, and sent with all speed to Yrala, desiring him to advance and support them. The sight of this force made the inhabitants submissive. Both sexes here wore lip-stones; the women were habited in sleeveless garments of cotton; they spun, and were employed in household affairs; agriculture was the work of the men. The Spaniards took guides from this place, who deserted them on the third day. They proceeded without them, and came to a river which is called Machcasies6, and is described as being half a league wide. Rafts of stakes and basket-work were made for this dangerous passage; each carried two persons; .. four men were lost in crossing. There was a settlement four leagues beyond the river, from whence some Indians came out to meet them, and welcomed them in Spanish. They belonged to a Spaniard named Pedro Ansures. And here, having reached the Spanish settlements on the South side of the

6 Probably the Pilcomayo. Schmidel has written his proper names with exceeding inaccuracy; there is however in many cases no alternative but to follow him. All that is to be wondered at is that such an adventurer should have written at all.

[page] 169

CHAP. VI. 1548.

continent, the adventurers halted, after a march of three hundred and seventy-two leagues, according to their own calculation. Intelligence of their arrival was immediately dispatched to the seat of government.

Secret agreement between Yrala and the President of Peru.

C. 48.

The Licentiate Pedro de la Gasca was at this time President of Peru. He had just defeated Gonzalo Pizarro, and put him and the bloody leaders of his party to death. The arrival at such a time of a body of men so long accustomed to be lawless he justly considered dangerous, and sent orders to Yrala not to advance, but wait where he was for instructions. He apprehended that if a new insurrection had broken out, these adventurers would have joined with the partizans of Pizarro, .. as Schmidel says, they certainly would have done. Yrala deputed Nuflo de Chaves to confer with the President; and that wise Governor, well knowing what the lure was which had brought this usurper so far, sent him gold enough to induce him to return contentedly. The soldiers knew nothing of these dealings; .. if we had, says Schmidel, we would have bound him hand and foot, and sent him to Peru. All that was publicly known was, that they were ordered to return by the same route, for the sake of marking it distinctly.

Yrala returns.

The province which they had reached was more fertile than any other that they had seen even in this fertile country. Scarcely a tree could be cleft, but fine honey flowed from the aperture7, a species of small and stingless bee was so numerous. Yrala's men would have desired no better fortune than to help themselves in this land; the natives had silver vessels; they eyed these with avidity,

7 This honey was the chief diet of the famous Francisco de Caravajal, who when he was put to death at about eighty years of age, had all the vigour and activity of youth. He drank it like wine. Pedro de Cieça. C. 99.

Z

[page] 170

CHAP. VI. 1548.

Schmidel. 49.

but did not dare touch them, because these people were subject to the Spaniards. Their Commander had now effected his purpose, and gratified both ambition and avarice. He had opened a communication with Peru, had ascertained that there were no golden kingdoms to be plundered in the intermediate regions, and had secretly secured what he was in quest of. There was another cause which induced him to return with as little delay as possible. Diego Centeno was designated by the President to be Governor on the Plata, and of all the countries from thence to the frontiers of Cuzco and Charcas. When therefore Yrala was ordered to return by the same route, he was perhaps willing to obey in this instance, that he might prepare to support his usurpation. Accordingly he contrived to keep his men short of provisions, and ignorant of Centeno's appointment; Schmidel declares they would not have left the province if they had known it, but they were duped and starved into obedience.

Schmidel. 49.

When they came again to the Carcokies, they found the village abandoned. Yrala sent to invite the natives back: their reply was, that if the Spaniards did not speedily leave the place, they would drive them out. Many of his men advised him not to resent this, for if it was intended to establish a communication between the Plata and Peru, any hostilities here would be impolitic, inasmuch as supplies would no longer be procurable upon the road. He thought otherwise; either being determined to strike terror into the tribe, or perhaps designing to bring about the mischief which they apprehended, and thus impede the march of his successor. He made a great slaughter of these Indians, captured about a thousand of them, and remained two months in their town. This was the only event occurring upon their return. The whole expedition occupied a year and half, and the Spaniards brought back with them about twelve thou-

[page] 171

CHAP. VI. 1549.

sand slaves8, men, women and children .. evidence enough of the devastation they must have made upon their march.

Disturbances at Asumpcion.

Charlevoix. t. . P. 112.

Schmidel. 50.

Herrera. 8. 2. 17.

On reaching the brigantines they learnt that Diego de Abrego had usurped the government, and publicly beheaded Francisco de Mendoza. This hidalgo had left Spain with his kinsman Don Pedro, because in a fit of jealousy he had murdered his wife and his domestic chaplain. The divine vengeance was upon him, and upon the anniversary of the murder he himself suffered a violent and undeserved death. He made a public confession of his crime upon the scaffold, and expressed a hope and trust that God, who had thus inflicted due punishment upon him in this world, would remit it in the next. When the Spaniards approached Asumpcion Abrego refused them admittance, and Yrala immediately besieged him. Whatever may have been the misdeeds of this intrepid adventurer, he was popular in his government; and Abrego finding that the people were beginning to desert him, fled with fifty followers, and continued a sort of banditti warfare, till his troop was hunted down. He himself was found in the woods, alone and blind, and the Alguazil who discovered him put an end to his miseries with the stroke of a fisherman's harpoon.

Yrala's history has been written by his enemies. They accuse him of many enormities, .. of which few or none of the conquerors have been innocent; but it is manifest even from their account that he was a man of great enterprize and great prudence. After having effected the journey to Peru, and thus opened a communication between the two sides of South America, he sent Nuflo de Chaves to put a stop to the wars upon the confines of Brazil, in which the Indians who were subject to

8 Schmidel had fifty to his share.

[page] 172

CHAP. VI. 1549.

Herrera. 8. 2. 17.

the different crowns had now begun to engage as borderers. This was done, and the limits between the Spanish and Portugueze colonies for the first time defined. He divided the land into repartimientos, as in the other Conquests, .. a mode by which the country and its native population were portioned out among their European masters, as Europe itself had formerly been under its Gothick and Slavonick conquerors; with this difference, that in America the slavery was more intolerable, and that the gulph between master and slave has hitherto been found impassable. By the Castillian laws these repartimientos were restricted to Spaniards: Yrala, feeling how feeble his European force was, ventured to break this restriction, and gave them indiscriminately to adventurers of all nations. This act of wisdom is imputed to him as a crime, and a device for confirming himself in his usurpation. He has crimes enough to answer for, nor does it appear that his ambition extended farther than the wish of remaining Governor; .. a post in which, as no mines had yet been discovered in the province, he thought it little likely that he should be superseded. So far from attempting to make himself independent, he requested the Court to send visitors who might enquire into his conduct; .. aware perhaps that the request would be the best means of preventing the measure. The settlers meantime went on in those habits of lasciviousness and cruelty which characterize the Creoles of every stock whatsoever. He made little or no attempt to check them, perhaps because he knew that any attempt would be ineffectual, .. perhaps because he thought that all was as it should be, .. that the Creator had destined the people of colour to serve those of a whiter complection, and be at the mercy of their lust and their avarice.

Every thing favoured Yrala. Centeno, who was appointed

[page] 173

CHAP. VI. 1549.

Herrera. 8. 4. 12.

8. 5. 2.

by the President Gasca to supersede him, died just as he was preparing to set out and take possession of his government. His death was a calamity to Paraguay, for he was loyal, honourable, and humane, a man of tried worth and talents, one of the best of the conquerors. About the same time Juan de Senabria accepted the same command in Spain, prepared an expedition, and died when it was ready. His son Diego acceded to the terms which his father had made, and set sail. He lost his ships, and only a few of his people reached Asumpcion by a march over land from the mouth of the Plata. To those however who investigate the history of Brazil this was an important voyage, for Hans Stade, one of the persons who were deluded by lying reports of the riches of the country to embark in the expedition, settled in Brazil after being shipwrecked. His adventures lead us back to the Portugueze colonies, and supply the earliest and best account of the native savages.

[page 174]

CHAPTER VII.

Hans Stade sails with Senabria for Paraguay, and reaches St. Catalina.—Shipwrecked on St. Vicente.—He is made Gunner at St. Amaro, and taken prisoner by the Tupinambas.—Their ceremonies towards a prisoner; superstition and weapons.—He effects his escape.

CHAP. VII. 1549.

Nov. 24.

Hans Stade was at Seville when Senabria was fitting out his expedition for Paraguay. They who were interested in procuring adventurers spread about lying reports of the riches which abounded in that happy country, and Hans, like many others, swallowed the gilded bait. The vessel in which he sailed soon parted company from the squadron, and then, through the ignorance of the pilot, they lost themselves. At length, after a wretched voyage of six months, they made land in 28° S. not knowing where they were; they kept in shore, searching for a port, and a storm arose from which they expected nothing but destruction, for it blew directly upon the land. In such circumstances they did the wisest thing that could be done; filled their barrels with powder, fastened them down as closely as possible, and tied musquets to them, that they who should escape to shore might have a chance of finding arms there. There was a reef of rocks

[page] 175

CHAP. VII. 1549.

H. Stade in De Bry. p. 2. c. 6. 7.

a-head, lying about four fathom under water; all their efforts to keep off were unavailing; the wind and tide carried them right on, when, just as they thought themselves driving upon the reef, one of the crew espied a harbour, and they got safely in. A boat which saw them entering, immediately made off and got out of sight behind an island; but they, without pursuing it, dropt anchor, and gave thanks to God for their merciful deliverance. In the evening a party of natives boarded, who could not make themselves understood, but returned well pleased with a few knives and fishing hooks. Another boat came off soon afterwards with two Portugueze. These men told them their Pilot must be wonderfully skilful to enter that port in such weather, .. well acquainted as they were with the place, they durst not have attempted it. They were inhabitants of St. Vicente, which was eighteen leagues distant, and this harbour was called Suprawai; the reason why they had fled in the morning on seeing the ship, was because they supposed her to be French. The Spaniards then enquired how far they were from the Island of St. Catalina, or Catharine, which they meant to make for, that being their appointed place of rendezvous. It lay thirty leagues South, and they were warned to beware of the Carios there. The natives here were Tupiniquins, from whom they had nothing to apprehend.

They reach St. Catalina.

For St. Catalina therefore they made sail; they overshot it, being ignorant of the coast, were driven back by a gale from the South, and when the wind abated, could not find the port which they had left. They found however another delightful harbour, where they anchored, and the Captain went in the boat to explore it. The river widened as the boat advanced; they looked round in hope of seeing smoke, but in vain; at length they perceived some huts in a solitary valley between the hills; they went up to them and found them deserted and in ruins. By this

[page] 176

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Stade. p. 2. c. 8. 9.

time night was coming on; there was an island in the river, and having ascertained as well as they could that it was uninhabited, they landed, kindled a fire, cut down a mountain cabbage-tree1, supt upon its top, and past the night there. In the morning they renewed their search: one of the party fancied he saw a cross upon a rock; others thought this impossible; they drew nearer to see, and there they found a large wooden cross firmly built into the crag, with half the head of a barrel suspended from it, bearing an inscription which appeared to be illegible. However they took it with them, and as they went on one of the crew continued to pore over it, till letter by letter he made out these words, Si ven por ventura aqui la armada de su Majestad, tiren un tiro y averan recado. .. "If his Majesty's ships should come here, let them fire a gun and they shall know more." Back they went to the cross and fired off a falconet, then got into their boat again. Presently five canoes full of savages were seen making towards them, and they pointed their guns in apprehension of an attack. As the canoes drew nearer, they distinguished a man among the Indians who was cloathed and had a beard, by which they knew him to be a Christian, and called out to him to stop. He then advanced in his canoe. Their first question was, where were they? Schirmirein, he replied, was the native name of the port, but they who discovered it called it St. Catalina. They then gave thanks to God for having found the place which they sought, confidently believing that it was in consequence of their prayers, because it happened to be St. Catharine's day. This man had been sent from Asumpcion three

1 The cabbage-tree, and all of its kind, would probably have been extirpated if it had not been so laborious to cut it down. It was the hard work of half a day for a man with an axe to get the tree down and cut off its head.

Pedro de Cieça. ff. 19.

[page] 177

CHAP. VII. 1552.

years ago to live here with the Carios, and persuade them to cultivate mandioc, that when Spanish ships bound for the Plata touched here they might find provisions; another instance this of Yrala's wisdom.

Stade. p. 2. c. 10.

Hans was now sent in one of the canoes to bring the vessel up. When the sailors saw him among the savages they called out to know where his comrades were, and why he came without them. To these questions he gave no reply, the Captain having told him to put on a sorrowful countenance that he might see how the ship's company would act. They cried out that beyond a doubt the rest had been slain, and this was a device to decoy them, and they ran to arms. Hans then laughed at the success of his stratagem, got on board, and sent the canoe back. He carried the ship in, and here they waited for the other two vessels. The name of this settlement of the Carios was Acutia; the Spaniard who lived with them, and who may be considered as the first settler in St. Catalina, was Juan Hernandez of Bilbao. Here they procured fish and mandioc flour in abundance, for which they bartered fishing-hooks.

One of the ships wrecked.

The ship with Senabria on board, arrived three weeks after them; the other was never heard of. They took in stores for six months, but just when they were about to proceed on their voyage the store-ship was wrecked in the port. The Carios supplied them well with food till they were sufficiently rich in hooks, knives, and other such real treasures, then they migrated, and left the Spaniards to support themselves upon shell-fish, lizards, dormice, and whatever they could catch. After having struggled two years with these difficulties, they came to a resolution, which might as well have been taken at first, that the greater part of them should march overland to Asumpcion, and the rest follow them in the remaining vessel. The land party set out, and all who did not die on the way of hunger, reached the place

2 A

[page] 178

CHAP. VII. 1552.

Stade. p. 2. c. 11. 12.

of destination; .. when the other party came to embark it was found that the ship was not capable of carrying them. What was to be done? St. Vicente was about seventy leagues off; thither they determined to send and procure a larger ship, in which they might all proceed to the Plata. None of the party knew the navigation; one Roman however thought he could pilot them.

They send to St. Vicente, and the ship is lost.

Stade. p 2. c. 12.

Hans was one of the crew. On the second day they came to the Ilha dos Alcatrazes, where contrary winds compelled them to anchor. They found fresh water here, deserted houses, and broken pottery; knocked down as many as they pleased of the poor birds from whom the island took its name, and feasted upon them and their eggs after their long famine. But when the feast was over, a gale from the South arose, and they put off in imminent danger. At day-break they were out of sight of the island; other land soon appeared; Roman thought it was St. Vicente, and they made towards it; but it was so thick with mist and clouds that it was impossible to ascertain whether this was the place which they were seeking. Meantime the gale continued, .. the sea ran tremendously high, .. when we were on the top of a wave, says Hans, it seemed as if there were a precipice under us, and the ship laboured so much, that they threw overboard whatever they could to lighten her, still holding on in hopes of hitting the port. The clouds cleared and Roman affirmed it was in sight, but that they were going straight upon the rocks which lay before it. There was no port; but concerning the inevitable destruction of the ship he was not mistaken. The wind drove her right upon shore, and nothing was left then but to commit themselves to the mercy of God. At the first shock she went to pieces. Some of the crew leapt into the water, others clung to pieces of the wreck, and all got safe to land.

[page] 179

CHAP. VII. 1552.

They escape to shore near S. Vicente

Stade. p. 2. c. 13.

Here they were, wet, shivering, without food, without fire, without the means of procuring either, not knowing where they were, and in dread of the Savages. A lucky Frenchman, who was of the party, took a run to warm himself, and saw something through the woods which looked like Christian houses; such a sight made him run the faster. It proved to be a Portugueze settlement called Itanhaem2. As soon as the inhabitants heard his story they went to the sufferers, brought them in, and gave them clothes and food. They were on the main land, two miles only from St. Vicente; there they went as soon as they had recovered strength, and there they were received as men ought to be in such circumstances, and supported at the public expence while they looked about them to find some means of supporting themselves. The remainder of the party, who were waiting at St. Catalina, were sent for.

State of St. Vicente.

There were at this time two fortified settlements upon the Isle of St. Vicente, and several sugar works. The Tupiniquins3, who inhabited the neighbouring coast, were in alliance with the Portugueze, but this friendly tribe were at war with the Carios on the South, and with the Tupinambas on the North; and these last were active and dreadful enemies, not only to them but to the Portugueze also. There is an island called Bertioga, about five miles from St. Vicente, half way between the main land and St. Amaro. This was the place where the Tupinambas used to rendezvous before they made their attack; five brethren, the sons of Diogo de Braga and of a Brazilian woman, determined therefore to secure it, and they and their native friends made a set-

2 If Fray Gaspar da Madre de Deos had perused these Travels he would have seen that there was a settlement at this place in 1555, .. which he denies.

3 It seems that the Goaynazes had left the country.

[page] 180

CHAP. VII. 1552.

Settlement formed at Bertioga.

Stade. p. 2. c. 14.

p. 3. c. 15.

tlement there, about two years before Hans was shipwrecked, which they fortified after the manner of the natives. These brethren had learnt both languages in their infancy, and were perfectly well acquainted with every thing relating to the natives, which, as they considered themselves to be Portugueze, made them excellent subjects for the colony. A few colonists, when they saw a settlement formed here, removed to it, for the situation had many advantages. It could however have none sufficient to counterbalance the evil of its vicinity to the Tupinambas, whose borders were little more than a league distant.

A fort built at Bertioga, and also at St. Amaro.

Hans appointed gunner.

Stade. p. 3. c. 15. 16.

One morning before day-break (as usual in their expeditions) seventy canoes of these savages attacked the place. The five brethren and the other Christians, who were about eight in number, defended themselves successfully in a mud house. The Tupiniquins were not so fortunate; they fought bravely as long as their strength lasted, but were overpowered. The conquerors set fire to the houses, devoured their prisoners upon the spot, and returned in triumph. Bertioga had been found of too much use to be quietly resigned; the Portugueze rebuilt it, and fortified it better. They now became too confident in the protection which it afforded them,.. and it was found necessary to secure St. Amaro also, which lay opposite, by the water-side. A fort was begun, but it had been left unfinished, because nobody would venture to undertake the post of gunner, who was the commander in these little forts. The settlers seeing that Hans was a German, and knew something of gunnery, prest him to take the situation, offering a good salary, and promising the royal favour; for the King, they said, never failed to requite those who were useful in these colonies. Hans agreed to take charge of it for four months, by which time Thome de Sousa, the first Governor-General of Brazil, was expected to arrive. For this post had been deemed so essential to the security of these establishments,

[page] 181

CHAP. VII. 1552.

that application had been made to the Court concerning it, and it was understood that when the Governor arrived a stone fortress was to be erected there.

It was a service of no little danger to defend half-finished works of mud and timber, with only two comrades. The Savages made some attempts to surprize them by night. They however kept good watch; the Governor came, inspected the place, approved the situation, and gave the expected orders for erecting a stone fort. Hans would now have given up his situation, the term for which he had engaged having expired; the Governor requested him to retain it, the neighbouring settlers urged him also, and he engaged anew for two years, receiving a written assurance from the Governor, which the Gunners in the King's service were entitled to demand, that at the end of that time he should be permitted to return in the first ship to Portugal, and receive the price of his services. It was necessary to be especially vigilant twice in the year. In August the fish, which the natives called Bratti, and the Portugueze Lysses, ascended the rivers; the Savages then laid in store of them, which they dried over a fire, and preserved either whole or in powder. Just before this time, when their stock began to grow short, they were accustomed to attack their neighbours for the sake of plundering their provisions. The danger was still greater in November, when the fruit of the auati4 ripens, from which they make one of their intoxicating liquors. This was the carnival of the Brazilian Savages, and always when it was near they made an expedition to procure prisoners for the feast.

Stade. p. 3. c. 17.

He is caught by the Tupinambas.

Hans had a German friend settled at St. Vicente as overseer of

4 Probably the Acayaba of Piso and Marcgraff, which bears the acajou, or cashew nut.

[page] 182

CHAP. VII. 1552.

Stade. p. 4. c. 18.

some sugar-works, which belonged to Giuseppe Adorno5, a Genoese. His name was Heliodorus, and he was son of Eoban, a German Poet of great celebrity in his day; he was from the same country as Hans, and had received him into his house after the shipwreck, with that brotherly kindness which every man feels for a countryman when they meet in so remote a land. This Heliodorus came with another friend to visit Hans in his Castle. There was no other market where he could send for food to regale them except the woods, but this was well stocked. The wild boars were the finest in the whole country, and they were so numerous that the inhabitants killed them for their skins, of which they made a leather that was preferred to cow-hides for boots and chair bottoms. He had a Cario slave who used to hunt for him, and whom he never feared to accompany to the chase; him he sent into the woods to kill game, and went out to meet him the next day, and see what success he had had. The war whoop was set up, and in an instant he was surrounded by the Tupinambas. He gave himself up for lost, and exclaimed, Into thy hands O Lord do I commit my spirit. The prayer was hardly ended before he was knocked down; blows and arrows fell upon him from all sides; but he received only one wound, in the thigh.

Their first business was to strip him; hat, cloak, jerkin, shirt, were presently torn away, every one seizing what he could get. To this part of the prize possession was sufficient title; but

5 Ornio, he writes the name. Three brothers of the Adornos were among the first settlers here. One removed to Bahia, and married a daughter of Caramuru. Giuseppe lived to be more than a hundred, .. the story which S. Vasconcellos tells, (C. da Comp. L. 1. §. 76.) is known to relate to him. The descendants of these brothers are very numerous. Gaspar da M. de Deos. P. 52.

[page] 183

CHAP. VII. 1552.

Stade. p. 4. c. 18.

Hans's body, or carcase, as they considered it, was a thing of more consequence. A dispute arose who had first laid hands on him, and they who bore no part in it amused themselves by beating the prisoner with their bows. It was settled that he belonged to two brethren; then they lifted him up and carried him off as fast as possible towards their canoes, which were drawn ashore, and concealed in the thicket. A large party who had been left in guard advanced to meet their triumphant fellows, showing Hans their teeth, and biting their arms to let him see what he was to expect. The Chief of the party went before him, wielding the Iwara Pemme, the club with which they slaughter their prisoners, and crying out to him, Now Pero (as they called the Portugueze) thou art a most vile slave! now thou art in our hands! now thou shalt pay for our countrymen whom thou hast slain! They then tied his hands; but another dispute arose, what should be done with him. The captors were not all from the same dwelling place; no other prisoner had been taken, and they who were to return home without one, exclaimed against giving him to the two brethren, and were for killing him at once. Poor Hans had lived long enough in Brazil to understand all that was said, and all that was to be done; he fervently said his prayers, and kept his eye upon the slaughter-club. The Chief of the party settled the dispute by saying, We will carry him home alive, that our wives may rejoice over him, and he shall be made a Kaawy-pepike6; that is, he was to be killed at the great drinking feast. Then they tied four cords round his neck, fastened them to the ends and sides of a canoe, and pushed off.

Vida de Anchieta. 4. 13. § 5.

There was a little island near, in which the sea fowl called Goarazes bred. The down of the young bird is of the grey

6 As we say, a Michaelas Goose, or Christmas Ox.

[page] 184

CHAP. VII. 1552.

Stade. p. 4. c. 19.

colour of ashes; their feathers for the first year are brown, then they become of a bright and glowing red. These red feathers were the favourite ornament of all the savage tribes. They enquired of their prisoner whether the Tupiniquins had been that season to take the brooding birds, and though he assured them that they had, they made towards the island. Before they reached it they saw canoes coming in pursuit of them. The slave of Hans, who had seen his master taken, fled and gave the alarm, and the Tupiniquins, and a few Portugueze with them, were hastening to his assistance. They called out to the Tupinambas to stop and fight, if they were men. Provoked at this defiance they turned, loosened their prisoner's hands, and giving him powder and ball, which they had got from the French, made him load his own gun and fire at his friends; the ropes round his neck prevented him from leaping overboard. They soon however perceived their own rashness, and fearing that other forces would speedily come against them, made off. As they past within falcon-shot of Bertioga two shot were discharged at them, which just fell short; boats were put out from thence, but the Tupinambas pulled for their lives and outstripped them.

About seven miles beyond Bertioga they landed upon an island where they meant to sleep. Hans's face was so swoln with the blows which he had received that he could not see, and he could not stand because of the wound in his thigh; so he lay on the ground, and they stood round, telling him how they would eat him. Being in this condition, says he, I began to think, which I had never done sufficiently before, what a miserable life this is, and how full of changes and troubles! .. and he began to sing the 130th Psalm, de profundis. Lo! said they, now he is bewailing his unhappy fate. The place which they had chosen not being a convenient station, they removed to the main land to some deserted huts of their own, drew their canoes

[page] 185

CHAP. VII. 1552.

ashore, and kindled a fire, to which they brought their prisoner. They laid him in a hammock, fastened the cords which were still kept round his neck, to a tree, and from time to time through the night informed him, in their mirth, that he was now their beast. The next day a storm arose, and they called upon him to pray that it might not destroy them. Hans obeyed, beseeching God to shew the savages that his prayers were heard, and presently he heard them say the clouds were passing off, .. for he was lying along in the canoe, and could not lift his head, so severely had he been bruised. This change of weather he willingly attributed to his prayers, and returned thanks for it. A second night was passed like the first, and they congratulated each other that on the morrow they should reach home: .. but I, says he, did not congratulate myself.

On the third evening they came to their town, which was called Uwattibi. It consisted of seven houses, .. a town seldom had more, but each house contained twenty or thirty families, who as they were generally related to each other, may not improperly be called a clan. They are about fourteen feet wide, and one hundred and fifty long, more or less, according to the number of the clan. Each family has its own birth and its own fire, but there are no partitions whatsoever between them. The usual height of the roof is about twelve feet; it is convex, and well thatched with palms. These houses are built to inclose an area, in which they slaughter their prisoners: to each house there are three low doors, all towards the area. The town is surrounded first with a close palisado, in which loopholes are left for their arrows; this palisado is so constructed as to form alternately two sides of a triangle and three of a square; and without this is a circular one of high, strong stakes, not so closely set as the inner, neither far enough apart to leave room for passing through. At the entrance they set up a few heads

2 B

[page] 186

CHAP. VII. 1552.

of those whom they had devoured, stuck upon spikes upon these pales.

Ceremonies used with the prisoner.

When the canoes arrived the women were digging mandioc. The captors made Hans cry out to them in Brazilian, Here I am, come to be your meat! Out came the whole population, old men, children and all. Hans was delivered over to the women, who were if possible more cruel than the men on these occasions. They beat him with their fists, they pulled his beard, naming at every pluck and at every blow, some one of their friends who had been slain, and saying it was given for his sake. The children also were suffered to torment him at their pleasure; and all expressed their joy to him at the thoughts of the feast they were to have. The men meantime regaled themselves with potations of kaawy. They brought out the rattles which they regard as oracles, and thanked them for having truly said that they should return with prey. This lasted for about half an hour, during which time Hans was at the mercy of the women and children. The two brethren Yeppipo Wasu and Alkindar Miri, to whom he had been adjudged, then came and stated to him that their uncle Ipperu Wasu last year had given Alkindar a prisoner to kill, in order that he might have the glory of making a feast; but it was with this condition, that Alkindar should repay him with the first prisoner whom he took. He was the first, and therefore the glory of making a feast of him was to be Ipperu Wasu's. Having explained this matter to him, they added that the girls would now come and lead him out to Aprasse. What Aprasse was he did not know, but this he knew, that it could be nothing good.

The young women came, and led him by the cords which were still round his neck, into the area: the men went their way, and all the women of the settlement gathered round him. He had been stript naked at the time of his capture; they handled him

[page] 187

CHAP. VII. 1552.

Stade. p. 4. c. 22.

till they had satisfied their curiosity; then some took him up in their arms while others pulled the ropes, till he was nearly strangled. Then, says he, I thought what our Lord had suffered from the perfidious Jews, and that gave me strength and resignation. They carried him to the house of their Chief, Uratinge Wasu, the Great White Bird; a little hillock of earth had just been raised at the entrance, upon which they seated him, holding him lest he should fall. This he expected was the place of death, .. he looked round to see if the slaughter-club was ready, and asked if he was to die now. Not yet, they told him. A woman then approached with a piece of broken glass set in a stick, with which instrument she scraped off his eye-brows, and began to perform the same operation upon his beard, but Hans resisted this, and declared that he would die with his beard. They did not persist now, but some days afterwards sheared it off with a pair of French scissars.

Stade. p. 4. c. 23. 24.

Then they led him before the door of the tabernacle wherein the Maraca, or rattles of divination, were kept; they fastened a string of little rattles round each leg, and placed upon his head a square coronal of straight feathers. Two women stood on each side of him, the rest made a circle round, and bade him dance to their singing. He could scarcely stand for the pain of his wound, nevertheless dance he must, and keep time in his steps, that the anklets might rattle-in in tune. This dance was the Aprasse, .. it seems to have been a religious ceremony in honour of the Maraca. After it was performed he was delivered into the hands of Ipperu Wasu, in payment for the prisoner with which that Chief had accommodated his nephew. From him Hans learned that he had yet some time to live.

The Maraca.

All the Maraca were now brought out. This familiar oracle of the Brazilian Savages is made of a fruit so called, which resembles a gourd, and is capable of containing about three pints

[page] 188

CHAP. VII. 1552.

Sim. de Vasc. Chr. da Comp. Not. Ant. 2. § 16.

He pleads that he is not a Portuguese.

in its cavity. This is fixed upon a handle; human hair is sometimes fastened on the top, and a slit is cut in it to represent a mouth, through which their jugglers, whom they call Payes, make it utter its responses. A few pebbles are inserted to make it rattle, and it is crowned with the red feathers of the Goaraz. Every man had his Maraca. They were now all produced; Hans was set in the midst of them, and the captors addressed them, saying, their prediction had been verified; it had promised them a Portugueze prisoner, and lo! they had brought one home. Upon this Hans spake up, and denied that the prediction could be verified in him. The Maraca, he said, lied if it called him a Portugueze; he was a German, and the Germans were friends and allies of the French. The Tupinambas calmly replied, it was he who was the liar, for if he was the friend and ally of the French, how came he to live among the Portugueze? We know, said they, that the French are as much the enemies of the Portugueze as we are; they come to us every year, and bring us knives, scissars, axes, combs, and looking-glasses, for which we give them wood, cotton, pepper, and feathers. The Portugueze are a very different people. When they came first to the country they went to our enemies, and made alliance with them, and built towns among them, wherein they still reside; afterwards they came in ships to us, to trade with us as the French do now, and when our people, suspecting no danger, went on board as guests, they seized them, carried them away, and gave them to our enemies to be devoured. Many of our brethren have since been killed by their bullets, and we suffer great injuries from them. The two brethren then told him that their father's arm had been carried away by a ball, of which wound he died, and that death was now to be avenged upon him. Hans protested again; there could be no reason, he said, to revenge it upon him; he was not a Portugueze, but

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Stade. p. 4. c. 24. 25.

having been shipwrecked in a Castilian vessel, was by that means cast among them. The Tupinambas were not without some sense of justice. There was a lad among them who had once been taken by the Tupiniquins; they had surprized a settlement and captured all its inhabitants; all who were grown up were eaten; the children were made slaves, and this boy had belonged to a Gallego at Bertioga. He knew Hans, and they called upon him to give evidence concerning him. The lad said a ship had been wrecked there belonging to the Castilians, who were friends to the Portugueze, and this prisoner was in the ship; but this was all he knew. Hans, when they began to enquire into the truth of his demurrer, saw some hope of escaping. He knew there were some French interpreters in the country, left there to collect pepper for the traders; he repeated, that he was the friend and brother of the French, and protested against being eaten before he could be seen by some of that nation and acknowledged by them. This was thought reasonable, and he was carefully watched till an opportunity should occur of submitting him to this proof.

The interpreter, pronounces him a Portuguese.

It was not long before one of these interpreters came to Uwattibi; the Savages hastened to their prisoner; .. a Frenchman is come, they cried, and now we shall see whether thou art French or not. Great was his joy at hearing this. I thought, says he, the man was a Christian, and that it was not possible he could speak against me. He was led to him, the Cannibals stood round, and the Interpreter, who was a young Norman, addressed him in French. Hans's reply made it plain that he was no Frenchman; this the Tupinambas could not discover, but the wretch immediately said to them in their own language, Kill the rascal and eat him: he is a Portugueze, as much our enemy as yours. Hans besought him for the love of God to have compassion and save him from being devoured, but the Frenchman replied, that eaten he should be. Then, said he, I called to

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Stade. p. 4. c. 26.

mind the words of the prophet Jeremiah, Cursed is he who putteth his trust in man. He had a linen cloth over his shoulders which the Savages had given him, being his only covering; in his agony he cast it off at the feet of the Frenchman, and exclaimed, If I am to die why should I preserve this flesh of mine to be food for them! They led him back, and he threw himself into his hammock. I call God to witness, says he, what my pain was! and with a sorrowful voice I began to sing a hymn7. Truly, said the Savages, he is a Portugueze, for he is howling with the fear of death. That he was to die was determined, and every thing was made ready for the ceremony.

Stade. p. 4. c. 27.

While, says Hans, I lived in this misery, I experienced the truth of the saying, that misfortunes never come alone. The new misfortune which occasioned this reflection, was a grievous tooth-ach, so grievous as to emaciate him, by his own account; but fear and suffering would have done that without the tooth-ach. His master observed with concern that he did not eat, and when he learnt the cause, produced a wooden instrument with which he would have knocked8 the tooth out; Hans cried out the pain was gone; a struggle ensued, and he succeeded in resisting the operation. His master however kindly admonished him to eat, telling him that if he continued to lose flesh instead of fattening properly, he must be killed before the appointed time.

7 Sanctum precemur Spiritum
Verâ beare nos fide,
Ut nos in hac reservet,
In fine nempe vitæ
Hinc quando commigramus
Doloribus soluti.
Kyrie eleison!

8 It is said in the Noticias MSS. (2. 51.) that the teeth of these people were not liable to decay. But the readiness with which tooth-drawing was recommended in this instance, certainly implies a knowledge of tooth-ache.

[page] 191

CHAP. VII. 1552.

Konyan Bebe the Tupinamba Chief.

After some days had elapsed, Hans was sent for by Konyan Bebe, the Chief of the whole Tribe, who was then at a town called Arirab. When he drew nigh there was a great noise of horns and rejoicings, and fifteen heads of the Margaias whom they had lately eaten, and which were fixed upon stakes at the entrance, were significantly pointed out to him. One of his guards went before him into the house of the Chief, crying out, We have brought your Portugueze slave that you may behold him. He and his companions were drinking, and were heated with their drink; they looked sternly at Hans, and said, O enemy, thou art here! He made answer, I am here, but not an enemy; and they gave him of their liquor.

Stade. p. 4. c. 28.

Hans had heard of this Chief, who was famous in his day and a cruel cannibal. He addressed himself to the one whom he judged to be him by his large necklace of shells, and asked if he was not the great Konyan Bebe? Being answered that he was, he began to praise him as well as he could, telling him how greatly his name was celebrated, and how worthy his exploits were of all praise. A woman could not have been more delighted with flattery. The Savage rose, swelling with pleasure, and strutted before him to display himself. When he returned to his place he asked what the Tupiniquins and Portugueze were designing against him, and why Hans had fired at him from the fortress, for he knew that he had been the gunner. Hans replied, that the Portugueze had stationed him there and ordered him to do his office; but the Chief replied, that he was a Portugueze himself, and witnessed his son the Frenchman, as he called him, saying the truth was manifest, for he did not understand French. Hans admitted this, and alledged that he had forgotten it from long disuse. I have eaten five Portugueze, said Konyan Bebe, and they all said they were Frenchmen. Presently he asked what sort of man the Portugueze thought him, and if they stood in

[page] 192

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Stade. p. 4. c. 28.

fear of him. Hans answered they had good reason to know what sort of man he was by what they had suffered, but Bertioga was now made a strong place. Ah, they said, they would lie in wait in the woods, and catch others as they had caught him. Hans then told him that the Tupiniquins were soon coming to attack him with five and twenty canoes. He did not scruple at this sort of treachery, in hopes of winning favour by it, and saving his life. By this time all the kaawy in that house was exhausted, the drinkers therefore removed to another, and he was told to follow; the son of Konyan Bebe tied his legs together, and he was made to jump, while they laughed and shouted, See our meat is jumping. He turned to Ipperu Wasu, and asked him if this was the place where he was to die. No, his master replied; but these things were always done with foreign slaves. Having seen him dance, they now ordered him to sing; he sung a hymn; they bade him interpret it; and he said it was in praise of God: they then reviled his God: their blasphemies shocked him, and he admired in his heart the wonderful indulgence and long suffering of God towards them. The next day, as the whole town had had a full sight of him, he was dismissed. Konyan Bebe enjoined his captors to watch him well, and they pursued him with fresh mockery as he departed, saying, they should soon come to visit his master and settle every thing for the feast. But his master took great pains to comfort him, and assured him the time was not yet near.

The Tupiniquins made their expedition, and Uwattibi happened to be the place which they attacked. Hans besought his captors to let him loose, and give him bow and arrows, and they should see how he would fight for them, though they believed him to be their enemy. This he did in hopes that he should be able to break through the palisade and escape to his friends. They let him fight, but watched him too narrowly for him to effect

[page] 193

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Stade. p. 4. c. 29. 30.

this: the invaders failing to win the place by surprise, and being vigorously resisted, took to their canoes and retired. Poor Hans had been frustrated in his hope, and met with no thanks for his services. They led him back to his place of confinement as soon as the assault was over; and in the evening brought him out into the area, formed a circle round him, and fixed the time for killing him, insulting him as usual with their cannibal expressions of joy. The moon was up, and fixing his eyes upon her, he silently besought God to vouchsafe him a happy termination of these sufferings. Yeppipo Wasu, who was one of the Chiefs of the horde, and as such had convoked the meeting, seeing how earnestly he kept gazing upwards, asked him what he was looking at. Hans had ceased from praying, and was observing the Man in the Moon, and fancying that he looked angry; his mind was broken down by continual terror, and he says it seemed to him at that moment as if he were hated by God, and by all things which God had created. The question only half roused him from this phantasy, and he answered, it was plain that the moon was angry. The Savage asked who she was angry with, and then Hans, as if he had recollected himself, replied that she was looking at his dwelling. This enraged him, and Hans found it prudent to say that perhaps her eyes were turned so wrathfully upon the Carios, in which opinion the Chief assented, and wished she might destroy them all.

News came the next morning that the Tupiniquins had burnt the settlement of Mambukabe, which had been deserted at their approach. Yeppipo Wasu prepared to go with the greater part of his clan and assist the inhabitants in rebuilding it: he charged Ipperu Wasu to look well to the prisoner, and said he would bring back potters clay and mandioc flour for the feast. During his absence a vessel from Bertioga arrived, anchored off the coast, and fired a gun. The Tupiniquins had seen Hans in the battle,

2 C

[page] 194

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Stade. p. 4. c. 32.

and given intelligence where he was, and this ship was sent to obtain his release if it were possible. See, said the captors, thy friends the Portugueze are come to look for thee, and offer a ransom. He replied, perhaps his brother was come, who lived with the Portugueze as he had done; and this he said to remove their persuasion that he was a Portugueze himself. A party went off to the ship, and answered their enquiries in such a manner that the master returned, concluding he had already been devoured. Hans saw her sail away, while the cannibals rejoiced over him, exclaiming, We have him! we have him! he is what we would have him to be! they have sent ships to look after him!

And now the party from Mambukabe were daily expected to return. Hans heard a howl in Yeppipo Wasu's house; it is the custom of the Brazilian Savages, when their friends return after a few days absence, to welcome them with tears and cries; he therefore thought they were arrived, that the feast was now to be made ready, and that his death would no longer be delayed. Presently he was told that one of the Chief's brothers was returned alone, and all the rest were lying sick; at which he rejoiced in secret, hoping that God would miraculously deliver him. This man soon made his appearance, sate down beside him, and began to lament for his brother and family, all of whom, he said, were stricken with sickness, and he was come to request him to pray for them, for Yeppipo believed that his God had done this in anger. Hans made answer, his God was indeed angry, because they meant to eat him, who was not their enemy, and not a Portugueze: he promised however to do his best in prayer if the Chief would return to his own house. The brother replied, he was too ill to return, but that he knew Hans could cure him if he would but pray. Hans answered, if he had strength enough to come home he would cure him there. Ac-

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cordingly home they all came. Yeppipo called for Hans and said to him. You told me that the moon looked angrily upon my house, and now behold we are all stricken with sickness. Your God has done this in his wrath. Hans had forgotten the conversation about the moon; being thus reminded of it, he himself believed it to have been prophetic, and replied, that God was angry because they meant to eat one who was not their enemy. The Chief protested that he should not be eaten if he would but heal them. In these protestations Hans had but little confidence: the return of that cannibal's appetite was to be dreaded, but his death not less so, for the rest of the settlement would suppose he had occasioned it, and probably kill him lest he should bring upon them further evil. He therefore, as they desired, tried what the imposition of hands would do for the sick, not without some faith himself in the application. A child died first; then Yeppipo's mother, an old woman who had been making drinking-pots at Mambukabe to be used at the feast; two of his brothers died; another of his children, and in all eight of his family. Instead of shaking his faith in Hans this only made him more urgent with him to save him and his wife. Hans told him there might be some hope if he were truly determined on no account to suffer him to be eaten, but otherwise there was none. The sick Savage protested he had not the slightest intention of eating him, and called the clan together and forbade them ever to threaten him with death, or even to think of killing him. This contagion had made Hans a dreadful personage: one of the Chiefs saw him menacing him in a dream, and came to him in the morning, faithfully promising, if he would be pleased to spare him, that he would never be the occasion of his death and, even if he were killed, that he would not eat a bit of him. Another, who had never thoroughly recovered a surfeit from the last Portugueze whom he had eaten,

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Stade. p. 4. c. 33—35.

dreamt of him also, and in like manner came and implored him not to be his destroyer. The very old women who had tormented him like fiends, now called him son, and begged his favour. They said that all the harm which they had done or intended to do to him, was in mistake, because they supposed him to be a Portugueze, and they hated that people. But they had eaten many of them, and their God was never angry with them for so doing. The beard which Hans had been so unwilling to part with now also appeared as good evidence in his favour: it was red like a Frenchman's, and they observed that the beards of the Portugueze were black. This was a happy sickness for him. Yeppipo and his wife recovered; there was no longer any talk of the feast, but he was still strictly guarded.

After some time the French Interpreter came again to Uwattibi; he had been collecting pepper and feathers, and was now on his way to the port where the ships were to meet him. Hans told him his plain story, and besought him to tell the Savages what he truly was, and to take him with him to the ships; and he adjured him, if he had in him any spark of Christian humanity, or any hope of salvation, not to be guilty of his death. The man replied, that he had really taken him for one of the Portugueze, and those people were so cruel that they hung every Frenchman whom they took in the country. He now, however, said to the Tupinambas that he had been mistaken, that their prisoner was a German and a friend of the French, and proposed to take him in his company. Their gratitude did not extend so far. No, they replied, he was their slave notwithstanding, for they had caught him among the Portugueze. Let his father or his brethren come for him in a ship, with hatchets, knives, scissars, combs, and looking-glasses, to ransom him like their child or brother, and then he should go. The Frenchman told them this should be done, and promised Hans to be his friend when the

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Stade. p. 4. c. 36.

ships arrived. When the Interpreter was gone Alkindar asked if that man was his countryman, and being answered that he was, Why then, said he, did he not give you a knife, or something of that kind, which you might have presented to me? The wholesome effects of the contagion seemed to be wearing away. His mistress said that the Anhanga, or Evil Spirit, came to her in the night and asked where the slaughter-club was? where had they hidden it? There were some who murmured about him, and said, that whether Portugueze or French, the meat was the same.

The inhabitants of Tickquarippe9, which was at some little distance, were about to kill a Margaia slave; a party from Uwattibi went to the feast, and took Hans with them. He went to the prisoner the evening before the slaughter, and observed to him, that his time was nearly come. The man smiled, and said Yes, every thing was ready except the Mussarana, .. the cotton rope which was to be fastened round his waist; but the Mussaranas here, he said, were nothing like what they were in his country. And he spake of what was to be done to-morrow, as if it were a festival of which he was to be a partaker. Hans left him, and sate down to read a Portugueze book; the Savages got it from a prize taken by the French, and had given it him: but unable to drive away the thoughts of this Margaia, and not perhaps quite satisfied with himself for what he had said to him; he returned, and said, Do not think, friend, that I am come hither to devour you, for I also am a prisoner, and my masters have brought me here; and he endeavoured to give him the best comfort by saying, that though his body would be eaten his soul would enter into a better world, and there be happy. The Savage enquired if this was true, and remarked that he had never seen

9 Iguarippe?

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CHAP. VII. 1552.

Stade. p. 4. c. 37.

God; That, said Hans, you will do in another life. A storm arose in the night. The Savages cried out it was that wicked Conjurer's doing to save the prisoner, because the Margaias and the Portugueze were friends: We saw him yesterday, said they, turning over the skins of thunder, .. by which they meant the leaves of the book. Luckily for him it cleared in the morning, and the feast was performed without interruption.

Stade. p. 4. c. 38.

As Hans and his master were returning by water, the wind was violently against them, and the rain incessant, and they called upon him to give them fair weather. There was a boy in the canoe who had carried off a bone from the feast and was now picking it; he bade him throw it away; but at this they all cried out that it was a dainty. The weather continued wet and stormy, so that having been three days on their way, though it was only a day's distance, they were obliged at last to haul their canoes ashore, and go the remainder of the way by land. Every one took what food he had before they began their march, and the boy finished his bone, and having well polished it, cast it from him. The clouds dispersed as they proceeded, and Hans then asked them if he had not spoken truly when he affirmed that God was angry with that boy for eating human flesh? But, they replied, there would have been no evil consequences if he had not seen him eating it. They looked upon him as the immediate cause, and looked no further.

Mode of trading during war.

When he had remained five months in this miserable captivity another vessel came from St. Vicente, for the Portugueze and Tupinambas used to carry on trade and hostilities with each other at the same time. They wanted mandioc flour for the numerous slaves who were employed in their sugar-works; when a ship was sent to procure this, a gun was fired on her arrival; two Savages then put off towards her in a canoe, held up what they had to sell, and settled the price in knives, reaping-hooks,

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or whatever else was on board for barter. Other canoes kept at a distance till the exchange was fairly compleated; as soon as that was done and the two brokers had returned, then they began to fight, .. a barbarous, but convenient arrangement. When the two traders went off the Portugueze enquired if Hans was yet alive, and said that his brother was on board and had brought some goods for him. When Hans heard this he besought them to let him speak to his brother, saying that he would desire him to beg his father to send a ship for him, and goods for his ransom; the Portugueze, he affirmed, would not understand their conversation; .. this he said because the Tupinambas had planned an expedition on the side of Bertioga for the ensuing August, and he feared they would suspect his intention of giving intelligence of it. They in their simplicity believed him, and carried him within stone's throw of the vessel. Hans cried out immediately that only one must speak to him, for he had said none but his brother could understand him. One of his friends took upon him this part, and told him they were sent to ransom him if they could, and if that proposal was rejected, to seize some of the Tupinambas, and so recover him by exchange. He begged them for God's sake not to attempt either means, but to say he was a Frenchman, and give him fishing-hooks and knives. This they readily did, and a canoe was sent to take them in. He then told them of the projected expedition, and they on their part informed him that their allies designed to attack Uwattibi again, and bade him be of good heart; he expressed himself thankful that his sins were to receive their punishment in this world rather than in the next, and implored their prayers for his deliverance. The parley was then broken off. Hans gave his masters the knives and fishing-hooks, and promised them more when the ship came for him, for he had told his brother how kindly they had treated him. They were of opinion that they

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Stade. p. 4. c. 39.

had treated him with great kindness, but now they said, it was plain he was a Frenchman of some worth, and was therefore to be treated still better: so they permitted him to accompany them to the woods, and bear his part in their ordinary employments.

Stade. p. 4. c. 40.

There was a Cario slave in the town, who having been a slave among the Portugueze, had fled to these Tupinambas, and lived three years with them, a longer time than Hans had been in Brazil; nevertheless from some strange hatred which he had conceived against him, he frequently urged his masters to kill him, declaring that he had oftentimes seen him fire at the Tupinambas, and that he was the person who had killed one of their Chiefs. This man fell sick, and Hans was desired to bleed him by his master, who promised him if he cured the patient, a share of all the game which he should kill, for his fee. Their instrument for bleeding is a sharp tooth, with which, not being used to it, Hans could not open a vein. They then said he was a lost man, and that there was nothing to be done but to kill him, lest he should die and so become uneatable. Shocked at this, Hans represented that the man might yet recover, .. but it availed not: they took him out of his hammock, two men supported him upright, for he was too ill to stand or to know what they were doing, and his master knocked out his brains. Hans then endeavoured to dissuade them from eating him, observing that the body was yellow with disease, and might produce pestilence: they threw away the head and intestines on this account, and devoured the rest. He did not fail to remark to them that this slave had never been ill since he came among them, till he had endeavoured to procure his death.

He swims off to a French beat, and the French refuse to take him in.

The time of their expedition, for which they had been three months making preparations, was now at hand; he hoped they would leave him at home with the women, and then he had de-

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Stade. p. 4. c. 41.

termined to fly. Before the time of their departure was come, a boat arrived from a French ship which was lying at Rio de Janeiro; it came to trade for pepper, monkeys, and parrots. One man who spake the language of the Tupinambas landed, and Hans intreated him to take him on board; but his masters would not permit him to go, for they were resolved to have a good ransom for him. He begged them then to go with him to the ship; this also they refused, observing that these people were no friends of his, for though they saw him naked they had not even given him a cloth to cover him. .. Oh, but his friends were in the ship, he said. .. The ship, they replied, would not sail till their expedition was over, and it would be time enough then to take him there. But when Hans saw the boat push off, his earnest wish to be at liberty overpowered him; he sprang forward, and ran towards it along the shore. The Savages pursued, some of them came up to him, he beat them off, out-stript the rest, ran into the sea, and swam off to the boat. The Frenchmen refused to take him in, lest they should offend the Savages, and Hans, once more resigning himself to his evil destiny, was compelled to swim back. When the Tupinambas saw him returning they rejoiced, but he affected to be angry that they should have supposed he meant to run away, and said he only went to bid them tell his countrymen to prepare a present for them when they should go with him to the ship.

Ceremonies before they go to war.

Their hostile expeditions are preceded by many ceremonies. The old men of every settlement frequently addressed the young, and exhorted them to go to war. An old orator, either walking abroad, or sitting up in his hammock, would exclaim, What! is this the example which our fathers have left us, .. that we should waste our days away at home! they who went out and fought and conquered, and slew and devoured! Shall we let the enemies who could not formerly stand in our sight, come

2 D

[page] 202

CHAP. VII. 1552.

De Lery. c. 1.

now to our own doors, and bring the war home to us? .. and then clapping his shoulders and his hams, .. no, no, Tupinambas! let us go out, let us kill, let us eat! Such speeches were sometimes continued for some hours, and were listened to with the deepest attention. Consultations were held in every town of the tribe concerning the place which they should attack, and the time was fixed for assembling and setting off.

Religious ceremonies of the Tupinambas.

Div. Avis. ff. 39.

Once in the year the Payes visited every settlement. They sent notice of their coming, that the ways might be made clear before them. The women of the place which was to receive this visitation went two and two through every house, confessing aloud all the offences which they had committed against their husbands, and demanding forgiveness for them; and when the Payes arrived they were received with song and dance. They pretended that a Spirit which came to them from the remotest parts of the world, gave them power to make the Maraca answer questions and predict events. The house was cleared, the women and children excluded, and the men were then told to produce their Maracas, adorned with red feathers, that they might receive the faculty of speech. The Payes sat at the head of the room, and fixed their own in the ground before them; near these the others were fixed, and every man made a present to the jugglers, that his might not be forgotten. This essential part of the business being performed, they fumigated them with petun through a long cane; the Paye then took up one, put it to his mouth, and bade it speak; a shrill feeble voice then seemed to proceed from it, which the Savages believe to be the Voice of the Spirit, and the jugglers bade them go to war and conquer their enemies, for the Spirits who inhabit the Maracas delight to be satisfied with the flesh of prisoners. Every one then took up his oracle, called it his dear son, and carefully replaced it. The Savages from the Orinoco to the Plata have no other visible object of worship.

[page] 203

CHAP. VII. 1552.

On some occasions there is a greater ceremony, at which Jean De Lery happened once to be present. He and two other Frenchmen went early in the morning to a town of the Tupinambas, thinking to breakfast there. They found all the inhabitants, in number about six hundred, collected in the area: the men went into one house, the women into another, the boys into a third; the Payes ordered the women not to come out, but carefully to listen to the singing, and they put the Frenchmen with them. Presently a sound was heard from the house into which the men had retired; they were singing He-he-he-he, which the women in like manner repeated: the singing was not in a loud key at first, but they continued it a full quarter of an hour, till it became one long and dreadful yell, jumping the whole while, their breasts shaking, and foaming at the mouth: some of them fell down senseless, and De Lery believed they were actually possessed. The boys were making the same hideous howling by themselves; and the three Frenchmen were, as they well might be, in grievous consternation, not knowing what the Devil might think proper to do next. After a short pause of silence, the men began to sing in the sweetest and most delightful ones; De Lery was so charmed that he resolved to go and look at them; and though the women endeavoured to prevent him, and a Norman interpreter said that during seven years which he had past among them he had never dared be present, he, relying upon his intimacy with some of the elders, went out and made a hole in the roof, through which he and his companions beheld the ceremony.

The men were disposed in three distinct circles, one close to another. Every one lent forward, the right arm resting on the small of the back, the left hanging down straight; they shook the right leg, and in this attitude they danced and sung; their singing was wonderfully sweet, and at intervals they stamped

[page] 204

CHAP. VII. 1552.

De Lery. c. 15.

with the right foot, and spat upon the ground. In the middle of each circle were three or four Payes, each holding a Maraca in one hand, and a pipe, or rather hollow cane, with petun in the other; they rattled the oracles, and blew the smoke upon the men, saying, Receive the spirit of courage, that ye may conquer your enemies. This continued two hours. The song commemorated their ancestors; they mourned for them, but expressed a hope, that when they also were gone beyond the mountains, they should then rejoice and dance with them; it then denounced vengeance upon their enemies, whom the Maraca had declared they should soon conquer and devour. The remainder of the song, if the Norman interpreter is to be credited, related a rude tradition of the deluge.

The authority of their Priests and Oracles was however to be confirmed by other modes of divination. They consulted certain of their women who had been gifted with the power of predicting future events. The mode of conferring this power was thus. The Paye fumigated the aspirant with petun, then bade her cry out as loud as she could, and jump, and after a while whirl round, still shouting, till she dropt down senselessly. When she recovered he affirmed that she had been dead and he had brought her back to life, and from that time she was a cunning woman. When these women also had promised victory, the last appeal was to their dreams. If many of the tribe dreamt of eating their enemies, it was a sure sign of success; but if more dreamt that they themselves were eaten the expedition was given up.

Their weapons.

About the middle of August Konyan Bebe set out with thirty canoes, each carrying about eight and twenty men; Hans was taken with them; they were going towards Bertioga, and meant to lie in wait and catch others, as they had caught him. Every one carried a rope girt round him, with which to bind the prisoners whom they should take. They were armed with a wooden

[page] 205

CHAP. VII. 1552.

weapon, called the Macana; it was from five to six feet long; its head shaped like the bowl of a spoon, except that it was flat; this blade was about a foot wide in the widest part, about the thickness of the thumb in the middle, and brought to an edge all round: such an implement, made of the ironwood of Brazil, was not less tremendous than a battle-axe; and they wielded it so skilfully, that De Lery remarks, a Tupinamba thus armed would give two swordsmen enough to do. Their bows were of the same wood, which was either red or black, longer and thicker than what were used in Europe, nor could any European bend them. They used a plant called Tocon for the string, which, though slender, was so strong that a horse could not by fair pulling break it. Their arrows were above a full cloth yard in length, and curiously constructed in three parts, the middle part being of reed, the two others of heavy hard wood; the feathers were fastened on with cotton; the head was either of bone, or it was a blade of dry reed cut into the shape of an old lancet, or the sting of a certain species of fish. They were incomparable archers; .. with leave of the English, says De Lery, who are so excellent in this art, I must say that a Tupinamba would shoot twelve arrows before an Englishman could let fly six. Fire-arms terrified them till they comprehended their nature; but when they learnt that the gun must be loaded before it could be fired, they thought little of such a weapon, saying they could dispatch six arrows while a gun was loaded once. Nor did they consider them as more destructive than their own shafts, against which no shield or breast-plate was of sufficient strength. In fact fire-arms were not so deadly in their hands as they were when levelled against them: the French sold them gunpowder; but it was such gunpowder that when three savages filled a barrel to the brim, one held it, another aimed it, and a third applied the match, there

[page] 206

CHAP. VII. 1552.

was no danger that the gun would burst10. Their shields were pieces of the Anta's hide, about the size and shape of a drumhead. Their canoes were made of bark; they worked them standing, holding the paddle in the middle, and pressing its broad blade back through the water. They made no haste, but took their pleasure as they went, and stopt to fish at the mouths of the rivers, some blowing horns, others a rude trumpet formed of a species of long gourd, others playing upon fifes which were made of the bones of their enemies.

Stade. p. 4. c. 42.

When Konyan Bebe halted the first night, the Maracas were produced; they rattled them, and danced till it was late, and then the Chief bade them go and dream. Hans was ordered to dream too; but when he said there was no truth in dreams, he was desired to prevail upon God to let them take plenty of prisoners. At sunrise they breakfasted upon fish, and when that was done every one related his dream, .. it may be supposed of what materials they were composed; blood and slaughter, and cannibal banquets. Poor Hans was trembling with hope that they might meet the stronger expedition which the Tupiniquins were preparing, or that he might effect his escape when they reached the scene of action. Unhappily, instead of this, they fell in with five canoes from Bertioga, and after a hard chase came up with them. Hans knew all the ill-fated crew; there were six Christian Mamalucos, as the mixed breed are called, among them. The Tupinambas, as they gained upon them, held up their fifes of human bone, and rattled their necklaces of human teeth, shouting and exulting with the certain hope of victory. Great as was the disparity of numbers, the

10 Some of the miracles which S. de Vasconcellos records are explainable by the nature of the powder.

[page] 207

CHAP. VII. 1552.

Mamalucos kept off the enemy for two hours, till two of them being desperately wounded, and the others having expended their shot and their arrows, they were finally made prisoners.

The conquerors, as soon as they had secured their prey, rowed back with might and main to the place where they had swung their hammocks the last night. Those prisoners who had been mortally wounded were then killed, and cut in pieces. Four forked stakes were driven into the ground, sticks were laid across, and on this they rather dried than broiled the flesh. This wooden frame was called the Boucan; food thus smoked and dried was said to be buccaneered, and hence the origin of the name applied to that extraordinary race of freebooters who were so long the scourge of the Spaniards in South America. Two Christians were slaughtered that night, Jorge Ferreira, son of the Captain of Bertioga, and one Jeronymo, a kinsman to two of the other prisoners. When the cannibals were asleep Hans went to the survivors; there were among them Diogo and Domingos de Braga, two of the brethren who first settled at Bertioga, and he had been intimate with them. Their first question was, whether they were to be eaten. He had poor comfort to give; all he could say was, it was as God pleased, in whom and in his Son they must put their trust: it had pleased God to preserve him among the Savages, as they perceived. They enquired for their kinsman Jeronymo; .. his body was then upon the Boucan, and part of Ferreira had already been devoured. Upon this they began to weep. Hans told them they ought not to despair, seeing that he had been miraculously preserved for eight months; and he not very reasonably attempted to convince them, that, at the worst, it could not be so bad to them as it would have been to him, for he was a stranger coming from a part of the world where there were no such cruel and barbarous customs, but they were born in Brazil, and used to it

[page] 208

CHAP. VII. 1552.

Stade. p. 4. c. 43. 44.

He might have fled that night, but he remembered that his flight would provoke the Tupinambas to put their prisoners instantly to death; it was his duty therefore to await some other means of deliverance, because their escape was not impossible. It is greatly to his honour that he felt and acted thus. The next day he went into Konyan Bebe's tent, and asked him what he designed to do with the Christians: .. to eat them, was the answer; .. they were fools to come with our enemies when they might have remained at home; .. and he forbade Hans to have any intercourse with them. Hans advised him to ransom them; this he refused. There was a basket full of human flesh beside him, from which he took a broiled thigh, and put it to Hans's mouth, asking him if he would eat; but Hans answered, that even beasts did not devour their own kind. The Savage fixed his teeth in it, exclaiming, I am a tyger, and I like it.

Konyan Bebe gave order in the evening that all the prisoners should be produced. The captors formed a circle on a level piece of ground between the woods and the river, and placed them in the midst: the Maracas were rattled, and they sung. When this was over, the Tupiniquins said, We came from our land like brave men, to attack ye our enemies, and kill ye and devour ye: the victory has been yours, and you have us in your hands. We care not; .. brave men die valiantly in the land of their enemies. Our country is wide, and it is inhabited by warriors who will not let our deaths go unrevenged. The others made answer, You have taken and devoured many of our people, and now we will revenge them upon you. On the third day they reached their own border, divided the prisoners, and separated. Eight savages, and three of the surviving Christians, fell to the share of Uwattibi. The remaining flesh of the two who had been buccaneered was carried home to be reserved for a solemn feast; part of Jeronymo was hung over a fire in

[page] 209

CHAP. VII. 1552.

Stade. p. 4. c. 51.

p. 5. c. 54.

the house where Hans was an inmate, for three weeks. They would not take him to the ship till their feast was over, and before that time she sailed. He had now no other hope than the consolation which they gave him, that ships came every year. There came however a time when he was grateful to Providence for this merciful disappointment. This vessel had captured a Portugueze one in Rio de Janeiro, and given one of the prisoners to the Savages to be devoured: the boat's crew belonged to her who had refused to take in Hans when he swam off to them, and the Norman interpreter who had advised the Tupinambas to eat him, embarked to return in her. It may be some satisfaction to the reader, as it was to Hans, to learn that the vengeance of God was upon them, and they perished in the sea.

Hans was now transferred to another master, a Chief of the settlement called Tacwarasutibi. Before he left Uwattibi, he gave the Portugueze prisoners the best directions he could which way to travel, if they could find means to fly11. He was dismissed with an excellent character for predicting future events, healing diseases, and procuring fine weather; and received with the respect which such qualifications deserved. He told his new master that his brother was to come for him; and luckily in the course of a fortnight a gun was heard from the near harbour of Rio de Janeiro. He besought them then to take him to the ship, but they were in no hurry. The Captain however heard he was there, and sent two of his men to see in what manner he could be delivered from this wretched bondage. Hans told them

11 He heard afterwards that the two brethren had fled; but whether they effected their escape he never knew. Probably they did, because a Domingos de Braga is mentioned by Vasconcellos as living a few years afterwards at St. Vicente.

2 E

[page] 210

CHAP. VII. 1552.

Stade. p. 5. c. 52.

that one of them must be his brother, and say that he had brought out goods for him, get permission for him to go on board and receive them, and feign that he must stay in the country till next year to collect a cargo for them, because he was now the friend of the Tupinambas.

Hans escapes.

Stade. p. 5. c. 53.

The scheme was well laid and well executed. Hans and his master went on board, and remained there five days: the savage then asked for the goods, and wanted to return. Hans ordered them to be produced, declaring that he was ready to accompany him, but begged a little longer time to feast with his friends; and thus by plying him with meat and drink they kept the Chief on board till the ship had compleated her cargo. Then as they were on the point of sailing, the Captain thanked this Tupinamba for having treated his countryman so kindly, and said that he had invited them there to give him presents in acknowledgment, and likewise to deliver other goods into Hans's care, that he might remain in the country as their factor and interpreter. But he had ten brothers on board, who could not bear to part with him, now that they had recovered him. Ten of the crew played their parts well; they insisted that Hans should return to his own country, that their father might see his face before he died. Nothing could have been better contrived to effect his deliverance, and leave his master satisfied. The Captain said he wished Hans would remain in the country, but these brethren of his were many in number, and he was but one. Hans himself said he would willingly stay, but his brothers would not let him. The honest Tupinamba and his wife wept over him, received a rich present of combs, knives, and looking-glasses, and departed perfectly well contented.

In this manner did Hans Stade recover his liberty, after so many dangers and diappointments. He was yet unlucky

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CHAP. VII. 1552.

enough to receive a grievous wound in an action with the very Portugueze vessel which had formerly been sent to treat for his ransom. He recovered, reached his own country, and wrote the history of his adventures. It is a book of great value, and all subsequent accounts of the Tupi tribes rather repeat than add to the information which it contains.

[page 212]

CHAPTER VIII.

Thome de Sousa appointed Governor General of Brazil.—He takes out with him the first Jesuits to America.—City of St. Salvador founded.—The Jesuits begin the attempt of converting the natives.—Obstacles to that attempt.—Cannibalism.—Language, and state of the Tupi tribes.

CHAP. VIII. 1549.

Evils of the existing system in Brazil.

Cast. Lus. . . § 18.

Half a century had now elapsed since the discovery of Brazil, and so much capital in the course of that time had been vested there, that these colonies began to be regarded as possessions of considerable importance. The evils of the present system of government were very great: the Governor of every Captaincy exercised uncontrolled authority, and consequently abused it; the property, and honour, and lives of the colonists were at the mercy of these Lords1, and the people groaned under their intolerable oppression. Their complaints reached the king; he took into consideration the advantages which the country promised, especially from the cultivation of sugar, and the danger there was lest the

1 This is the exact language of F. Raphael de Jesus. All the other writers either merely say the system was inconvenient, or that the King thought proper to change it.

[page] 213

CHAP. VIII. 1549.

A Governor General appointed.

Noticias MSS. 2. 2.

Andrada. Chr. del R. D. Joam III. 4. 32.

Noticias. MSS. p. 2. c. 5.

Do. 2. 1.

Do. 1. 44.

French should succeed in establishing themselves there, and in winning the natives to their party; and he resolved to revoke the powers of the several Captains, leaving them in possession of their grants, and to appoint a Governor-General2, with full authority civil and criminal. The person appointed to this high station was Thome de Sousa, a fidalgo, though a bastard, who had been tried and approved in the African and Indian wars. .. He was instructed to build a city in Bahia de Todos os Santos, strong enough not only to keep the natives in awe, but also to resist the attack of any more formidable enemy; .. a wise foresight this of European competition. It was to be called St. Salvador, and here the seat of government was to be established; the arms which were given to the new city were a white dove with three olive leaves in her bill, in a field vert. An expedition was fitted out consisting of three ships, two caravels, and one brigantine, on board of which were three hundred and twenty persons in the king's pay, four hundred degredados, or banished men, and colonists who made up the whole number a thousand. Pedro de Goes, the unsuccessful Donatory of Paraiba, went out as Captain of the fleet; he had, at least, the consolation of seeing a capital founded in the country which he liked so well, and in which his own fortunes had been ruined. Six Jesuits embarked in this expedition, the first who ever set foot in the New World.

The King desires the conversion of the Brazilians.

Joam III. was the great benefactor of the Jesuits, their first, steadiest, and most useful friend. He had already sent out S.

2 Gaspar da Madre de Deos, 1. § 15. is of opinion that Martim Affonso de Sousa had borne the title of Governor of Nova Lusitania, .. because he finds him called Goveruador das terras do Brazil in one deed, and Governador em todas estas terras do Brazil in another, both executed at St. Vicente. The inference does not seem to be necessary, and it is certain that the several Captains exercised an authority entirely independent of each other.

[page] 214

CHAP. VIII. 1549.

A Jesuit mission appointed.

First Jesuits in South America.

Francisco Xavier to the East, and now the souls of his Brazilian subjects became a cause of concern to him. Joam was superstitious to the lowest depth of degradation, but he was pious also; his misdirected faith occasioned in him a slavish observance of absurd forms, and a cruel intolerance towards those of a different belief; .. but it produced good as well as evil. He was truly and righteously anxious to spread his religion, such as it was, among the Heathen; and Christianity, even when so disfigured and defiled, is still, from those moral and domestic precepts which are inseparable from it, a great and powerful engine of civilisation, a great and inestimable blessing. .. This concern he imparted to Father Simam Rodriguez, one of Loyola's earliest disciples, who had introduced the order into Portugal, and was the King's especial favourite. Father Simam had long been ambitious of becoming a missionary among the heathen; he had formerly been chosen as the companion of Xavier, but detained in Lisbon for services less splendid, though not less important to the Society; and he now hoped that as his work in Portugal was done, and the Company had taken root there, he might be permitted to devote the remainder of his life to the Savages of Brazil. The Company has had many more illustrious members, but none who have served it better, or more devotedly. The King, unwilling as he was to part with him, yielded to his pressing entreaties; Loyola assented, and it was determined that he should depart as soon as Father Martinho de S. Cruz was returned from Rome, whither he was gone upon matters of great import to the Jesuit-Province of Portugal. Martinho died, and his death left such a weight of business upon Father Simam, and made his presence in the Province so indispensable, that he was obliged to resign the hope of being the Apostle of Brazil, and appointed Father Manoel de Nobrega in his stead, chief of the mission. His companions were Father Juan

[page] 215

CHAP. VIII. 1549.

Vasc. Chr. da Comp. 1. § 5—7.

B. Tellex. C. da Comp. l. 3. c. 2.

de Aspilcueta, Father Antonio Pires, Father Leonardo Nunes, and the lay brethren Vicente Rodriguez and Diogo Jacome. The Jesuits have borne so great a part in the history of South America, that the names of these first adventurers deserve to be recorded. Nobrega was a Portugueze of noble family, who being disappointed of some collegiate honour for which he was a candidate, and to which he thought he had a better claim than his successful opponent, renounced the world in a fit of disgust3; little then aware that this renunciation would make him act a more important part in it, than could else with all his talents and fair prospects have been within his reach.

City of St. Salvador founded.

Noticias. MSS. p. 2. c. 2.

Nobrega. Div. Avisi. 33.

Andrada. 4. 32.

The fleet reached Bahia early in the April of 1549. Old Caramuru was, at this time, quietly settled at some little distance from Coutinho's deserted town. He was of great service to the Governor, and conciliated the minds of the natives for him. .. They assembled in great numbers to see the landing, and were made to lay down their bows before they approached; .. this being their token of peace. The Portugueze took up their abode in the old settlement, as in a sort of camp; Sousa was not satisfied with the situation: the mass of the Holy Ghost was celebrated before they proceeded to chuse a better, and then a place was chosen, about half a league off, abounding with springs, and almost surrounded with water. The Tupinambas, won by Caramuru's influence, the good conduct of the Governor, and the treasures which were brought out for barter, worked willingly at the buildings. Two batteries were planted towards the sea, four towards the land; a Cathedral was begun, a College for the Jesuits, a Governor's residence, and a Custom-house; the

3 Determinou despicarse com o mundo, affrontallo e repudiallo, como o mundo o fizera com elle. Sim. Vasc. C. C. 1. § 9.

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CHAP. VIII. 1549.

Nobrega, Div. Av. 33.

Nobrega Do. Noticias. MSS. 2. c. 3—4.

S. Vasc. C. C. 1. § 94.

Div. Avis. 45. 49.

Noticias. MSS. 2. c. 4.

King had taken the colony into his own hands, and every thing went on accordingly. Within4 four months a hundred houses were built, and sugar plantations laid out in the vicinity. Just at this time one of the colonists was killed by a native, about eight leagues from the new city, a circumstance which greatly endangered the settlement. The Governor could not pass over the offence without demanding the offender, for that would have encouraged the natives, and taught them to despise his power; and if the Tupinambas should happen to protect the criminal, the city was not yet in a state of defence. Luckily the savage had been manifestly the aggressor, .. for he was delivered up; and Sousa had him tied to the mouth of a cannon, and blown to pieces. No mode of execution can be devised more humane to the sufferer, nor more awful to the beholders. It struck terror into the Tupinambas: the settlers also had received a useful lesson, and abstained from going imprudently among them. In a short time they ran up a mud wall, as a temporary fortification of sufficient strength against such enemies. Next year supplies of all kinds were sent them; the whole expence of both armaments was estimated at 300,000 cruzados. Another fleet came the third year, on board of which the Queen sent out many female orphans of noble family, who had been educated in the Convent of Orphans; they were to be given in marriage to the officers, and portioned with negroes, kine, and brood mares from the royal property. Orphan boys also came out to be educated by the Jesuits; and ships followed every year with the like supplies and reinforcements. Such measures ensured success; the new colony prospered rapidly, and the other Captaincies partook of its prosperity. The Governor visited them, saw

4 Nobrega's letter is dated August 10.

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CHAP. VIII. 1549.

to their fortifications, and regulated the administration of justice.

Conduct of the Jesuits.

Cannibalism.

The Jesuits immediately began that system of beneficence toward the natives, from which they never deviated till their extinction as an order. The obstacles to the task which they had undertaken were great and numerous. They could not here, as they have politicly done in the East, accommodate what they taught to the established belief of the country, so as to persuade the people that they were rather reforming or elucidating an old religion, than introducing a new, and thus win them to conform to what they deemed the essentials of Christianity, by conforming themselves to whatever their own latitudinarian prudence could tolerate. The religion, the pride, and the joy of the Brazilian Savages were in their cannibal feasts; and it was the more difficult to abolish this custom, because the Europeans had hitherto made no attempt to check it among their allies. It has been seen how the French Interpreter advised the Tupinambas to eat Hans as a Portugueze, and the Portugueze in like manner permitted their allies to consider their enemies as beasts whom they were to destroy and devour. Nay, as these banquets made the feud more deadly, they conceived it to be good policy to encourage them, and for this policy, the common shudderings of humanity were, as usual, repressed and ridiculed, and the holiest injunctions of religion set at naught. Priests, warriors, women, and children, regarded the practice of cannibalism with equal delight and equal interest. It was the triumph of the captor, it was an expiatory sacrifice to the spirits of their brethren who had been slain; it was the public feast in which the old women displayed their domestic mysteries; and it was the day of merriment for the boys. If the Devil of Romish mythology had invented a stumbling block in the way of their conversion, he could not have devised one more effectual, .. and ac-

2 F

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CHAP. VIII. 1549.

cordingly the Jesuits gave him the whole merit of the invention.

Ceremonies observed with a captive.

The first acts of this tragedy have been represented in the history of Hans Stade; his beard and eye-brows had been shaved, and he had gone through the ceremony of the dance; the concluding scenes followed in this order.

Stade. l. 2. c. 20.

De Lery. c. 14.

Consequences from their theory of generation.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 69.

While preparations were making for the feast a woman was appointed to watch the prisoner and to cohabit with him, the captor not scrupling thus to bestow his sister or his daughter. If she became pregnant, this was what they wished. It was their opinion that the child proceeded wholly from the father, receiving nutrition indeed and birth from the mother, but nothing more5. This opinion produced a horrible consequence; the offspring of a captive was suffered to grow up; the circumstances of his birth-place and up-growing occasioned no human feelings towards him; it was always remembered that he was of the blood and flesh of their enemies, and when they thought him in the best condition they killed and devoured him6; the nearest kinsman to the mother officiated as slaughterer, and the

5 Their language exemplifies this in a curious manner. The father called his son Taîra, and his daughter Tagïra; the mother called both Menbîra. The vocabulary which Marcgraff has given by the help of Manoel de Moraes, scanty as it is, discovers the etymology of these words, and explains their difference. Tagui signifies blood, and Menbirara is to bring forth; .. the paternal word, therefore, means child of my blood; the maternal one, child whom I have brought forth.

6 These feasts were called Cunhamenbira, which is explained to mean son of an enemy, in the Noticias do Brazil. 2. 69. Its literal meaning is child of a woman, which upon their system means the same thing. The dialogue which De Lery gives was given him by an interpreter who had lived seven years among the Tupinambas, and was well versed in Greek; from which language, he said, many of their words were derived. It is not a little extraordinary that a man who understood Greek should have been in that situation: .. except, however, in these words, Cunha and γυν, I can discover no remarkable resemblance: in these the resemblance is nearer than appears to an English eye, the nh of the Portugueze having the sound of our ny.

[page] 219

CHAP. VIII. 1549.

Herrera. 4. 3. 13.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 69.

first mouthful was given to the mother herself. But human nature partakes too much of that goodness from which it hath proceeded, ever to become totally perverted. The women often took drugs to cause abortion, that they might be spared the misery of seeing their offspring butchered; and they often assisted these husbands to escape, laid food for them in the woods, and sometimes fled with them. This happened frequently to the Portugueze prisoners; the Brazilians held it dishonourable to fly, and could not always be persuaded to save themselves. A mother, also, was sometimes found who resolutely defended her child, till he was able to make his way to his father's tribe.

Anon. in Purchas. p. 1295.

Pedro Corra. Div. Avis. ff. 142.

De Lery. .

The women prepared their earthen vessels, made the liquor for the feast, and twisted the Mussurana, or long cotton cord, in which the victim was to be bound. There was nothing on which they bestowed so much pains as upon these cords; some tribes made them of so beautiful a texture that it is supposed to have been the work of a year's industry; several of these were united in one noose, with an intricate nicety of which few were masters; they were then dipt in a sort of white lime, dried, rolled carefully up, and deposited in a new painted bowl. Some of the chief personages were drest for the ceremony: the body was covered with gum, upon which small feathers were stuck7, and skilfully arranged according to

7 Tarring and feathering, therefore, is one of the aboriginal fashions of the Americans. De Lery supposes that the first persons who saw some of these feathered savages at a distance, mistook the feathers for hair, and that thence arose the error of representing them as hairy. But this opinion prevailed before the discovery of America, and the savage of the old masques probably derived his skin from the Satyrs.

[page] 220

CHAP. VIII. 1549.

Stade. l. 2. c. 29.

Anon. in Purchas. p. 1295.

their colours. They made feather tassels with which they decorated the Ywara-pemme, the slaughter-club, adorned it with bracelets of shells, and smeared its blade with gum, over which a fine powder was laid, composed of egg-shells, the colour of ashes; on this one of the women traced some rude figures with a style, while the rest danced round her; and the head and face of the victim were then in the same manner ornamented to the pattern of the club. This weapon was then hung up. The drinking feast commenced, at which the prisoner was present, and partook of the potations. The next day was a day of rest, .. probably the effects of drunkenness made it necessary; they erected however a sort of hut for the prisoner in the area, and there under good watch he past the last night of his life. In the morning the hut was demolished and the area levelled. The women brought out the Mussurana in the bowl, and set it at his feet: the old woman who presided at these devilish mysteries began a death song, in which the rest joined in, while the men put the noose round his neck and fastened it there, coiled up the ends, and laid them upon the arm of the woman who had him in charge, and who had sometimes one to assist her in bearing the weight. The song alluded to the weight of the noose: We are they, it said, who make the neck of the bird stretch; .. and in another part it mocked him for wanting power to escape, .. Hadst thou been a parrot injuring our fields, thou wouldst have fled. Presently several men laid hold of the ends of the Mussurana, and tightened them on all sides, keeping him in the middle. During all these ceremonies he, who was as willing to meet death as they were to inflict it, insulted them, telling them how bravely he had fought against them, calling out to one that he had slain his father, to another that he had buccaneered her son. They now bade him take his fill of looking at the sun, for he would see it no more. Stones and broken pottery were placed by

[page] 221

CHAP. VIII. 1549.

Stade. l. 2. c. 29.

De Lery. c. 15.

him, and he was told to revenge his death before he died, which, covered as the sacrificers were with their shields, and impeded as he was by the cords with which he was pulled on all sides, he not unfrequently did to their cost. This done, the fire at which his limbs were to be drest was kindled before him. A woman then came out, bringing the Ywara-pemme, round which there had been singing and dancing since the earliest break of day; she brought it dancing and shouting also, and sported with it before the face of the victim; one of the men took it from her, and held it straight out to him that he might behold it well. He who was to be the slaughterer came now into the area, with fourteen or fifteen chosen friends, drest for the ceremony in gum and feathers, or in gum and ashes. He himself was in feathers. He who had the club proffered it to this chief personage of the feast; but the head of the clan interposed, took it himself, and passing it with many antic gestures backward and forward between his legs, delivered it in that manner to the Matador; and he advanced towards the prisoner saying, Lo, here I am who am about to kill thee, because thou and thy people have killed many of our brethren and devoured them. The other made answer, It is the chance of life; my friends are many, and they will take vengeance for me. This done, the Brazilian Cannibal (far more merciful than the northern tribes of men-eaters) stunned him, or knocked his brains out with one blow.

De Lery. c. 15.

Instantly the body was seized by the women; they dragged it to the fire, scalded it and skinned it. She who had cohabited with the prisoner, forced out a few tears over him, and thought it a point of honour to get, if possible, the first mouthful. The arms were cut off close to the shoulder, and the legs above the knee, and four women took each a limb and danced with them about the area. The trunk was then split. The intestines were left to the women, who boiled and eat them in broth; the head

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CHAP. VIII. 1549.

Div. Av. 57.

also was their share; but the tongue and brains were allotted to the children, who were also smeared with the blood. The thumb was cut off because of its use in archery, an art concerning which they were singularly superstitious: what was done with it does not appear, except that it was not eaten like the rest. The fleshy parts were placed upon the Boucan, and having been buccaneered, were frequently laid aside for other feasts. At all these operations the old women presided, and they derived so much importance from these occasions, that their exultation over a prisoner was always fiend-like. They stood by the Boucan, and caught the fat as it fell, that nothing might be lost, licking their fingers during this accursed employment. Every part of the body was devoured; the arm and thigh bones were reserved to be made into flutes; the teeth strung in necklaces; the skull set up at the entrance of the town; or it was sometimes used for a drinking-cup, after the manner of our Scandinavian ancestors.

De Lery. c. 7. 14.

Stade. l. 2. c. 29.

Anon. in Purchas. p. 1297.

The founder of the feast took an additional name as an honourable remembrance of what had been done, and his female relations ran through the house, shouting the new title. The chief of the clan scarified the arms of the Matador above the elbow, so as to leave a permanent mark there; and this was the star and garter of their ambition, .. the highest badge of honour. There were some who cut gashes in their breast, arms, and thighs, on these occasions, and rubbed a black powder in, which left an indelible stain. After this he got into his hammock and remained there the whole day, practising with a little bow at a mark, from a superstitious fear lest the act of slaughtering should have deprived him of his skill in archery. Among some tribes they rubbed his pulse with one of the eyes of the dead, and hung the mouth upon his arm like a bracelet.

They had learnt to consider human flesh as the most exquisite

[page] 223

CHAP. VIII. 1549.

Nobrega. Div. Avis. ff. 34.

De Lery. c. 10. 13. 9.

of all dainties8. Delicious however as these repasts were deemed, they derived their highest flavour from revenge; and it was this feeling, and the sense of honour connected with it, that the Jesuits found most difficulty in overcoming. The native Brazilians had made revenge their predominant passion, exercising it upon every trifling occasion, to feed and strengthen a propensity which is of itself too strong. They ate the vermin which molested them, not like monkeys, for sport, but professedly for the sake of vengeance. If a savage struck his foot against a stone, he raged over it and bit it like a dog; if he were wounded with an arrow, he plucked it out and gnawed the shaft. When they took a beast of prey in a pitfall, they killed it by little wounds, that it might be long in dying, and suffer as much as possible in death.

Customs of the Tupi tribes.

The native Brazilians were not all cannibals. The Tupi race seem to have brought this custom from the interior, and it is found in all the branches of that stock. It was with them that the Jesuits began; much has already been incidentally said of their customs, and it will be proper to add here whatever more can be collected concerning them.

Their language.

The Tupis of Brazil, the Guaranis of Paraguay, and the

8 A Jesuit one day found a Brazilian woman in extreme old age, and almost at the point of death. Having catechized her, instructed her as he conceived in the nature of Christianity, and compleatly taken care of her soul, he began to enquire whether there was any kind of food which she could take. .. Grandam, said he, that being the word of courtesy by which it was usual to address old women, .. if I were to get you a little sugar now, or a mouthful of some of our nice things which we get from beyond sea, do you think you could eat it? .. Ah my grandson, said the old convert, my stomach goes against every thing. There is but one thing which I think I could touch. If I had the little hand of a little tender Tapuya boy, I think I could pick the little bones; .. but woe is me, there is nobody to go out and shoot one for me! Vasc. Chr. da Comp. 1. § 49.

[page] 224

CHAP. VIII. 1549.

Hervas Int. Art. 3. § 13.

Tr. 1. § 3.

Do. 6. § 17.

Tr. 1. c. 5. § 7.

P. Chomé. Lett. Edif. t. s. p. 239.

Hervas. Tr. 2. c. 3. § 162.

Omaguas of Peru, (between whom and the nearest Guaranis there intervenes, as Hervas says, a chaos of nations) speak dialects of the same tongue, traces of which are found through an extent of seventy degrees9. The Guarani is the parent language, being the most artificial; as the Greek is more so than the Latin, the Latin than all the modern dialects which have grown out of its ruins. It bears the marks of a primitive tongue, for it abounds with monosyllables; one word, as in the Chinese, serves for various meanings as it is variously accented; and every word is said to explain itself, which probably means that many are imitative sounds, and that all composites and derivatives are regularly formed. Yet from the variety of its accentuations, it is the most difficult of all the American languages.

Tr. 1. c. 2. § 17. 19.

Guerreiro. Rel. Ann. 1603. p. 111.

Hervas enumerates sixteen10 Brazilian tribes or nations speaking dialects of this tongue, and fifty-one11 whose languages are

9 This dispersion is probably in some measure owing to the Spaniards and Portugueze. Some have fled from the Mamalucos. The Omaguas of Quito say that their stock was upon the Orellana, but that many tribes fled at sight of the vessels sent down by Gonzalo Pizarro, some to the low lands upon that river, some by the Rio dos Tocantins, others by the Rio Negro towards the Orinoco, and the New Kingdom of Granada.

Ab. Velasco, in a Letter to Hervas. Catal. de las Lenguas. T. 1. C. 5. § 87.

10 The Carios, Tamoyos, Tupiniquins, Timiminos, Tobayares, Tupinaes, Amoipiras, (their name is derived from the Guarani word Amboipir, people on the other side) Ibirayares, Cahetes, Pitiguares, Tupinambas, the Apantos, Tupigoais, Aroboyares, and Rarigoarais, who with other hordes on the Orellana are said to be tribes of the Tupis, and the Tocantins.

11 The Goaytacazes, Aymures, Guayanas, Goanazes, and Yuguaruanas; (these tribes are supposed to speak different tongues because they were inimical to each other, an inference by no means necessary;) Cararius and Anaces, who are about Ibiapaba; Aroas, about the mouth of the Para; Teremembres, on the coast between the rivers Parnaibo and Seara; Payacus, of Seara; Grens, in the interior of the Ilheos; Kiriris, who once infested Bahia; .. from a brief vocabulary of their language, Hervas fancied he could trace some shadow only of affinity with the Tamanaco, a most corrupt dialect of the Carib tongue; Curumares, inhabitants of an island in the Araguaya, which falls into the Rio dos Tocantins, .. Aunim is their name for the Supreme Being, and they pronounce it with respect; Tapirapez and Acroas, in the same island, which is twenty leagues in length; Bacures or Guacures, about Matto Grosso, probably the Guaycurus of the Paraguay; Parasis, of the same country; Barbudos, to the North-east of Cuyaba, .. probably a Portugueze name to imply that they wear beards; Bororos, East of Cuyaba; Potentus; Maramomis; Payayas; Curatis, of Ibiapa; Cururus, bordering on the Curumares, and supposed to be of the same stock; Barbados, of Maranham; Carayas, upon the Pindare, in the same Captaincy; Yacarayabas; Arayos; Gayapas; Cavalheiros and Imares, upon the Tacuari, which falls into the Paraguay, .. one of them is supposed to be a branch of the Guaycurus, the other of the Guachcihos; Coroados, so called either from some chaplet, or from the manner in which their hair is shorn; Machacaris and Camanachos, behind and about the serra which runs parallel with the coast, between 18° and 20° South latitude; Patachos, North of these last; Guegues, Timbiras, Acroamirims, Paracatis, Jeicos, and Amapurus, inhabitants of the extensive Piagui country, in the government of Maranham; Guanares, Aranhis, and Caicaizes, belonging to the missions on the Orellana; Aturaris and Menharis, on the Rio Grande de Norte, .. these are supposed to be a branch of the Aymures.

None of these tribes speak a dialect of the Guarani or Tupi tongue, and though some of their names have a signification in that language, it is merely because the Tupis have named them. Hervas found seventy other Brazilian tribes mentioned in the papers of the Jesuit missionaries, but without any notice of their language, for which reason he could not catalogue them: he had no accounts from the missionaries of the other orders. He supposes, however, that there may be, as some writers have stated, a hundred and fifty barbarous languages spoken in Brazil.

[page] 225

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different; but many of these latter had not been sufficiently investigated, nor has the number of their roots been ascertained. The Tupi is spoken along the whole coast of Brazil, and far into the interior, probably extending over a wider surface than any

2 G

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CHAP. VIII.

Anchieta, quoted in Meregraff. l. 8. c. 9.

other of the native American languages. It is a remarkable peculiarity in this language, that b never occurs at the beginning of a word without m before it, and that mb, nb, nd, and ng, are the only consonants which are ever used in sequence. They have either the f, l, nor rr. By the double r Anchieta probably meant to express a guttural sound; it frequently occurs in the Portugueze of his age, but has long become obsolete, and the sound with it which it was designed to mark. This deficiency in the Tupi language has furnished the Portugueze authors with a favourite jest, which they have repeated one after another, that the Savages had neither of these letters because they had neither Fe, Ley, nor Rey, f aith, l aw, nor r oyalty among them. Anchieta says they have neither s nor z, but used the ç instead: the Spanish Academy have discarded this character, and substituted the z for it: the Portugueze still retain it, but it is not to be distinguished from the s in their pronunciation. Anchieta would not thus have used it as the representation of a distinct sound, unless it had been so in his time, and I believe it had then the power of the soft theta, as is still sometimes given to the z in Spain. The superabundance of vowels in a language is perhaps the most decisive mark of its simple and imperfect state, for it evinces an ignoranoe of the extent of our powers of utterance. It explains how it is that so many languages exist among the South American tribes, manifestly cognate, yet so dissimilar that one tribe cannot understand another. Consonants are the fixtures, .. the bones, as it were, of speech; take them away, and the slightest alteration destroys the form and texture of the fluid materials which remain. Their names for the numerals were very barbarous12, and ex-

12 Auge-pé, mocouein, mossaput, oioicoudie, ecoinbo. De Lery. L. 20. Condamine is therefore wrong in affirming that for any number beyond three they are obliged to borrow of the Portugueze. P. 65.

[page] 227

CHAP. VIII.

tented only as for as five; all beyond was expressed by help of the fingers.

Their Religion.

Payes or Priests.

Tupa is their word for Father, for the Supreme Being, and for Thunder13; it past by an easy process from the first of these meanings to the last, and the barbarous vanity of some tribes compounded from it a name for themselves. In these words their whole Theology is at once comprized and explained. They addressed no prayers to this Universal Parent; he was neither the object of hope nor of fear. Their diabolism was rooted deeper: dreams, shadows, the night-mare, and delirium had generated superstations which a set of knayes systematized and increased and strengthened. The Payes14, as they were called, were at once quacks, jugglers, and priests: the ceremonial part of their priesthood was confined to making the Maraca and the mummery connected with it; but there is reason to believe that the secrets of the craft were of a bolder character. It is expressly asserted, by those who were most conversant with the Savages of Brazil, that they were in this life grievously tormented by the Devil15. These stories come from

13 I do not recollect any superstition which attributes Thunder to its Evil Spirit. It seems to be always considered as the manifestation of power, frequently of anger, but never of malignity.

14 This word, Paye, is found in all parts of Guiana. Caraiba, which is sometimes used for the Priest, means his priestly power.

Marcgraff. 8. 11. Dobrizhoffer. T. 2. § 81.

15 Miserrimi nostri Barbari, says De Lery, in hac ethiam vita misere ab Cacodæmone torquentur. Whoever wishes to see how a true traveller may be made to look like a liar is referred to De Bry's illustration of this passage, p. 223, where several varieties of the Cacodæmon are exhibited.

Anhanga, Juripari, and Kaagere, are names for the Evil Spirit. The former of these is the Aygnan of De Lery.

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CHAP. VIII.

H. Stade. 2. 39.

Div Avis. 39.

H. Stade. 2. 7.

so many parts of the world, and are affirmed by such numerous and weighty witnesses, that nothing but that contented ignorance which contemptuously disbelieves whatever it does not readily comprehend, can reject them. The master of a dormitory used sometimes to go round early in the morning and scratch the childrens legs with the sharp tooth of a fish, passing on unseen from hammock to hammock. This was done that they might the more easily be terrified when their parents sought to quiet them by saying the bugbear was coming. Something like what they did to the children there is every reason to believe the Payes did to them; it is scarcely to be doubted that they appeared to them in hideous shapes, and beat and tormented them when a favourable opportunity occurred. There is nothing which Devils of this description would fear so much as light; and this the Savages had discovered, .. they kept fire burning all through the night in their houses, for which their chief reason was that Evil Spirits could not come near it; nor would they, if it could be avoided, ever venture out in darkness without a firebrand, for the same reason. There is abundant proof in the history of all false religions, and especially in that of the Romish Church, that the knaves of this world delight in insulting those whom they dupe.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 64. 2. 66.

Each Paye lived alone in a dark hut, the door of which was very small, and into which no one dared enter. Whatever they wanted was given them. They taught that it was an abominable sin for any one to refuse them his daughter, or any thing else which they chose to ask; and few ventured to incur the sin, for if they predicted the death of one who had offended them, the wretch took to his hammock instantly in such full expectation of dying, that he would neither eat nor drink, and the prediction was a sentence which faith effectually executed. Their mode of quackery was that which is common to all

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Savage conjurers; they sucked the part affected, and then produced a piece of wood, bone, or other extraneous substance, as what they had extracted by the operation.

St. Thomas the Apostle.

The Jesuits, who found St. Thomas in the East, traced him here in the West also. The Thomas of Coromandel was a Syrian. Who was the Thomas of Brazil?

Div. Avisi. ff. 34. 41.

Nobrega learnt from the Tupinambas that two persons, one of whom they called Zome, taught them the use of the mandioc. Their forefathers, they said, quarrelled with these benefactors, and shot their arrows at them; but the arrows turned back and slew those by whom they had been aimed, and the woods made way for Zome in his flight, and the rivers opened to give him passage. They added that he had promised to visit them again, and they pointed out his miraculous footsteps imprinted upon the shore. The name may, with much probability, be traced to the Zemi of Hayti, a divinity, or divine person. In Paraguay they called him Payzume, and this compound word was the appellation of their Priests.

De Lery. c. 16.

An old Tupinamba, after listening attentively to an exposition of the Christian system, told the French the same things had been preached there so many moons ago that the number could not be remembered, by a stranger apparelled as they were, and having a beard. Their fathers gave no heed to his words, and there came another soon after him who delivered them a sword as a symbol of malediction. The memory of this, he said, had been handed down from father to son. What is most worthy of notice here, is the reference to times before the age of the sword; wherever a tradition of a golden age is to be traced, it is at once an acknowledgement and proof of degradation in the race.

Thevet. ff. 46. 51.

Thevet speaks of the Great Caraiba, whom they held in as much veneration as the Turks did Mahommed, and who taught

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CHAP. VIII.

Calancha. Cr. de. St. Augustin en Peru. 2. 2. 5.

them the use of fire as well as of their edible roots. He gave the mandioc to a girl, and instructed her how to cut it into slips, and set them. Had Thevet sought to indentify this person with St. Thomas, his known rascality might discredit his evidence; but he knew nothing of this hypothesis (which indeed had not then been invented), and it seems certain that such traditions were preserved among them of one who had been the greatest benefactor of their race. The ingenuity of a Catholic Priesthood would wish no better materials than the resemblance between Zome and Thomas16, especially as the history of St. Thomas was yet a chasm in ecclesiastical romance. Accordingly they mapped out his travels from Brazil to Peru, discovered baptism and the tonsure still in use among the natives from his time, invented traces of his pastoral staff, crosses, and inscriptions in Greek and Hebrew, and even brought his sandals and his mantle unconsumed out of the volcano of Arequipa. Nothing is too impudent for the audacity of such a priesthood; nothing too gross for the credulity of their besotted believers.

The Mandioe.

If Ceres deserved a place in the mythology of Greece, far more might the deification of that person be expected who in-

16 S. de Vasconcellos makes out this case logically. Christ, he says, said to his apostles, Go ye into all the world, and preach the Gospel to every creature. He that believeth and is baptized shall be saved; but he that believeth it not shall be damned. Mark xvi. 15. 16. Now, says the Jesuit, with what reason could the American Indian be damned, if the Gospel had never been preached to him? He who said all the world, could not mean to leave out America, which is mearly half of it. The Gospel therefore must have been preached there by one of the apostles, in obedience to this command. But by whom was it preached? .. not by St. Peter, not by St. Paul, not by St. John, neither by St. Andrew, St. Philip, St. James, St. Matthew, St. Thaddeus, St. Simon, St. Mathias, St. James the Less, nor St. Bartholomew. It must therefore have been by St. Thomas.

[page] 231

CHAP. VIII.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 35.

De Lery. c. 8.

Thevet ff. 111.

Piso. p. 48.

Piso. L. 4. c. 2.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 35.

Piso. p. 48.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 35.

Monardes ff. 103.

structed his fellows in the use of the mandioc. This root, if eaten raw, or in any manner with the juice in it, is deadly poison; it is difficult to imagine how it should ever have been discovered by Savages that a wholesome food might be prepared from it. Their mode of preparation was by scraping it to a fine pulp with oyster-shells, or with an instrument made of small sharp stones set in a piece of bark, so as to form a rude rasp: the pulp was then rubbed or ground with a stone, the juice carefully expressed17, and the last remaining moisture evaporated by fine. The operation of preparing it was thought unwholesome, and the slaves, whose business it was, took the flowers of the nhambi, and the root of the urucu in their food to strengthen the heart and stomach. The Portuguese soon adapted mills and presses to this purpose. They usually pressed it in cellars and places where it was least likely to occasion accidental hurt; in these places, it is said, that a white insect was found, generated by this deadly juice18, and itself not less deadly, with which the native women sometimes poisoned their husbands, and slaves their masters, by putting it in their food. A pon of mandioc, with its own juice, was considered as excellent for inpost-homes; it was administered for womens, I know not in what form, and it was applied to old wounds to eat away the discased flesh. For some poisons also, and for the bite of certain snakes, it was esteemed a sovereign antidote. The simple juice was used for cleaning iron. The poisonous quality is confined

17 The Indians of Guiana put it, after it is rasped, into a long tube or bag made of reeds; this they suspend from a tree and hang at the bottom a heavy weight; the bag being stretched by this weight is narrowed in preportion, and the juice is squeezed through the platted seeds. Stedman, vol. 1. 405.

18 Piso says the liquor was kept till it became putrid, and then this worm was found in it. Tapuru, they called it: it was dried and given in powder.

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to the root, for the leaves of the plant are eaten, and even the juice might be made innocent by boiling, and be fermented into vinegar, or inspissated till it became sweet enough to serve for honey.

African Memorands. p. 232. 346.

Monardes. ff. 103.

Noticies. MSS. 2. 35.

De Lery. c. 9.

Piso. l. 4. c. 2.

Marcgraff, who has given the fullest account of this important root, distinguishes twenty-three species, nine of which have the word mandibi compounded in their name, and the others all begin with aipi. Neither he, nor any of the writers upon Brazil, have noticed a species which is perfectly innocent in its crude state, and which is described by that most able man, and most interesting writer, Captain Philip Beaver, as cultivated in Africa, but unknown in the West Indies19. It is however indigenous in the Spanish Main; and, I believe, in Brazil also, where its existence will explain some assertions which would otherwise be contradictory. For it is said, in the Noticias, that cattle would eat these roots and thrive upon them, though it is presently added, that the juice is mortal to all animals; and De Lery, after giving the same terrific account of the poison as other authors, says, that the juice, which in its appearance resembled milk, coagulated in the sun, and the curd was drest in the same manner as eggs. The sediment which the juice deposits is that article of diet for invalids so well known by its native name, Tipioca.

Piso. l. 4. c. 2.

The crude root cannot be preserved three days by any possi-

19 Stedman speaks of both kinds in Surinam, and calls them the sweet and the bitter; yet, he says, many persons had, to his knowledge, been poisoned by using the one for the other, the distinction between them consisting chiefly in a tough ligneous fibre, or cord, running through the heart of the sweet or innocent cassava root, which the fatal or bitter has not. Vol. 1. 406. If these roots are actually the one sweet, the other bitter, it should seem hardly possible to mistake them.

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CHAP. VIII.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 35.

Stade. 2. 11.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 35.

ble care, and the slightest moisture spoils the flour. Piso observes that he had seen great ravages occasioned among the troops by eating it in this state. There were two modes of preparation by which it could more easily be kept; the roots were sliced under water, and then hardened before a fire; when wanted for use they were grated into a fine powder, which being beaten up with water, became like a cream of almonds: the other method was to macerate the root in water till it became putrid, then hang it up to be smoke-dried; and this, when pounded in a mortar, produced a flour as white as meal; .. it was frequently prepared in this manner by the Savages. The most delicate preparation was by pressing it through a sieve, and putting the pulp immediately in an earthen vessel on the fire; it then granulated, and either hot or cold, was excellent.

Stade. p. 2. c. 11.

De Lery. c. 9.

Marcgraff. 3. 6.

The native mode of cultivating it was rude and summary; they cut down the trees, let them lie till they were dry enough to burn, and then planted the mandioc between the stumps. They ate the dry flour in a manner which baffled all attempts at imitation; for, taking it between their fingers, they tossed it into their mouths so neatly that not a single grain fell beside. No European ever tried to perform this feat without powdering his face or his cloaths, to the amusement of the Savages. When the mandioc failed, what they called stick-flour (in Portugueze farinha de pao) was made from the wood of the Urucuri-Iba, which they cut in pieces and bruised; and this being less liable to corrupt than the mandioc, is now generally used in the Brazilian ships.

Their fermented liquors.

The mandioc supplied them also with their banquetting drink. They prepared it by a curious process, which savage man has often been ingenious enough to invent, and never cleanly enough to reject. The roots were sliced, boiled till they became soft,

2 H

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CHAP. VIII.

Stade. 2 13.

De Lery. 9.

De Lery. 13.

Marcgraff. 87.

Claude d'Abbeoille. ff. 304.

and set aside to cool. The young women20 then chewed them, after which they were returned into the vessel, which was filled with water, and once more boiled, being stirred the whole time. When this had been continued sufficiently long, the unstrained contents21 were poured into earthen jars of great size, which were buried up to the middle in the floor of the house; these were closely stopt, and in the course of two days fermentation took place. They had an odd superstition, that if it was made by men it would be good for nothing. When the drinking day arrived, the women kindled fires round these jars, and served out the warm potion in half-gourds, which the men came dancing and singing to receive, and always emptied at one draught. At such times they smoked an herb which they called Petun, some in pipes of clay, some in the shell of a fruit hollowed for the purpose; or three or four dry leaves were rolled up within a larger one, as tobacco is commonly smoked in Spain: it was a hideous sight to behold them, as the smoke issued through all the holes in their cheeks, or was forced through the nostrils. While they drank the young unmarried men danced round with rattles on their legs and the maraca in their hands. They never ate at these drinking parties, nor ever desisted from drink-

20 The Chicka, or maize-drink, is prepared in the same way. But among many tribes it is only old women who are allowed to prepare it, .. fæminas juniores quod impuris humoribus scatere videantur, honorifico mayz grana dentibus terendi munere, Barbari excludunt. Dobrizhoffer. T. 1. 465.

21 A Moravian Missionary describes this potion, after he had "conquered his squeamishness, as being of a very pleasant refreshing taste, something like a mixture of beer, brown sugar, and crumbled rye bread, called in German Kalte Schale."

Periodical Accounts of the Miss. of the United Brethren. 1. 422.

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De Lery. 9.

ing while one drop of liquor remained; but, having exhausted all in one house, removed to the next, and so on till they had drank out all in the town; and these meetings were commonly held about once a month. De Lery witnessed one which continued for three days and nights.22 There were two kinds of this liquor, which was called Caou-in or Kaawy23, red and white; they must have been made of different roots. In taste it is said to resemble milk.

Acayaba Tree.

Wherever the mandioc is cultivated this is the drink with which the Savages usually stupify themselves at their carousals. Many of the Brazilian tribes, however, prepared a better liquor from the Acaju, the fruit of the Acayaba24, the finest of all the American trees. It is beautiful, says Vasconcellos, to behold its pomp, when it is reclothing itself, in July and August, with the bright verdure of its leaves; when, during our European autumn, it is covered with white and rosy-tinged blossoms, and when, in the three following months, it is enriched with its fruit, as with pendant jewels. Its leaves have an aromatic odour, its flowers are exquisitely fragrant, its shade deep and delightful. A gum exudes from it, in nothing inferior to that of Senegal, and in such abundance as to have the appearance of rain-drops upon the tree: this is used by the Indians as a medicine, being

22 He exclaims, Procul estote Germani, Flandri, Helvetii, omnesque adeo qui strenue potando palmam petitis; vos enim audito Barbarorum potandi modo, sponte illis cessuros esse video.

23 The resemblance of this word to the kava of the Otaheiteans is remarkable.

24 Marcgraff, or his excellent editor, (L. 8. C. 7.) enumerates nine kinds of fermented liquor made by the Brazilian tribes; one was from the pine-apple, which was cut for this purpose before it was quite ripe (Noticias MSS. 2. 41.); the juice of the green fruit was applied as a corrosive to wounds: it was also used by the Europeans to clean rusty swords, and take iron-moulds out of linen.

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Sim. Vase. Chr. de Comp. Nos. Ant. 2. § 81—84.

Piso. l. 4. c. 6. p. 7.

Marcgraff. 3. 2.

pounded and dissolved in water. It is not common in the interior, but towards the coast whole tracks of country, which would else be barren, are covered with this admirable tree, and the more sandy the soil, and the drier the season, the more it seems to flourish. The possession of a spot where it grew abundantly was of such importance as often to be the cause of war. The fruit something resembles a pear in shape, but is longer; it is spungy, and full of a delicious juice; in any form it is excellent, whether in its natural state, or drest, or preserved. The kidney-shaped seed which grows at the end of the fruit is well known in England by the name of the Cashew nut, (a word less corrupted to the ear than to the eye) and was often cast up upon the Cornish shores, before the discovery of the New World. Some tribes numbered their years by the fruitage of the Acayaba, laying by a nut yearly. The gathering season was a time of joy, like the hop-gathering of this, and the vintage of happier climates. The liquor was simply extracted, either by squeezing the fruit with the hand, or bruising it in a wooden mortar; at first it is white as milk, but becomes paler in a few days; it is of an astringent taste, strong and intoxicating: in about half a year it becomes vinegar, still however retaining its vinous flavour. The pulp, after the juice was expressed, was dried, and made into a flour, which the natives preferred to any other, and reserved as their choicest dainty. The wood is hard, and has been much used for the curved timbers of large boats, .. a practice which must greatly have diminished the number of these invaluable trees. The outer bark affords a black, the inner a yellow die. The leaves have a melancholy appearance in the rainy season. What a blessing would this tree be to the deserts of Arabia and of Africa!

The natipes nice in their choice of water.

Fond as the native Brazilians were of fermented liquors, they were as nice in the choice of water as we are respecting wine,

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CHAP. VIII.

Piso. p. 11.

Piso. p. 10.

and wondered at the imprudence or ignorance of the Europeans in seeming to be indifferent concerning the quality of what they drank. They preferred the sweetest, lightest, and such as deposited no sediment, and they kept it in vessels of porous pottery, so that it was kept cool by constant transudation. Pure water exposed to the morning dew, and to the air, was a favourite remedy both with the native and Portugueze empiricks; the air and dew were supposed to temper it, and to separate its terrestrial from its aerial parts: .. the philosophy of this quackery cannot have been of Savage growth.

Their knowledge of poison.

Piso. p. 40.

Strange tales are related of their exquisite knowledge of poison; with respect to simple poisons they probably possessed this knowledge, for they must have discovered many in the course of those long experiments upon herbs to which savage man is compelled by hunger, even if he were not excited by natural curiosity, and the instinctive desire of finding remedies for sickness. But compound or recondite forms of poison cannot have been known to them, for to what purpose should they have been sought for? These are the devices of a people highly civilized and highly vicious: Savages do the work of death in a shorter way. It is said they were as obstinate in keeping these deadly receipts secret, as they were officious in pointing out antidotes: there is reason to suspect that this knowledge was like witchcraft25, a tremendous power, claimed by the

25 This may fairly be inferred from a passage in Piso, L. 3. P. 46. Supplicium quidam Brasiliani venefici subituri, mihi obnixe roganti, ut me horum arcanorum priusquam è vitû discederent, participem facerent, inviti panciora quædam revelarunt, fassique sunt, impune non solum se hæc et similia vcneficia exercere, sed et regium esse, laudemque mereri inter suos, ingenii solertia excellere, novasque veneni miscelas excogitasse. Illi namque sagittas, aquam, aërem, vesles, cibos et fructus crescentes inficiunt, ut tardius et pedetentim, non statim homines extinguant.

[page] 238

CHAP. VIII.

Piso. p. 18.

crafty, because it was previously believed by the credulous. If they had known compound poisons, they would have known compound remedies; but all their remedies were simple. The Dutch physician, Piso, perceived this essential difference between their pharmacy and his own; that able observer perceived also the superiority of their principle of practice, and strenuously recommended it.

Ceremonies at the birth of a child.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 57.

De Lery. c. 3.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 57.

De Lery. c. 16.

Anon. in Purchas. p. 1291.

The dreadful consequence which they deduced from their theory of generation has before been stated: this theory led also to a ridiculous custom which prevails over great part of South America, and was formerly found among the savages of Europe and of Asia. Immediately upon a woman's delivery the father takes to his hammock, covers himself up, and is nurst there till the navel-string of the infant has dried away; the union between him and his progeny is regarded as so intimate that the utmost care must be taken of him lest the child should suffer26. The first operation upon the child is to flatten the nose by crushing it with the thumb; the lip is then bored if it is a boy; the father paints him black and red, and lays by him in the hammock a little mecana and a little bow and arrow, saying, My son, when thou growest up be strong and take vengeance upon thine enemies. Sometimes a bundle of herbs was added, as a symbol of those whom he was to kill and devour. The Euroropean method of swaddling and cramping infants, which continued even in this country till within our own remembrance, ap-

26 Their notion is, that whatever they do affects the infant. Dobrizhoffer relates a story of a Spaniard who offered a pinch of snuff to a lying-in Cazique, and asking why he refused that of which he was so fond at other times, was answered, Do you not know that my wife was delivered yesterday, .. how then can I possibly take snuff, when it would be so dangerous to my child if I were to sneeze!

T. 2. 232.

[page] 239

CHAP. VIII.

Piso. p. 6.

Knivatt in Purchas. p. 1226.

De Lery. c. 11.

Thevet ff. 33.

Anon. in Purchas. p. 1290.

peared to them monstrous. They washed them frequently in cold water, not merely for the love of cleanliness, but for the purpose of making them robust and strong. A singular superstition was, that no Savage would kill any female animal while his wife was pregnant, for if it happened to be with young, he believed his own offspring would be cut off, as a punishment for the sin which he had committed against the mystery of life. Akin to this feeling was the abhorrence with which they regarded the eating of eggs; it was not to be borne, they said, that the bird should be eaten before it was hatched; the women, in particular, would never suffer it to be done in their presence. A more ridiculous notion was, that man is entitled to a tail, and would be born with one if the father of the bridegroom did not perform the ceremony of chopping sticks at his marriage, in order thereby to cut off this appendage from his future grand-children.

Their names.

Stade. p. 2. c. 18.

p. 2. c. 22.

p. 2. c. 17.

The child was named as soon as born. Hans Stade was present on one of these occasions; the father convoked his next neighbours in the dormitory, and asked them to tell him a name for his son which would be at once manly and terrible; none of those which were proposed happened to please his humour: he then said he would call him after one of his four immediate ancestors, for that would be lucky for the boy; and repeating the four names aloud he chose one of them. Another name was given when a youth was of age to go to war, and he added one to his titles for every enemy whom he brought home to the slaughter. The wife also took an additional name when her husband gave a man-feast. They selected their appellations from visible objects27, pride or

27 De Lery's name happened to have a meaning in their language. The Interpreter who introduced him to the Tupinambas, knowing this, bade him, when he was asked his name, say that it was Lery-oussou, the Great Oyster. They liked him the better for it, saying it was an excellent name, and they had never known a Frenchman with such a one before. C. 11.

[page] 240

CHAP. VIII.

ferocity influencing their choice. The epithet great was frequently compounded with the word.

Harmony in which they lived.

Anon. in Purchas. p. 1290.

De Lery. c. 18.

De Lery. c. 20.

It is worthy of notice, that although no other principles were inculcated than those of revenge and hatred, the boys rarely or never quarrelled among themselves. Savages are never quarrelsome when they are sober; and in the Tupinambas the feeling of good-will towards each other was so habitual, that they seem not to have lost it even when they were drunk. De Lery lived among them a year, and witnessed only two quarrels: the bye-standers looked quietly on without in any way interfering; but if on these rare occasions any injury was inflicted, the law of retaliation was rigorously executed by the kinsmen of the sufferer. There was a word in their language to express a friend who was loved like a brother; it is written Atourassap28. They who called each other by this name had all things in common; the tie was held to be as sacred as that of consanguinity, and one could not marry the daughter or sister of the other.

Marriages.

Anon. in Purchas. p. 1290.

Stade. p. 2. c. 20.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 59.

No man married till he had taken an enemy, nor was suffered to partake of the drinking-feast while he remained single. As soon as a girl became marriageable, her hair was cut off and her back scarified, and she wore a necklace of the teeth of beasts till the hair had grown again. The scars thus made were considered honourable ornaments. Cotton cords were tied round her waist and round the fleshy part of both arms; they denoted

28 Erroneously, beyond a doubt, because their speech is without the r.

[page] 241

CHAP. VIII.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 55.

Stade. p. 2. c. 19.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 59. 2. 58.

a state of maidenhood, and if any but a maiden wore them they were persuaded that the Anhanga would fetch her away. This seems to have been a gratuitous superstition; it cannot have been invented for the purpose of keeping the women chaste till marriage, for these bands were broken without fear, and incontinence was not regarded as an offence. Chastity, like compassion, is one of the virtues of civilization; the seeds are in us, but will not grow up without culture. Their custom of herding together in large and undivided dormitories produced an obvious and pernicious effect29: all decency was destroyed by it; universal lewdness was the consequence, and this in its turn led to the most loathsome of all outrages against human nature. If a man was tired of a wife he gave her away, and he took as many as he pleased. The first had some privileges; she had a separate birth in the dormitory, and a field which she cultivated for her own use. These privileges however did not prevent her from being envious of those who supplanted her; and the wives who found themselves neglected, consoled themselves by initiating the boys in debauchery. The husbands seem to have known nothing of jealousy; it cannot, perhaps, exist without love; and love also is a refinement. There prevailed among them the Jewish custom that the brother, or nearest kinsman of the deceased, took his widow to wife.

Anon. in Purchas. p. 1291.

Fashion of the women.

Some tribes were distinguished by the fashion in which their heads were shorn. The women were proud of long hair, and fond of combing it. They used the shell of a certain fruit for this purpose, till combs were shown them by the Portugueze and

29 D. Francisco Requena, who was Governor of the Maynas in 1793, particularly advises the Missionaries that they should make their converts dwell in separate habitations. Mercurio Peruano, No. 279.

I 2

[page] 242

CHAP. VIII.

Stade. p. 2. c. 17.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 44.

De Lery. c. 8.

French, and were then eagerly demanded. Sometimes they let it flow loose, more frequently tied it close to the root in one or two huge tails, like a French postilion's. They painted their cheeks in red, blue, and yellow, beginning with a spot in the middle, and drawing a spiral line till the whole side of the face was covered: this however was less splendid than the skin and bright orange-coloured plumage of the Toucan's breast, which the men fastened on their cheeks in two broad patches. They painted also the places of the eye-brows30 and eye-lashes, which had been so absurdly eradicated. The necklace was an ornament which they were not permitted to wear, that, as well as the cheek and lip-stones, being among the privileges of the men; but they were indulged with bracelets, and the common address to a Frenchman was, Mair31, you are a good man; give me some beads.

Condition of women among them.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 36.

The more brutal the tribe, the worse always is the treatment of the women. The Tupinambas were in many respects an improved race; their wives had something more than their due share of labour, but they were not treated with brutality, and their condition was on the whole happy. They set and dug the mandioc; they sowed and gathered the maize. An odd superstition prevailed, that if a sort of earth-almond, which the Portugueze call amendoens, was planted by men, it would not grow. The Tupinambas were fond of acting upon a physical theory, and it is probable that in this allotment of agricultural la-

30 Ainsi qu'on dit que font semblablement en France quelques impudiques, says De Lery. It is not unlikely that the Eastern fashion of blackening the inside of the eye-lid should have travelled from Greece to Italy, and thence into France.

31 Probably their way of pronouncing Maistre, .. the corruption is not greater than that of the French from Magister.

[page] 243

CHAP. VIII.

Gumills. c. 45.

bours they proceeded upon the same hypothesis as the more barbarous Savages of the Orinoco, who explained it to Gumilla, when he remonstrated against it. Father, said they, you do not understand our custom, and that is the reason why you do not like it. Women know how to bring forth, which is a thing that we do not know. When they sow and plant, the stalk of maize produces two or three heads, the root of mandioc two or three baskets full, and every thing multiplies in like manner from their hands. Why? .. because women know how to bring forth, and to make the seeds and roots bring forth also.

De Lery, in Lat. edit. c. 18.

De Lery. c. 15.

Spinning and weaving, for they had a sort of loom, were properly the women's work. Having taken the cotton from the pod, they pulled it abroad; no distaff was used; the spindle was about a foot long and a finger thick; it was passed through a little ball, and the thread fastened to the top; this they twirled between the hands and sent spinning into the air: they could do it as they walked. In this manner they made cords strong enough for their hammocks, and likewise so fine a thread, that a waistcoat woven of it, which De Lery took to France, was mistaken there for silk. When their hammock was dirty, as it must soon have been soiled by the smoke of their everlasting fires, they bleached it by means of a sort of gourd, which, when cut in pieces, boiled, and stirred, raised a lather, and being used as soap, made the cotton white as snow.

Their pottery.

Stade. l. 2. c. 14.

Noticias. MSS. de Lage de Xarayes. Dobrishoffer.

The women were skilful potters. They dried their vessels in the sun, then inverted them, and covered them with dry bark, to which they set fire, and thus baked them sufficiently. Many of the American tribes carried this art to great perfection; there are some who bury their dead in jars large enough to receive them erect. The Tupinambas, by means of some white liquid, glazed the inside of their utensils so well, that it is said the potters in France could not do it better. The outside was ge-

[page] 244

CHAP. VIII.

De Lery. c. 18.

nerally finished with less care; those however in which they kept their food were frequently painted in scrolls and flourishes, intricately intertwisted and nicely executed, but after no pattern; nor could they copy what they had once produced. This earthenware was in common use, and De Lery observes, that in this respect the Savages were better furnished than those persons in his own country who fed from trenchers and wooden bowls. They made baskets both of wicker-work and of straw.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 37.

Stade. p. 2. c. 25.

The men were not deficient in ingenuity. They cut the trunk of the Goayambira, a tree which is about the girth of a man's leg, in lengths of ten or twelve palms, and slipt the bark off whole; this served them as a case for their bows and arrows. Bark canoes they made whole. The tree which was used for this purpose is called by Stade Yga-ywera; they took off the bark in one piece, then keeping the middle straight and stretched by means of thwarts, they curved and contracted the two ends by fire, and the boat was made. The bark was about an inch in thickness; the canoe commonly four feet wide, and some forty in length; some would carry thirty persons. They seldom went more than half a league from the coast, and if the weather was bad, they landed and carried the canoe on shore.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 68.

Stade. 2. 8.

De Lery. 12.

Damiam de Goes. 1. 56.

Their modes of fishing evinced much dexterity; yet it is remarkable that they had not applied the net to this purpose, as their hammocks were of net-work. They pierced the fish with arrows, and if a larger one carried the arrow down, would dive to the depth of six fathom in pursuit. .. Such was their power in the water that they caught fish by the hand, and did not fear to attack the great water-snake in its own element. Another method was by beating the water, while some of the party were ready with gourds, scooped like a bowl, to slip under the smaller fry, as they rose, stunned or stupified, to the surface. For angling they used a thorn, till hooks were introduced among

[page] 245

CHAP. VIII.

De Lery. 12.

De Lery. Lat. ed. 11.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 62.

Period. Ac. of the Moravian Miss. v. 3. p. 36.

Stade. 2. 28.

them; these were what the children were particularly desirous of obtaining from the Europeans. You are a good man, give me some fishing-hooks, was their usual salutation, and if they did not obtain what they asked for, the little Savages would say, You are good for nothing, you must be killed. When they went on the water to angle, it was upon a raft composed of five or six lengths of wood about arm thick, fastened together with withes, just long and wide enough to support them; on this they sate with their legs extended, and paddled out to sea. Sometimes they dammed a stream and poisoned the water. This art, though generally known among the American Indians, seems no where to have been generally used; partly perhaps because they had discovered that it was destructive to the young fry; and also because it requires no exertion of skill, and affords none of the pleasure and uncertainty of pursuit. They preserved fish by drying it on the boucan32, and then reducing it to powder.

Their domestic animals.

De Lery. 11.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 45.

Thevet. ff. 91.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 46.

De Lery. 8.

In catching monkeys for their European customers they were less ingenious; they had no better device than to bring the animal down with an arrow, and then heal the wound. They were fond of taming birds and of teaching parrots to talk. Some of these birds were at perfect liberty, and flew whither they would, yet were so familiar with those who fed and fondled them, that they would come from the woods at a call. Lizards were suffered to live in their houses; so, also, was a large species of harmless snake. Dogs were soon obtained from the Portugueze, and in less than half a century after the discovery of the New World, European poultry were domesticated among half the tribes of South America. The Tupinambas had a method of dying their feathers with Brazil wood: they kept them in

32 This method preserves it from becoming putrid, and from worms, .. but not from a species of mite which is very destructive. Moravian Missions. 3. 56.

[page] 246

CHAP. VIII.

De Lery. 11.

large hollow canes which were closed with wax, to preserve them from a mischievous species of moth called Arauers: these insects made quick work with leather; cuirasses and bucklers were soon skinned by them; and if the carcase of a beast was left uncovered for a single night, they would make the bones clean by the morning.

Their treatment of strangers.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 65.

As soon as a guest arrived at one of their villages, he went, if he was a stranger, to the dwelling of the Chief, at the entrance of whose birth a hammock was swung for him. The Chief then came and questioned him, while the others sat round and listened in silence. The Elders afterwards consulted apart concerning him, whether he were an enemy who was come to spy out their weakness: an enemy had little chance of escaping their penetration, and if he were detected he was put to death. But if the new comer had formerly been a guest, he went to the same family which he had before visited, and whose privilege it was to exercise the rights of hospitality towards him for ever after: if he betook himself to another host, it was an affront to them. The master of the family resigned to him his own hammock, and the wife brought him food before they asked any questions. Then the women came round, and seated themselves on the floor, hid their faces with their hands, and began to lament, he also joining in the lamentation, and not unfrequently shedding real tears. This custom prevails extensively among the Indians, and is more natural than may perhaps immediately be perceived: for the feeling which first rises is of the lapse of time since their last meeting, of the friends whom they have lost during that interval, and of the changes and chances of human life. When this condolence was ended33,

33 De Lery relates one instance when they washed his feet, (C. 18.) but this does not appear to have been usually practised.

[page] 247

CHAP. VIII.

De Lery. c. 18.

they began to praise their guest: "You have taken the pains to come and see us! you are a good man! you are a brave man!" If he was a European, "You have brought many good things for us of which we were in want."

De Lery's Dialogue.

De Lery. c. 18.

Marcgraff. 8. 6.

De Lery. c. 18.

c. 12.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 63.

De Lery. 18.

"Our forefathers," said the Tupinambas, "left us nothing good: whatever they left us we have thrown away, because the things which you bring us are so much better. How much better is our condition than theirs! .. now our plantations are larger! now the children do not cry when they are sheared!" Scissars for trimming the hair, and tweezers for plucking out the beard and eye-lashes, were eagerly requested, and with looking-glasses they were delighted beyond measure. It is remarkable, that they had no propensity to thieving. On De Lery's first visit to them, one took his hat and put it on; another girded on his sword to his naked side; a third drest himself in his doublet. He was a little alarmed at being thus undressed, but it was their custom, and every thing was soon restored. They were a grateful race, and remembered that they had received gifts, after the giver had forgotten it. They were liberal, .. as ready to bestow as to ask; whatever the house contained was at the guest's service, and any one might partake their food34. They were willing, and even watchful to oblige; if a European whom they liked was weary when travelling in their company, they would chearfully carry him.

Treatment of the sick.

Noticias MSS. 2. 69.

It is among the worst parts of their character, that they were unfeeling to the sick, and when they thought the case hopeless, neglected to give them food, so that many died rather of want than of disease. It is even said that they carried them some-

34 An excellent people for the Franciscans, says the author of the Noticias.

[page] 248

CHAP. VIII.

Their male of burial.

Thevet. ff. 70.

Noticias MSS. 2. 69.

Nobrega. Div. Avis. ff. 34. 40.

Burial of a Chief.

Noticias MSS. 2. 69.

De Lery. 19.

times to be buried before they were actually dead; and that persons have recovered after they had been taken down in their hammocks for interment. The sight of the grave would occasion a salutary effort of nature, when recovery was possible; but this fact also implies that there were some who felt compassion, and endeavoured to preserve them. The corpse had all its limbs tied fast, that the dead man might not be able to get up, and infest his friends with his visits; and whoever happened to have any thing which had belonged to the dead produced it, that it might be buried with him, lest he should come and claim it. The nearest relation dug the grave: when the wife died it was the husband's office, and he assisted to lay her there; it was in the dwelling, and in the very birth of the deceased, .. a round pit, wherein the body was placed in a clean hammock, and in a sitting posture, with food before it: for there were some who believed that the spirit went to sport among the mountains, and returned there to eat and to take rest. A Chief was interred with greater ceremony. His corpse was anointed with honey, and then coated with feathers. The sides of the grave were staked, so as to form a vault, and it was capacious enough for the hammock to be slung there: his maraca and his weapons were placed by his side, food also and water, and his pipe; a fire was made below, as if he were living; the vault was then roofed and covered up, and the family lived upon the grave as before. It was their belief that the Anhanga would come and devour the dead, unless provisions were laid upon the grave for him; and this superstition was confirmed by the French interpreters, who used to steal the food. These offerings were continued till it was supposed the body had decayed, and was therefore no longer in danger. There is a night-bird, about the size of a pigeon, of dusky plumage and mournful voice, which the Tupinambas never hurt, nor will suffer any one else to injure,

[page] 249

CHAP. VIII.

Thevet. ff. 81.

De Lery. c. 11.

Their mourning.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 69.

for they believe that it is sent by their dead kinsmen and friends, to condole with them, and give them comfort. De Lery happened to speak sportively one evening to one of his countrymen, as they were standing by while a horde of these Brazilians were listening intently to the melancholy cry of the sacred bird. An old man reproved him, saying, Hold thy peace, and disturb us not while we are hearkening to the happy messengers of our forefathers; for as often as we hear them our hearts rejoice and are strengthened. The women cut off their hair in mourning, and stained the whole body black; when the hair had grown till it reached the eyes they cut it again, to show the mourning was at an end: a widower, on the contrary, suffered his hair to grow. All the relations blackened themselves, and every one, when his term of mourning expired, made a feast, at which songs were sung in praise of the dead.

De Lery. c. 8.

"They are a stronger race than we," says De Lery, "robuster, healthier, and less liable to diseases. There are few lame persons among them, few that are one-eyed, scarcely any who are deformed; and though there are many who live to six score years of age (for they keep account by moons) yet few become grey. This shows the temperature of that region, which is neither afflicted with cold nor with heat, and hath its trees and herbage always green; and they themselves, being free from all care, seem as if they had dipt their lips in the Fountain of Youth." In this account of the longevity to which they often attain, and the green and vigorous old age which they enjoy, all testimonies, ancient and modern, accord35. Living almost like animals in a

35 The Mercurio Peruano, No. 159, notices these instances of longevity among the Indians; one of 117, one of 121, 135, 141, 147, 151, all living, and in strong health.

2 K

[page] 250

CHAP. VIII.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 67.

state of nature, their senses had that acuteness which the habits of civilized life destroy36. If a Tupinamba were lost in the woods, he laid down and snuffed for fire, which it is said they could scent half a mile off, then climbed the highest tree to look for smoke, which they could perceive at a distance where it was invisible to the keenest European eye. But where they had once been before, they knew their path again by a sort of dog-like faculty. Such faculties are generally possessed in greatest perfection by the rudest tribes; but among them the Tupi race is certainly not to be classed.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 54.

De Lery. 18.

One cause which retarded their improvement was the practice of frequently removing their habitations. They never remained longer in one place than the palm-thatch of their houses lasted; as soon as that rotted and let in the rain, instead of repairing it, they migrated. This was not because the adjoining soil had been exhausted, but from a persuasion that change of abode was essential to health; and a superstition, that if they departed from the custom of their forefathers they should be destroyed. When they removed, the women were the beasts of burthen, and carried the hammocks, pots, wooden pestles and mortars, and all their other household stock. The husband only took his weapons, and the wife, says Marcgraff, is loaded like a mule. She swings a great basket behind her by a band which passes over the forehead, carries another on her head, and has several empty gourds, which are for drinking vessels, hanging at her side; one of these serves as a saddle for the child, who

36 Claude d'Abbeville says that they could distinguish two persons of different tribes by the smell. ff. 311. Those who went with him to France perceived land long before any of the other persons on board, .. and frequently when the French fancied they saw it, told them it was only the dark sky. ff. 312.

[page] 251

CHAP. VIII.

Marcgraff. 8. 7.

sits astride it, and holds on. Being thus equipped, she carries the parrot in one hand, and leads the dog with the other. If it rained while they were on their way, they fixed two stakes in the ground, and made a thatch with palm-leaves, sufficient against wind and weather for the service of the night.

The main cause why the Tupis were not farther advanced was the state of their Payes. The Catholics, who see nothing but the work of the Devil in all religions except their own; and the Philosophists, who see nothing but error and deception in any religion whatsoever, have vied with each other in representing the horrible effects of priestcraft. Yet when man has been degraded to the savage state, it is only by priestcraft that he has ever yet been reclaimed. When America was discovered, the civilization of its different nations was precisely in proportion to the degree of power and respectability which their priests possessed; and this authority of the priesthood was not the consequence of an improved state of society, but the cause of it. As long as the Priest continues a mere juggler, the people continue Savages; his triumph is but the ascendancy of vulgar cunning over bodily strength, and though he is feared he is not respected. But when a more commanding spirit arises, who, connecting old fables and dimly-remembered truths with the devices of his own imagination, lays the foundation of a mythological system, from that moment the improvement of his tribe begins. A ritual worship creates arts for its embellishment and support; habits of settled life take root as soon as a temple is founded, and the city grows round the altar. The men who are set apart for the service of the Gods, and who are exempted from all ordinary occupations, being considered as superior to other men, soon learn to consider themselves so, and in reality become so. They have leisure to acquire knowledge, and to think for the people: it is among them in all

[page] 252

CHAP. VIII. 1549.

countries that the rudiments of science have sprung up, and no nation has ever yet emerged from a savage state till it had a regular priesthood.

Conduct of the Jesuits.

These were the people whom the Jesuits went to convert. They began by winning the affections of the children, giving them store of trifling presents; by this sort of intercourse they acquired some use of the language themselves, and soon qualified these little ones for interpreters. They visited the sick, and while they believed that every one whom they sprinkled at the hour of death was a soul rescued from the Devil, the charitable services which accompanied such conversions were not lost upon the living. The Portugueze, on their arrival in Brazil, had been welcomed by the natives as friends; but when the original possessors of the land perceived that their guests were becoming their masters, they took up arms, suspended their internal quarrels, and attempted to expel them. European fire-arms repulsed them, and European policy soon broke their shortlived union. But even peace with the Portugueze settlers afforded them no security; when it is permitted to reduce enemies to slavery, no friends can be secure. It was in vain that humane edicts were enacted in Portugal; while the atrocious principle is acknowledged, that man can by any circumstances lawfully be considered as the slave of man, all edicts and all formalities will be ineffectual protections against violence and avarice. Many tribes were in arms against this oppression when the Jesuits arrived; won first by the report that men were come who were the Friends and Protectors of the Indians, and afterwards by experiencing their good offices, they brought their bows to the Governor, and solicited to be received as allies.

These missionaries were every way qualified for their office. They were zealous for the salvation of souls; they had disen-

[page] 253

CHAP. VIII. 1549.

gaged themselves from all the ties which attach us to life, and were therefore not merely fearless of martyrdom, but ambitious of it; they believed the idolatry which they taught, and were themselves persuaded that by sprinkling a dying Savage, and repeating over him a form of words which he did not understand, they redeemed him from everlasting torments, to which he was otherwise inevitably, and according to their notions of Divine justice, justly destined. Nor can it be doubted that they sometimes worked miracles upon the sick; for when they believed that the patient might be miraculously cured, and he himself expected that he should be so, faith would supply the virtue in which it trusted.

Nobrega and his companions began their work with those hordes who were sojourning in the vicinity of St. Salvador; they persuaded them to live in peace, they reconciled old enemies, they succeeded in preventing drunkenness, and in making them promise to be contented with one wife; but the cannibalism they could not overcome: the delight of feasting upon the flesh of their enemies was too great to be relinquished. All efforts at abolishing this accursed custom were in vain. One day they heard the uproar and rejoicing of the Savages at one of these sacrifices; they made way into the area, just when the prisoner had been felled, and the old women were dragging his body to the fire; they forced the body from them, and in the presence of the whole clan, who stood astonished at their courage, carried it off. The women soon roused the warriors to revenge this insult, and by the time the Fathers had secretly interred the corpse, the Savages were in search of them. The Governor received timely intelligence, and sent in haste to call the Jesuits from the mud hovel which they inhabited, upon the spot whereon their magnificent College was afterwards erected. When the Savages had searched here in vain, they were on the

[page] 254

CHAP. VIII. 1549.

Sim. de Vase. Chr. da Com. 1. § 51—53.

point of attacking the city; the Governor was obliged to call out his whole force, and partly by the display of fire-arms, and partly by fair words, he induced them to retire. This danger over, the Portugueze themselves began an outcry against the Jesuits, saying, that their frantic zeal had endangered the city, and would soon make all the natives their enemies. Thome de Sousa, however, was not to be deterred by any such short-sighted policy from protecting and encouraging Nobrega: and it was not long before these very Savages, remembering the true kindness which they had alway experienced from the Jesuits, and that those Fathers were indeed the friends of the Indians, came to solicit their forgiveness, and beseech the Governor that he would command the Fathers to forgive them, and visit them as before; .. and they promised not to repeat these feasts. But the practice was too delightful to be laid aside at once, and they continued it secretly. When the Fathers had obtained sufficient authority over them to make themselves feared, they employed the children as spies to inform against offenders.

Thome de Sousa. Div. Avisi. ff. 150.

Pedre Corrca.

Div. Avisi. ff. 240.

One of the Jesuits succeeded in effectually abolishing it among some clans by going through them and flogging himself before their doors till he was covered with blood, telling them he thus tormented himself to avert the punishment which God would otherwise inflict upon them for this crying sin. They could not bear this, confessed what they had done was wrong, and enacted heavy punishments against any person who should again be guilty. With other hordes the Fathers thought themselves fortunate in obtaining permission to visit the prisoners and instruct them in the saving faith, before they were put to death. But the Savages soon took a conceit that the water of baptism spoilt the taste of the meat, and therefore would not let them baptize any more. The Jesuits then carried with them wet handkerchiefs, or contrived to wet

[page] 255

CHAP. VIII. 1549.

Sim.de Vasc. Ch.doComp. I.§ 54.

1. § 137.

the skirt or sleeve of their habit, that out of it they might squeeze water enough upon the victim's head to fulfil the condition of salvation, without which they were persuaded that eternal fire must have been his portion. What will not man believe, if he can believe this of his Maker!

S. Vasc. C.C. 1. §. 37.

S. Vasc. C.C. 1. § 113.

Div. Av. ff. 153.

If the Missionaries, overcoming all difficulties, succeeded in converting a clan at last, that conversion was so little the effect of reason or feeling, that any slight circumstance would induce the proselytes to relapse into their old paganism. An epidemic disorder appeared among them; they said it was occasioned by the water of baptism, and all the converts whom Nobrega and his fellow labourers had with such difficulty collected, would have deserted them and fled into the woods, if he had not pledged his word that the malady should cease. Luckily for him it was effectually cured by bleeding, a remedy to which they were unaccustomed. Some time afterwards a cough and catarrh cut off many of them: this also was attributed to baptism. The Jesuits themselves did not ascribe greater powers to this ceremony than they did; whatever calamity befel them was readily accounted for by these drops of mysterious water. Many tribes have supposed it fatal to children, .. the eagerness with which the Missionaries baptize the dying, and especially new-born infants who are not likely to live, has occasioned this notion. The neighbouring hordes now began to regard the Jesuits with horror, as men who carried pestilence with them: if one was seen approaching, the whole clan assembled, and burnt pepper and salt in his way; .. a fumigation which they believed good against plagues and evil spirits, and to keep death from entering among them. Some, when they saw them coming, carried away all their goods, and forsook their habitations; others came out trembling, say the Fathers, like the leaves of a tree which is shaken by the wind, intreating them to pass on, and hurt them

[page] 256

CHAP. VIII. 1549.

Ant. Pires. Div. Av. ff. 40. 44.

Theme de Sousa. Div. Avis. ff. 158.

not, and showing them the way forward. The Payes, as may be well supposed, used every effort against these persons who were come to spoil their trade, and they persuaded the Indians that they put knives, scissars, and such things in their insides, and so destroyed them; .. a belief in this kind of witchcraft seems to have prevailed every where. The farther the Jesuits advanced into the country, the stronger did they find this impression of fear. But it yielded to their perseverance, and the superstition of the natives led them into the opposite extreme; they brought out their provisions to be blest, and waited to receive their benediction wherever they were expected to pass.

S. Vasc. C.C. 1. § 91.

Nobrega. Div Av. ff. 34.

S. Vasc. C.C. 1. § 48. I. §. 90.

When the Jesuits succeeded, they made the converts erect a church in the village, which, however rude, fixed them to the spot; and they established a school for the children, whom they catechised in their own language, and instructed to repeat the Pater-noster over the sick: every recovery which happened after this had been done, both they and the patient accounted a miracle. They taught them also to read and write, using, says Nobrega, the same persuasion as that wherewith the enemy overcame man; .. ye shall be as Gods, knowing good and evil, .. for this knowledge appeared wonderful to them, and they eagerly desired to attain it; .. good proof how easily such a race might have been civilized. Aspilcueta was the aptest scholar among the Missionaries; he was the first who made a catechism in the Tupi tongue, and translated prayers into it. When he became sufficiently master of the language to express himself in it with fluency and full power, he then adopted the manner of the Payes, and sung out the mysteries of the faith, running round the auditors, stamping his feet, clapping his hands, and copying all the tones and gesticulations by which they were wont to be affected. Nobrega had a school near the city, where he in-

[page] 257

CHAP. VIII. 1549.

S. Vasc. C.C. 1. § 93. 1. § 118.

P. Correa. Div. Avis. ff. 239.

Ant. Pires. Div. Avis. ff. 44.

structed the native children, the orphans from Portugal, and the Mestizos or mixed breed, here called Mamalucos. Reading, writing, and arithmetic were taught them; they were trained to assist at mass, and to sing the church service, and frequently led in procession through the town. This had a great effect, for the natives were passionately fond of music, so passionately that Nobrega began to hope the fable of Orpheus was a type of his mission, and that by songs he was to convert the Pagans of Brazil. He usually took with him four or five of these little choristers on his preaching expeditions; when they approached an inhabited place, one carried the crucifix before them, and they began singing the Litany. The Savages, like snakes, were won by the voice of the charmer; they received him joyfully, and when he departed with the same ceremony, the children followed the music. He set the catechism, creed, and ordinary prayers to sol, fa; and the pleasure of learning to sing was such a temptation, that the little Tupis sometimes ran away from their parents to put themselves under the care of the Jesuits.

S. Vasc. C.C. 1. § 65.

The Fathers had greater difficulties to encounter in the conduct of their own countrymen than in the customs and disposition of the natives. During the half century that the colonization of Brazil had been left to chance, the colonists were almost without law and without religion. Many settlers had never either confessed or communicated since they entered the country, .. the ordinances of the Church were neglected for want of a Clergy to celebrate them, and the moral precepts had been forgotten with the ceremonies. Crimes which might easily at first have been prevented, had thus become habitual, and the habit was now too strong to be overcome. There were indeed individuals in whom the moral sense could be recovered; but in the majority it had been utterly destroyed; they were of that description of

2 L

[page] 258

CHAP. VIII. 1549.

Div. Avis. ff. 47.

men over whom the fear of the gallows may have some effect; the fear of God has none. A system of concubinage was practised among them worse than the loose polygamy of the Savages; the Savage had as many women as consented to become his wives, .. the Colonist37 as many as he could enslave. There is an ineffaceable stigma upon the Europeans in their intercourse with those whom they treat as inferior races; there is a perpetual contradiction between their lust and their avarice. The Planter will one day take a slave for his harlot, and sell her the next as a being of some lower species, .. a beast of labour. If she be indeed an inferior animal, what shall be said of the one action? If she be equally with himself a human being, and an immortal soul, what shall be said of the other? .. Either way there is a crime committed against human nature. Nobrega and his companions refused to administer the sacraments of the Church to those persons who retained native women as concubines, or men as slaves. Many were reclaimed by this resolute and Christian conduct; some because their consciences had not been dead, but sleeping; others for worldly fear, because they believed the Jesuits were armed with secular as well as spiritual authority. The good effect which was produced upon such persons was, therefore, only for a season. Mighty as the Catholic religion is, avarice is mightier; and in spite of all the efforts of some of the best and ablest men that ever the Jesuit order, so fertile of great men, has had to glory in, the practice of enslaving the natives continued.

37 Some of the Portugueze thought to lessen the sin by immediately having the women baptized. A question upon this arose for the Casuists. The Jesuits thought that to set these women at liberty and let them return to their hordes would be an offence against the sacrament of baptism; and on the other hand, if they let them remain, both parties were in a state of mortal sin.

Div. Avisi. ff. 47.

[page] 259

CHAP. VIII. 1550.

1552.

Div. Avis. ff. 49. 59.

The number of Jesuits soon began to increase; a few lay coadjutors they admitted in the country, who being men that were thoroughly conversant with the language and manners of the Indians, and who bitterly repented of the sins which they had committed against them, had the best qualifications of knowledge and zeal. The fleet which came out the year after their arrival brought four Fathers, and the title of Vice Provincial of Brazil for Nobrega, subject to the Province of Portugal. Two years afterwards D. Pedro Fernandes Sardinha arrived as Bishop of Brazil, bringing with him Priests, Canons, and Dignitaries, and Church ornaments of every kind for his Cathedral; he had studied and graduated at Paris, had held the office of Vicar-General in India, and, unhappily for himself, was now sent to Bahia. At this time no better colonists could be sent out than the Clergy, for none were employed upon this mission except such as were selected for their peculiar fitness for the service. The cells had not yet been built, nor the honey deposited for the drones of superstition. Nobrega had anxiously expected the Bishop's arrival. No Devil, he said, had persecuted him and his brethren so greatly as some of the Priests had done whom they found in the country. These wretches encouraged the Colonists in all their abominations, and openly maintained that it was lawful to enslave the natives because they were beasts, and then lawful to use the women as concubines because they were slaves. This was their public doctrine! well might Nobrega say they did the work of the Devil. They opposed the Jesuits with the utmost virulence; .. their interest was at stake; they could not bear the presence of men who said mass and performed all the ceremonies of religion gratuitously.

During Thome de Sousa's government four settlers went, without his permission, to trade at one of the islands in the

[page] 260

CHAP. VIII. 1552.

Ant. Pires. Div. Avis. ff. 45.

Bay, where they had formed connections with some of the native women. These Islanders had formerly been at war with the Portugueze, but peace had been made: a mood of revenge however came upon them, probably not without provocation, and they killed and eat all four. This circumstance was discovered, a party of Portugueze attacked them, and carried off one woman, and two old men who were uncles to the chief offenders, and these men were put to death. The inhabitants forsook the island, but they had left store of food there, and returned, with a body of allies from the mountains, thinking by their help to defend it. The Governor sent against them all the force he could muster, remaining with only a sufficient guard for the city. Nobrega accompanied the expedition, carrying a crucifix, which dismayed the Savages as much as it encouraged his own people. They fled without attempting resistance, and two settlements on this and an adjoining island were burnt. This struck terror into the natives, and they would have submitted to any terms, if they could have believed that any terms would be kept.

S. Vasc. C.C. 1. § 120. 122.

During the same government search was made for mines; Vasconcellos conjectures that it was in the interior of Porto Seguro, or Espirito Santo. The adventurers endured great difficulties, and returned without success.

[page 261]

CHAPTER IX.

D. Duarte da Costa Governor.—Anchieta comes out.—Brazil erected into a Jesuit Province.—School established at Piratininga.—Death of Joam III.—Mem de Sa Governor.—Expedition of the French under Villegagnon to Rio de Janeiro.—Their island is attacked and the works destroyed.—War with the Tamoyos.—Nobrega and Anchieta effect a peace with them.—The French finally defeated at Rio de Janeiro, and the City of St. Sebastian founded.

CHAP. IX. 1553.

D. da Costa Governor.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 3.

Anchieta, arrives in Brazil.

When Thome de Sousa had been Governor four years, he petitioned to be recalled, and D. Duarte da Costa was sent out to succeed him. Seven Jesuits accompanied the new Governor; among them were Luis da Gram, who had been Rector of the College at Coimbra, and Joseph de Anchieta, then only a Temporal Coadjutor, but destined to be celebrated in Jesuitical history as the Thaumatourgos1 of the New World. Loyola, the Patriarch, as he is called, of the Company, or more probably Laynez, by whose master-hand the whole machine was set in motion, had already perceived the importance of this mission,

1 The reader will find the history of Anchieta here. The mythology of his life is touched upon in the account of the biography of this wonder-worker, by Simam de Vasconcellos.

[page] 262

CHAP. IX. 1553.

Brazil made a Jesuit Province.

S. Vasc. C.C. 1. § 147.

and delegated new powers to Nobrega, erecting Brazil into an independant Province, and appointing him and Luis de Gram joint Provincials. As neither of these Fathers had yet taken the fourth vow, which is the last and highest degree in the order, they were instructed now to take it before the Ordinary; and they were directed to chuse out Consultores, or Advisers, from their companions, one of whom was to go with them upon all their journeys.

Establishment at Piratininga.

Nobrega's first act, after this accession of power, was to establish a College in the plains of Piratininga2. Such an establishment was necessary because the Society was now numerous; they had very many children of both colours to support, and the alms upon which they subsisted were not sufficient to maintain them all in one place. The spot chosen was ten leagues from the sea, and about thirteen from St. Vicente, upon the great Cordillera which stretches along the coast of Brazil. The way was by a steep and difficult ascent3, broken with shelves of

2 The residence of Tabyreça was so called, .. that Royalet who was the father-in-law of Joam Ramalho, and who made an alliance with Martim Affonso de Sousa, and was baptized by his name. Piratinim, or Piratininga, was the name of a stream which falls into the Tyete, formerly the Rio Grande; .. hence the settlement upon its bank was so called, .. and then the whole district.

F. Gasparda Madre de Dios. Memor. para a Hist. da St. Vicente p. 106.

3 A century afterwards, when a road had been made in the best direction, Vasconcellos thus describes it: The greater part of the way you have not to travel, but to get on with hands and feet by the roots of trees, and this among such crags and precipices, that I confess, the first time I went there, my flesh trembled when I looked down. The depth of the vallies is tremendous; and the number of mountains, one above another, seem to leave no hope of reaching the end, .. when you fancy you are at the summit of one, you find yourself at the foot of another of no less magnitude, .. and this in the beaten and chosen way! True it is that from time to time the labour of the ascent is recompensed; for when I seated myself upon one of those rocks and cast my eyes below, it seemed as though I were looking down from the heaven of the Moon, and that the whole globe of earth lay beneath my feet, .. a sight of rare beauty, for the diversity of prospect both of sea and land, plains, forest and mountain tracks, all various and beyond measure delightful. This ascent, broken with shelves of level, continues till you reach the plains of Piratininga, in the second region of the air, where it is so thin, that it seems as if they who newly arrive there could never breathe their fill.

[page] 263

CHAP. IX. 1553.

Vasc. C C. 1. § 148.

level ground, and continuing about eight leagues, when a track of delightful country appeared in that temperate region of the air. Here were lakes, rivers, and springs, with rocks and mountains still rising above, and the earth as fertile as a rich soil and the happiest of all climates could render it. The best fruits of Europe thrive there, the grape, the apple, the peach, fig, cherry, mulberry, melon, and water-melon, and the woods abound with game.

1554. August.

Thirteen of the Company, under Manoel de Paiva, were sent to colonize here, where Nobrega had previously stationed some of his converts. Anchieta went with them as schoolmaster. Their first mass was celebrated on the feast of the Conversion of St. Paul, and from this, as from a good omen, they named their College after the Saint, .. a name which extended to the town that arose there, and has become famous in the history of South America. The plains of Piratininga had not yet been improved by European culture: nature indeed had fitted them for an earthly Paradise, but they were as nature left them, unassisted by human art. "Here we are," says Anchieta, in a letter written to Loyola, "sometimes more than twenty of us in a little hut of wicker work and mud, roofed with straw, fourteen paces long and ten wide. This is the school, this is the infirmary, dormitory, refectory, kitchen, and store-room. Yet we covet

Vasc. Chr. da Comp. 1. § 148.

[page] 264

CHAP. IX. 1554.

Vasc. C. C. 1. § 153.

Do. Vida de Anchieta. I. 5. 1.

not the more spacious dwellings which our brethren inhabit in other parts, for our Lord Jesus Christ was in a straiter place when it was his pleasure to be born among beasts in a manger; and in a far straiter when he deigned to die for us upon the Cross." It was not however for want of room that Anchieta and his brethren and pupils were thus crowded. They herded together in this way to keep themselves warm, for against the cold they were miserably provided. Fire indeed they had, but they had smoke with it, not having contrived a chimney; and sometimes cold was thought the more endurable evil of the two, and they studied in the open air. They slept in hammocks, and had no bed-clothes: for door there was a mat hung up at the entrance: their dress was calculated for a lower region; what little clothing it consisted of was of cotton; they were barefooted, and without breeches. Banana-leaves served them for a table, and napkins, says Anchieta, may well be excused when there is nothing to eat, .. for they had no other food than what the Indians gave them, sometimes alms of mandioc flour, and less frequently fish from the brooks, and game from the forest.

Labours of Anchieta.

Many scholars, both Creoles and Mamalucos, came here from the nearest settlements. Anchieta taught them Latin, and learnt from them the Tupinamban, of which he composed a grammar and vocabulary, the first which were made. Day and night did this indefatigable man, whose life, without the machinery of miracles, is sufficiently honourable to himself and to his order, labour in discharging the duties of his office. There were no books for the pupils; he wrote for every one his lesson on a separate leaf, after the business of the day was done, and it was sometimes day-light before this task was compleated. The profane songs which were in use he parodied into hymns in Portugueze, Castillian, Latin, and Tupinamban; the ballads of

[page] 265

CHAP. IX. 1554.

Vasc. V. de Anch. l. 1. c. 10.

Vasc. C. C. 1. § 38. 1. § 161.

the natives underwent the same travesty in their own tongue; .. how greatly should we have been indebted to Anchieta had he preserved them! In this language also he drew up forms of interrogations for the use of Confessors, suitable to all occasions, and wrote dialogues for the Cathecumens, expounding the whole Christian, or rather Catholic faith. "I serve," says he, "as physician and barber, physicking and bleeding the Indians, and some of them have recovered under my hands when their lives were not expected, because others had died of the same diseases. Besides these employments, I have learnt another trade which necessity taught me, that is, to make alpergatas; I am now a good workman at this, and have made many for the brethren, for it is not possible to travel with leathern shoes among these wilds." The alpergata is a sort of shoe, of which the upper part is made of hemp, or any such substance, .. here they were of cordage from a species of wild thistle, which it was necessary to prepare for the purpose, and which served also for disciplines, the poor boys being, according to the frantic folly of Catholicism, taught to consider self-tormenting as a Christian virtue, and made to flog themselves on Fridays. For bleeding he had no other instrument than a penknife; there was a scruple about this branch of his profession, because the clergy are forbidden to shed blood4; they sent to ask Loyola's opinion, and his answer was, that charity extended to all things.

Attack upon Piratininga.

About three leagues from Piratininga, was a settlement called St. Andre, inhabited chiefly by Mamalucos. This breed, so

4 It is for this reason that when the Romish clergy delivered up a heretick to be punished, they requested that no blood might be shed, .. and then sung Te Deum with a safe conscience while they saw him burnt alive!

2 M

[page] 266

CHAP. IX. 1554.

Vasc. C. C. 1. § 163—166.

far from being a link which should bind together the two races in friendly intercourse, was more desperately inimical to the natives than even the Portugueze themselves were. They hated the Jesuits for opposing the custom, as they termed it, of the land, and for interfering with what they called the liberty of making slaves. The conversion and civilization of the Indians were regarded by these wretches as measures necessarily destructive to their interests, and they devised an ingenious mode of prejudicing them against Christianity. Cowardice, they said, was the motive which induced them to be baptized; they were afraid to meet their enemies in battle, and so took shelter under the protection of the Church. Of all reproaches, this was the most cutting which could be made to a Savage; .. they added, that the Jesuits were a set of fellows turned out of their own country as idle vagabonds, and that it was disgraceful for men who could use the bow to be under their control. Some of the adjoining tribes, instigated by these ruffians5, advanced to attack Piratininga, but were met and defeated by the converts. During the night they returned to the field to carry off the dead bodies of their enemies, and feast upon them. They found fresh heaps of earth, and concluding that the bodies which they sought were buried there, dug them up and carried them away in the darkness. At daylight, when they reached their settlements, they recognized the features of their own dead, and their expected feast was changed into lamentation.

Dispute between the Governor and Bishop.

D. Duarte was not so well disposed to cooperate with the Clergy in their benevolent views as his predecessor had been. The Bishop had proceeded against the offending Colonists with rigour, which the Governor would have seconded had he under-

5 Or by the Devil, says Vasconcellos;:. it is not certainly known which.

[page] 267

CHAP. IX. 1554.

Ant. Pires. Div. Avis. 247.

Rocha Pitta. 3. § 8.

Noticias. MSS. I. 18. The Bishop killed by the Cahetes.

S. Vasc. C. C. 2. § 18.

stood the real interests of the colony; but on the contrary, he opposed him upon a plea that he was intruding upon the authority of the crown. Little can be traced concerning this dispute; it is stated that the Bishop was at the head of one party, and the Governor and his son of another, which became the occasion of much enmity and many tumults. F. Antonio Pires reconciled them, and persuaded the son to ask pardon of the Bishop, a difficult thing to effect, because the young man stood upon his point of honour. This submission proves him to have been in fault. The reconciliation however was of little avail, for in the ensuing year the Prelate embarked for Portugal, meaning to lay the matter before the King. He was wrecked upon the Baixos de D. Francisco, .. shoals close in shore, in a bay between the rivers St. Francisco and Currupe. The crew got to land, but they fell into the hands of the Cahetes, and men, women, and children, an hundred white persons in all, with all their slaves, were massacred and devoured by these merciless cannibals. Only two Indians and one Portugueze who understood their language, escaped to bear the tidings. It is a common tradition, says the Jesuit historian, that from that day no beauty or natural ornament has been produced upon the place where the Bishop was murdered; .. till then it was adorned with herbs, and trees, and flowers; now it is bare and blasted, like the mountains of Gilboa, after David had cursed them in his lamentation. Such a tale was easily invented, and would be readily as well as usefully believed any where in Brazil, except upon the spot. The vengeance which was taken upon the Cahetes removes our indignation from them to their unrelenting persecutors. The whole people and all their posterity were condemned to slavery, and this iniquitous decree not only involved the innocent with the guilty, but afforded a pretext for enslaving any Indian whatsoever. It was but to affirm that he belonged to this tribe,

[page] 268

CHAP. IX. 1554.

S. Vasc C. C. 3. § 43.

and the accuser was judge in his own cause! When these consequences were perceived, the sentence was mitigated, and all who should be converted were exempted from its rigour: this proved of no avail, and it was at length entirely revoked; but before this act of tardy justice, the tribe was almost extirpated.

1557. Death of Joan III.

1558. Mem de Sa Governor.

S. Vasc. C. C. 2 § 49.

During the government of D. Duarte da Costa, Joam III. died. The Queen Regent pursued awhile his plans for the improvement of Brazil, and his loss was not immediately perceived. In the ensuing year Mem de Sa came out to supersede D. Duarte. He had been appointed in the King's lifetime, and it was said in his commission, that he was to hold the government not merely for the ordinary term of three years, but as much longer as his Majesty might think good. On his landing he shut himself up with the Jesuits, and, according to their account, spent eight days in studying the Spiritual Exercises of Loyola, under Nobrega. They libel Mem de Sa, and they libel themselves, in supposing that this retirement was not employed in obtaining information of the state of the country from the best politician in it.

Outcry against his attempts in behalf of the natives.

The first acts of the Governor were to prohibit the allied natives from eating human flesh and from making war, except upon such grounds as he and his Council should previously approve; and to collect them together in settled habitations, where they should build churches for those who were already converted, and houses for their Jesuit instructors. A great outcry was raised against these measures, not by the natives themselves, but by the settlers, who could not bear to see the Savages considered as human and reasonable beings. .. They inveighed against his proceedings as violations of the liberty of the Indians, .. said it was absurb to dream of forbidding tygers to eat human flesh; that the more they warred with each other, the better it was for

[page] 269

CHAP. IX. 1558.

S. Vasc. C. C. 2. § 50—53.

the Portugueze; and that to collect them in large settlements, was to form armies with which they should ere long have to contend. To such arguments it was easy to reply, and for any danger which might be apprehended the Jesuits rightly said, that they who were to live among the natives would be most exposed to it, but they had no fears. One Chief resisted the decree; his name was Cururupebe, the Swelling Toad; he boldly declared, that in spite of the Portugueze he would eat his enemies, .. and them too if they attempted to prevent him. Mem de Sa sent a force against him; they fell upon him in the night, routed his people, and brought him prisoner to the city, where the Toad was kept in confinement.

2. § 54.

Vigorous measures against the refractory natives.

At the time when these laws were enacted, orders were issued also that all Indians who had been wrongfully enslaved should be set at liberty. One powerful Colonist refused obedience: Mem de Sa gave command to surround his house and level it to the ground if he did not instantly obey. This summary justice, followed up as it was by every where enforcing the observance of the edict, convinced the allies of his good intentions towards them. They had soon another proof. Three friendly Indians were seized, when fishing, by their enemies, carried off, and devoured. The Governor sent to the offending tribe, commanding them to give up the criminals that they might be put to death. The Chiefs would have consented, but the persons implicated were powerful; the adjoining clans made a common cause with them; two hundred hordes who dwelt upon the banks of the Paraguazu united in defence of their favourite custom, and the answer returned was, that if the Governor wanted the offenders he must come and take them. This, in despite of the opposition made by the settlers, he resolved to do. The allied natives took the field with him, with a Jesuit at their head, and a cross

[page] 270

CHAP. IX. 1558.

S. Vasc. C. C. 2. § 55—59.

for their standard. They found the enemy well posted and in considerable strength, but they put them to flight. After the battle it was discovered that an arm had been cut off from one of the dead; .. as this was evidently taken by one of the allies to eat in secret, proclamation was made that that arm must be laid by the body, before the army took food, or rested after the battle. The next morning the enemy were pursued, and suffered a second and more severe defeat, after which they delivered up the criminals, and petitioned to be recived as allies upon the same terms as the other tribes.

Villegagnon's espedition to Brazil.

Thuanus. l. 4. t. 1. p. 144.

Mem de Sa had now to turn his arms against a more formidable enemy. From the time of its earliest discovery the French had frequented the coast of Brazil; they were now attempting to establish themselves in Rio de Janeiro, under Nicolas Durand de Villegagnon, a native of Provence, and Knight of Malta. This adventurer was a bold and skilful seaman; .. when the Scotch determined to send their young Queen Mary into France, and it was justly feared that the English might intercept her, Villegagnon, having the command of a French squadron of Gallies at Leith, feigned to depart for his own country; instead of which, he sailed round Scotland, a navigation which was thought impracticable for such vessels, took her on board on the Western coast, and thus eluding the English, conveyed her safe to Bretagne. On many occasions he had given equal proof of ability and courage; and he had the rare merit, for a soldier, of possessing no inconsiderable share of learning. He, through Coligny, represented to Henri II. that it was for the honour and interest of France to undertake an expedition to America; that such an attempt would distract the attention and weaken the strength of the Spaniards, who derived so large a portion of their wealth from thence; that the natives groaned under their intolerable yoke,

[page] 271

CHAP. IX. 1558.

Thuonus. 16. 1. 460.

and that it would be for their good and the good of the world to deliver them, and open the commerce of America to Europe. I know not by what logic this could apply to Brazil, a country not possessed by the Spaniards; and to the Portugueze, a people not at war with France. This however was the public plea, and Coligny was induced to lend all his influence to the project, by secret assurances from Villegagnon that he would establish an asylum for the Protestants in this new colony.

1556. Brite § 61.

Villegagnon had previously made a voyage to Brazil, established an intercourse with the natives, and chosen a spot to his settlement. Henri II. gave him, at the Admiral's request, two vessels of two hundred tons, and a storeship of half that burthen. A good company of artificers, soldiers, and noble adventurers was raised, and they sailed from Havre de Grace, then called Franciscople, in honour of its founder Francis I. Villegagnon's ship sprung a leak in a gale, and was obliged to put into Dieppe; there was great difficulty in entering, the port having scarcely depth for vessels of such draught, and the gale continuing; but the inhabitants, who had obtained an honourable character for their activity on such occasions7, came off to their assistance and warped them in. By this time many of the artificers, soldiers, and noble adventurers had become sick of the sea, and they abandoned the expedition as soon as they got on shore: to this desertion its ultimate failure may in great measure be imputed.

N. Barré in De Bry.

Rio de Janeira.

After a long and miserable voyage Villegagnon entered Rio de Janeiro: his expedition was wisely planned, the place well chosen, and the native tribes were hostile to the Portuguese, and

7 Pro solito et laudabili ipsorum more. Nic. Barré.

[page] 272

CHAP. IX. 1556.

Vasc. Vid. de Anchieta. l. 2. c. 1. § 2. Pimentel 305.

had long traded with the French. Rio de Janeiro, like Bahia, seems to have been formerly a great fresh-water lake, which has broken down its barrier. The water almost touches the foot of the Organ mountains, so called from some resemblance which has been fancied in their form, and the whole bay is surrounded by one of the highest and most rugged parts of the Cordillera. The entrance is between two high rocks, through a strait about half a mile wide, .. by so narrow a pass is this harbour defended, which is seventeen leagues in circumference. Just in the middle of the strait is a rock about an hundred feet long and sixty wide, of which Villegagnon took possession, and erected a wooden fort there. Could he have maintained this post, the French would probably have kept their footing in Brazil; but the rock was not sufficiently elevated above the surface of the sea, and the waves drove him away. Some hundreds of the natives assembled on his arrival, kindled bonfires in token of their joy, and offered every thing which they possessed to these allies, who were come to protect them against the Portugueze.

Arrival of the French there.

FRANCE ANTARCTIQUE.

The French, with their usual arrogance, looked upon the whole continent as already their own, and gave it the name of Antarctic France8. At the time when they thus in imagination took possession of South America, their force consisted of fourscore men; their leader was too prudent to trust himself upon the main land, and the whole territory of Antarctic France was

8 Nic. Barré dates his letter Ad flumen Genabara, in Brasiliû, Franciæ Antarcticæ Provinciâ, .. and Thevet entitles his book, Les Singularités de la France Antarctique, autrement nommée Amerique, .. so called, he says, pour estre partie peuplée, partie decouverte par noz pilottes.

[page] 273

CHAP. IX. 1556.

N. Barré. De Lery. c. 6.

Thuanus. 1. 461.

S. Vasc. C.C. 2. § 77.

confined to an island about a mile in circumference, whither he had removed when the rock was found untenable. This island lies near the entrance of the harbour, and has only one landing place, being surrounded with rocks. On each side of its port are two little eminences commanding it; these he fortified, and in the centre of the island fixed his own residence upon a rock about fifty feet high, in which he excavated a magazine. This strong hold he named Fort Coligny, in honour of his patron. As soon as he had thus established himself he dispatched advices to the Admiral9 of his arrival, the riches of the country, and the friendly disposition of the natives; requested reinforcements, and also some good theologians from Geneva.

Conspiracy against Villegagnon.

How convenient soever the island might be for a settlement in other respects, it had the great disadvantage of wanting water. The expedition had been sparingly stored and victualled; immediately on their arrival the allowance of liquor was stopt; Villegagnon stopt the allowance of biscuit also, and made his men subsist wholly upon the food of the country, before they had accustomed themselves to it, or perceived the necessity of the change. The consequence was, that the artificers became discontented. The Commander had brought out with him as Interpreter, a wretch from Normandy, who had acquired the ferociousness as well as the language of the Savages, among whom he had lived seven years. This man cohabited with a native woman: the law of the Colony permitted intermarriages with the Brazilian women, but all illicit intercourse with them was prohibited; and in conformity with this decree, the Interpreter was ordered either to marry her, or put her away. It might have been thought that as such a man would pay no

9 The salted tongue of a whale was sent him as a delicacy. De Lery. C. 6.

2 N

[page] 274

CHAP. IX. 1556.

N. Barré.

De Lery. 6.

regard to the restrictions of marriage, he would not object to the ceremony. He was however so offended, that he began to plot against Villegagnon, and easily seduced all the artificers and mercenaries, thirty in number. The first proposal of this villain to his associates was, that they should poison all the rest; but to this some of the conspirators would not consent. He then proposed to blow them up, for they slept over the magazine: the objection was, that all the stores of every kind which they had brought out would by this means be destroyed, and they should be left without any thing wherewith to conciliate the favour of the Savages, and to barter with them. It was therefore determined to massacre them in the night. There were three Scotchmen in the expedition, whom Villegagnon reserved for his own guard, knowing their fidelity; the conspirators endeavoured to corrupt them, but they revealed the treason to Barre, and four of the ringleaders were immediately seized and put in irons. One of them contrived to crawl to the edge of the shore and throw himself into the sea, .. the other three were hung, and the rest of the culprits kept to hard labour, like slaves. The Interpreter escaped; all the other Interpreters in that part of the country, who were about a score, leagued with him, and endeavoured to prejudice the natives against the French, hoping thus to make them leave the country. With this intent they asserted that a contagious fever which raged among them was sent by Villegagnon: .. it had been brought by him10, and he returned thanks to the Lord for it in one of his public prayers, as a providential dispensation, which had weakened the Savages and thereby tended to his preservation. This artifice of the Interpreters succeeded at first, and it was well for the colonists that they had taken their

10 Barré elsewhere mentions that Villegagnon's ship was infected.

[page] 275

CHAP. IX. 1556.

post upon an island. But the wise conduct of the Commander soon reestablished peace.

De Lery. 15.

De Lery. 8.

In his intercourse with the Savages, Villegagnon did what he could to prevent them from devouring their prisoners; but these endeavours were of little avail, and the French made no scruple to supply them with iron chains for the purpose of securing their victims beyond all possibility of escape. Among their articles of traffic were clothes of the brightest colours, red, green, and yellow, and made according to the most approved fancy of their customers. The male Savage is generally a coxcomb; sometimes they were seen strutting about in breeches of enormous circumference, or in a jerkin of which the sleeves were of different colours, and which left all below the waist bare. But they were soon weary of such confinement, and threw off these incumbrances that their limbs might be again at liberty. The women never could be persuaded to wear any garment whatsoever, though store had been taken out as baits for female vanity; delighting as they did to bathe their heads, and plunge into the water, which they would do ten times a day, they could not endore the custom of wearing clothes, because it was inconvenient for their frequent ablutions. Even the female slaves whom Villegagnon purchased, and whom he and his Calvinists, in their zeal for the suppression of immorality, flogged till they submitted to be drest, would throw off all at night that they might enjoy the comfort of walking about the island naked, and feeling the free air, before they laid down to sleep.

De Lery to Brazil.

Coligny, meantime, was indefatigable in providing supplies for all the wants of his colony, ghostly or bodily. Calvin himself, with his elders in convocation, appointed Pierre Richier and Guillaume Chartier to this mission; many respectable adventurers were induced to accompany these famous ministers of their own persuasion; among them was Jean De Lery, to whom we are

[page] 276

CHAP. IX. 1556.

De Lery. 1. Thuanus. 16. 461.

De Lery. 2.

Andrada. Chr. del R. D. Joam III. 1. 67.

indebted for an excellent account of that Brazilian tribe which he had thus an opportunity of observing. Three ships were fitted out at the expence of the crown, on board of which were embarked two hundred and ninety men, six boys who were to learn the language of the natives, and five young women under a matron's orders; these, it is said, were greatly admired by the Tupinambas. Bois le Conte, the nephew of Villegagnon, commanded the expedition. Whatever ships they met with on their way, whether belonging to friend or foe, they plundered, if they were strong enough. Off Teneriffe they took a Portugueze vessel, and promised the Captain to restore it to him if he would contrive to put them in possession of another; the man, with selfishness more to be expected than excused, put himself into a boat, with twenty of these pirates, and captured a Spanish ship laden with salt. The French then turned all the prisoners, Spanish and Portugueze, into the first prize, out of which they had taken the boat and all the provisions of every kind, tore their sails to pieces, and in this manner exposed them to the mercy of the sea. It should be said, to De Lery's honour, that he relates this with due abhorrence, and that many of his companions remonstrated in vain against it. The mode of maritime warfare, in those days, was even more atrocious than that of the old Vikingr: the conqueror usually put his prisoners to death, and in most cases with circumstances of heinous cruelty. De Lery accuses the Spaniards and Portugueze of having flead alive some of the French whom they had taken trading to America; .. if this be true, the wickedness was perpetrated upon the dreadful principle of retaliation. The French have always been a cruel people, and it is certain that, in 1526, when some of their pirates had captured a Portugueze ship, homewardbound from India, and almost within sight of her own coast, they plundered her and set fire to her with all her crew on

[page] 277

CHAP. IX. 1557.

board, .. above one thousand persons, .. not one of whom escaped11.

Treachery of Villegagnon.

Thuanus.

Villegagnon had deceived Coligny. .. The zeal which he had manifested for the reformed religion was feigned for the purpose of obtaining the Admiral's influence and his money; having effected this, and thinking it more for his own interest to take the other side, won over as is believed by Cardinal Guise, he threw off the mask, quarrelled with the Genevan ministers, and demeaned himself so tyrannically and intolerantly, that they who had gone to Antarctic France to enjoy liberty of conscience, found themselves under a worse yoke than that from which they had fled. They therefore demanded leave to return, and he gave written permission to the master of a ship to carry them to France. When they got on board, the vessel was found to be in such a state, that five of the party went again ashore, rather than put to sea in her; De Lery was one of the others, who thought death better than this man's cruelty, and pursued their voyage. After having endured the utmost misery of famine, they reached Hennebonne. Villegagnon had given them a box of letters wrapt in sere-cloth, as was then the custom; among them was one directed to the chief magistrates of whatever port they might arrive at, in which this worthy friend of the Guises denounced the men whom he had invited out to Brazil to enjoy the peaceable exercise of the reformed religion, as heretics worthy of the stake. The magistrates of Hennebonne happened to favour the reformation, and thus the devilish malignity of Villegagnon was frus-

11 A Portugueze pilot, who had been one of the pirates, confessed this at his death, and left six thousand crowns, being his share of the pluuder, to the King of Portugal, as some restitution. The brother of the French Captain was afterwards taken off the coast of Portugal, and in like manner burnt with his whole crew!

[page] 278

CHAP. IX. 1557.

De Lery. 21.

trated, and his treachery exposed. Of the five who had feared to trust themselves in a vessel so badly stored, and so unfit for the voyage, three were put to death by this persecutor. Others of the Hugonots fled from him to the Portugueze, where they were compelled to apostatize, and profess a religion which they despised as much as they hated.

Inattention of the Portugueze government.

De Lery. 20.

Noticias. MSS. 1. 13.

Though the Portugueze were so jealous of the Brazilian trade that they treated all interlopers as pirates, yet they permitted this French colony to remain four years unmolested; and had it not been for the treachery of Villegagnon to his own party, Rio de Janeiro would probably have been, at this day, the capital of a French colony. A body of Flemish adventurers were ready to embark for Brazil, waiting only for the report of the ship-captain who carried De Lery home, and ten thousand Frenchmen would have emigrated, if the object of Coligny in founding his colony had not thus wickedly been betrayed. The Jesuits were well aware of the danger, and Nobrega at length succeeded in rousing the Court of Lisbon. Duarte da Costa received orders to discover the state of the French fortifications, .. when his orders should have been to destroy them; .. and in consequence of his report, it was part of Mem de Sa's instructions to attack, and expel the French. But when he proposed to carry these instructions into effect, men were found weak enough to raise an opposition; they urged that it would be wiser to suffer the aggression yet awhile longer, than to risk the shame of a defeat, which there was reason to apprehend when the strength of the French fortress, the stores which they received from vessels of their own nation frequenting that harbour, and the number of their allies, were compared with their own deficiency, both of ships, men, and means. These timid councils were over-ruled by Nobrega. Two ships of war and eight or nine merchantmen were fitted out for the service. The Governor took the com-

[page] 279

CHAP. IX. 1560.

S. Vasc. C.C. 2. § 74. 76.

Vid. de Anch. 2. 2 § 9. 10.

mand in person, though he was solicited not to expose himself, and Nobrega accompanied him; for Mem de Sa, giving the best proof of his own good sense by this deference to superior ability and experience, undertook nothing without his advice. Another motive or plea for his attendance in an expedition so little accordant with his missionary duties was given by the physicians, who recommended his removal to the colder climate of St. Vicente for a spitting of blood with which he was then afflicted.

Expedition against the French.

Early in January they reached Rio de Janeiro. The Governor's intention was to enter in the dead of the night, and surprize the island; they were espied by the centinels, and obliged to anchor off the bar. The French immediately made ready for defence, forsook their ships, and with eight hundred native archers retired to their forts. Mem de Sa now discovered that he was in want of canoes and small craft, and of men who knew the harbour. Nobrega was sent to St. Vicente to solicit this aid from the inhabitants; he performed his commission with his usual skill, and soon dispatched a good brigantine, canoes, and boats, laden with stores, and manned by Portugueze, Mamalucos, and natives; men who knew the coast, and were inured to warfare with the Tupinambas and Tamoyos. Two Jesuits conducted the reinforcement. With this succour Mem de Sa entered the port, and won the landing-place of the island. Two days and nights they vainly battered fortresses whose walls and bulwarks were of solid rock; thus uselessly they expended all their powder and ball, many of their people were wounded, and they were about to reimbark their artillery, and retreat. But though they had hitherto displayed little skill in directing their attacks, there was no lack of courage in the Portugueze, and the shame of returning from a bootless expedition provoked them to one desperate exertion. They assaulted and won the largest of

[page] 280

CHAP. IX. 1560.

S. Vasc. C.C. 2. § 77.

V. de Anch. l. 2. c. 3.

The French works demolished.

the outworks which commanded the landing, then they stormed the rock in which the magazine had been excavated, and carried that also. This so intimidated the French, that in the ensuing night they and the Tamoyos abandoned the other posts, and got into their boats and fled, some to the ships, some to the main land. A converted Brazilian whose baptismal name was Martim Affonso, signalized himself so honourably in this expedition, that he was rewarded with a pension, and the Order of Christ. The Portugueze were not strong enough to keep the island which they had taken; they demolished all the works of the French, carried off all their artillery and stores, and sailed to the port of Santos, where every thing needful for the sick and wounded, and provisions for all, had been provided by the indefatigable exertions of Nobrega.

July 17, 1560.

Annoes do Rio Janeiro. MSS. c. 7.

Villegagnon was at this time in France, where he was gone with the avowed intention of bringing back a squadron of seven ships to intercept the Indian fleet, and take or destroy all the Portugueze settlements in Brazil. The disturbances in France happily prevented this; the Catholics were too busy to attend to his representations, and he had betrayed the Hugonots, who would else have enabled him to effect his plan. He vaunted that neither all the power of Spain nor of the Grand Turk could dislodge him, and Mem de Sa, in a letter to his Court, expressed a fear that if the French returned to occupy their island, the boast would be true. Villegagnon, said he, deals not with the Gentiles as we do. He is liberal with them to excess, and observes strict justice; if one of his people commit any fault he is hung up without ceremony, so that he is feared by them, and loved by the natives. He has given orders to instruct them in the use of arms; they are very numerous, and one of the bravest tribes, so that he may soon make himself exceeding strong.

[page] 281

CHAP. IX. 1560.

S. Vasc C.C. 2. § 84—5.

While Mem de Sa remained at Santos he gave order, by advice of his great counsellor, to remove the town of St. Andre to Piratininga. Being situated at the edge of the woods, it was exposed to the hostile tribes who inhabited the banks of the Paraiba; but in its new site it flourished so greatly as soon to become the most considerable town in that part of the country. The College of Piratininga was at the same time removed to St. Vicente; and as the road to Piratininga, or rather St. Paul's, was infested by the Tamoyos, a new one was with very great labour made in a safe direction by the Jesuits.

Naufr. da Nao. S. Ped. Hist. Mar. t. 1. p. 373.

The Aymores.

Rel. Ann. 1603. ff. 120.

The Governor's return to St. Salvador was celebrated with bull-feasts, the favourite but inhuman sport of the Portugueze and Spaniards, which had seldom or never before been exhibited in Brazil. Mem de Sa however had but a short respite from war. The Captaincies of the Ilheos and of Porto Seguro, were dreadfully infested by the Aymores, a new enemy, of all the Brazilian tribes the most savage, and the most terrible. It is said that these people were originally a branch of the Tapuyas, who had formerly possessed a line of country in the interior, running parallel with the coast from the River St. Francisco to Cape Frio, and that the Tupiniquins and Tupinambas had driven them still farther inland, where they multiplied, while the maritime tribes were thinned by the Portugueze. According to this traditional account, they had so long been separated from their kindred nations, that their language was no longer understood by them. Such was the received opinion of the origin of the Aymores; but no language could undergo so great a change without having incorporated some radically different one: and as they were of greater stature than their neighbours, it seems more reasonable to infer that they were a tribe from the South, where the natives are a taller race, and of ruder habits. Their speech is described as unusually harsh and guttural, having so

2 O

[page] 282

CHAP. IX. 1560.

Rel. Ann. 1603. ff. 120.

Noticias MSS. I.32.

S. Vasc. C.C. 2. § 93.

deep a sound as if it were pronounced from the breast. They had the custom common to most of the Americans, but not, as it appears, to the Brazilians, of eradicating the hair every where except upon the head; there they kept it short, with a kind of razor made of cane, and sharpened to an edge almost as keen as steel. They had neither garments nor habitation. Naked as beasts, they laid down like beasts in the woods, and like beasts could run upon hands and feet through thickets, where it was not possible to follow them. During the rainy season they slept under the trees, and had just skill enough to form a roofing with the boughs. They lived upon wild fruits, upon what they killed with their arrows, from which, says Vasconcellos, not a fly could escape, and upon their enemies, whom they slew not like the other tribes at a triumphant feast, but habitually for food, regarding them merely as animals on whom they were to prey. If they had a fire they half-roasted their meat; at other times ate it as willingly raw. Their mode of warfare was as savage as their habits of life; they had no chief or leader; they never went in large companies, they never stood up to an enemy face to face, but laid in wait like wild beasts, and took their deadly aim from the thickets. In one point they were greatly inferior to the other tribes, for being an inland people they could not swim, and such was their ignorance or dread of the water, that any stream which they could not ford was considered a sufficient defence against them. It may well be supposed that such men would be impatient of slavery; some who were taken by the Portugueze refused to eat, and died by that slowest and most resolute mode of suicide.

Unable to withstand such assailants, the Tupiniquins fled before them, and the Ilheos and Porto Seguro were exposed by their flight. Mem de Sa was called upon by the inhabitants of these Captaincies for protection; he embarked in person with an

[page] 283

CHAP. IX. 1560.

Expedition against them

S. Vasc. C.C. 2. § 95—7

adequate force, sailed to the port of Ilheos, and from thence marched towards the place to which the enemy were said to have retreated. On the way there was a marsh or labyrinth of waters to be past; it was discovered that the Aymores had crost it by a bridge of single trees, laid the whole length, which exceeded a mile; and over this the army proceeded. In the night they reached the Savages, fell upon them, slew men, women, and children, sparing none; and, to render their victory complete, set fire to the woods. Mem de Sa was returning in triumph and had reached the coast, when a body of Aymores rose up from ambush, but they were driven into the sea. The allies, who were as active in the water as on land, followed them, and drowned all whom they did not chuse to take prisoners. After this second victory the Governor entered Ilheos, and went straight to the Church of the Virgin to return thanks for his success. Many days had not elapsed before the shore was covered with Savages. The Aymores had collected a great force both of their own nation and of the mountaineers, and were come to take vengeance: they were again defeated, and then humbled themselves, and asked for peace, which was conceded on the usual terms. It is added, that in this expedition Mem de Sa destroyed and burnt three hundred villages of the Savages, and forced those who would not submit to the yoke of the Church to retire above sixty leagues inland; and even at that distance they did not feel themselves safe from the fire and sword of the Portugueze. There is, beyond a doubt, much exaggeration in this account, and probably some falshood: these villages cannot have belonged to the Aymores, nor is it by any means probable that they were the persons conquered, .. for before they could meet the Portugueze in the field they must have essentially changed those habits of warfare which are uniformly ascribed to them; and no lasting advantage was obtained by these victories, but

[page] 284

CHAP. IX. 1561.

in a very few years the Captaincy of the Ilheos was almost destroyed.

S. Vasc. C.C. 2. § 106.

The Tamoyos

Noticias. MSS. 1. 58.

The Jesuits, aided as they now were by a zealous and able Governor, carried on their labours with success: they had already formed five settlements or towns of converted natives, and in the course of this year added six to the number. But while they were thus successful in one part, the Savages became more formidable than ever in another. Mem de Sa had done but half his work at Rio Janeiro. The French whom he had driven from Villegagnon's island had escaped to the main land, and the Tamoyos, assisted by them, and in some degree disciplined by them, were now inflicting cruel retaliation upon the Portugueze for the wrongs which they had endured at their hands. They were a branch of the great Tupi stock, but claimed affinity with none except the Tupinambas, and were enemies to all other tribes, .. especially to the Goayzacares and Goaynazes, with whom they were at deadly war on the side of St. Vicente. Their dwellings were well fortified with palisades, and stronger than those of the Tupinambas, whom they resembled in most of their habits. That which made them most remarkable was their skill in delivering extemporaneous poetry, for which, wherever they went, they were held in high estimation. From the mountains they infested those who dwelt about Piratininga, and from the coast all who were within reach of their canoes. In this bloody visitation the Jesuits confessed the righteous vengeance of Heaven, for the Portugueze had deserved all which they now suffered. The Tamoyos would have been faithful friends could they have been safe from the slave-hunters; made enemies by injustice, they were the most terrible of enemies; they ate all whom they took prisoners, except such women as they reserved for concubines; .. one who was pregnant they spared till her delivery, and then devoured mother and child. Not con-

[page] 285

CHAP. IX. 1561.

S. Vasc. C. C. 2. § 113.

1562.

Da. § 132.

tented with vengeance, they now aimed at rooting out the Portugueze from the country, and it can scarcely be doubted that if the ten thousand Hugonots, or a tenth of that number, who would have colonized in Brazil could they have enjoyed their religion there, had actually emigrated, this object might have been accomplished, harrassed as the Colonists were on the other side by the dreadful Aymores. The Portugueze raised all the force they could to attack them, and were miserably defeated; upon this the tribes who had hitherto remained neutral joined the conquerors, and the Tupis of the interior, who had been in alliance with the Portugueze, renounced their friendship and did the same.

A great body of the confederated tribes assembled to attack St. Paul's: they hoped to surprize it, but one who had formerly been baptized by the Jesuits, fled from them, and revealed the design. All the converted Indians of the neighbourhood were immediately collected within the town, under Martim Affonso Tebyreza, who was the Chief in those parts. His brother, and his nephew Iagoanharo, the Fierce Dog, were with the confederates. The Dog was one of their leaders, and sent to his uncle beseeching him not to expose himself to certain destruction, but to forsake the Portugueze, and bring away all who belonged to him. So confident were they of success, that the old women took with them their seething pots for their cannibal feasts of victory. The Jesuits saved Piratininga; their disciples marched out under the banners of the Church, and fighting like the first Saracens, in full belief that Paradise was to be their reward, their zeal was invincible. The Dog was killed in attempting to force a Church into which the women had retired. His uncle, Martim Affonso, demeaned himself with his usual valour, and with a ferocity which his conversion had not abated;..two

[page] 286

CHAP. IX. 1562.

S. Vasc. C. C. 2. § 132—139.

of the vanquished cried out that they were Catechumens, and called for their spiritual fathers to protect them; but he exclaimed that their crime was too great for forgiveness, and knocked out the brains of both. This Chieftain soon died of a dysentery brought at this time to Piratininga by the slaves of the Portugueze from the adjoining towns. The Jesuits mention him with due honour and gratitude as the person who first received them there, gave them land, assisted them all his life, and finally preserved them in this last and most imminent danger.

Espirito Santo raiaged by the Tamoyos.

Noticias. MSS. 1. 52.

The Portuguese defected.

S. Vasc. C.C. 2. § 144.

1563.

S. Vasc. C. C. 3. § 1.

In other parts the Savages were victorious. The Tamoyos, in their long canoes of twenty oars, baffled all pursuit, and ravaged the coasts with impunity. Coutinho returning from Portugal to his Captaincy of Espirito Santo, which he had left in a state of prosperity, found it almost destroyed. It had been attacked by the Tupinambas on one side, and the Goaynazes on the other; they burnt the sugar-works and besieged the town. Menezes, who had been left with the command, was killed; his successor, D. Simam de Castello-Branco, shared the same fate. Coutinho with his new forces struggled during some years to make head against the enemy, till the solicitations of the Colonists, and the sense of his own inability longer to resist without aid, induced him to request the Governor's assistance. Mem de Sa sent his own son Fernam with a flotilla of coasting vessels. They landed at the mouth of the River Quiricare, where they were joined by the forces of the Captaincy, fell upon the Savages, and made some slaughter among them. Before the conquerors could reimbark, the enemy rallied, attacked them, threw them into confusion, and routed them with great loss, Fernam de Sa himself being among the slain. One calamity followed another. The small-pox was carried to the Island of Itaparica, and from thence to St. Salva-

[page] 287

CHAP. IX. 1563.

dor; it spread along the coast northward, and above thirty thousand of the Indians whom the Jesuits had reclaimed were cut off by the contagion.

Nobrega arul Anchicta ga to treat for peace.

During the long war with the Tamoyos, Nobrega repeatedly preached aloud, both from the pulpit and in the market-place, that they were prosperous because the right was on their side, and therefore God was with them. The Portugueze, he said, had, in contempt of treaties, fallen upon them, enslaved some, and suffered their allies to devour others; and this vengeance was the allotment of Divine Justice. At length he and Anchieta, having consulted with the Governor, resolved to put themselves into the hands of these Savages, with the hope of effecting a peace. A more perilous embassy was never undertaken. Francesco Adorno, a noble Genoese, one of the rich men of Brazil, took them in one of his own vessels, .. as soon as it approached the shore, a shoal of canoes came off to attack it. But when the Tamoyos saw the dress of the Jesuits, they knew that these were the men whose lives were innocent, who were the friends of God, and the protectors of the Indians: this, though it is Jesuit's language, is here also the language of truth. Anchieta addressed them in their own tongue; and in spite of all the treachery which they had experienced from the Portugueze, their confidence in the character of the Company was such, that some of them came on board, listened to what was proposed, and carried the vessel safely into port.

The next day the Chiefs of two settlements came to treat with these Ambassadors, sent twelve youths to St. Vicente as hostages, and took Nobrega and Anchieta on shore to a place called Iperoyg, where Caoquira, an old Chief, received them for his guests. They erected a church here, such as they could, thatched with palm leaves, and daily performed mass. They awed the Savages by these ceremonies, and by the mysteries

[page] 288

CHAP. IX. 1563.

which they preached; they excited their admiration and respect by the decency and holiness of their deportment, and they won their love by manifesting a disinterested good-will towards them, of which all their conduct in Brazil bore testimony. It is more than probable that this embassy was the salvation of the Portugueze colonies. Their hosts told them that a new and more terrible attack had been intended; that two hundred canoes were ready to lay waste the coasts, and that all the archers who inhabited the banks of the Paraiba had leagued together, and bound themselves never to cease from war till they had destroyed the Captaincy and made themselves lords of the land once more. This danger was still to be averted. Many of the confederated clans heard with great displeasure that these advances for peace had been received, and one Chief, by name Aimbere, set out with ten canoes to break off the treaty. He had given his daughter to a Frenchman, and beside this alliance with their enemies, had a stronger motive for hating the Portugueze, for in one of their slaving parties he had fallen into their hands; they put him in irons, and forced him on board their vessel, but he leaped overboard fettered as he was, and escaped by swimming12. On the day after his arrival a conference was held to determine whether the proffered peace should be accepted. Aimbere demanded, as a preliminary, that three

12 The Jesuits say this Aimbere was so ferocious that when one of his twenty wives had offended him he ripped her open. They say, also, that he came to Iperoyg with an intent to kill Nobrega and Anchieta, and all the Portugueze who manned the bark which brought them. His subsequent conduct seems to disprove this charge; and the former crime, barbarous as the Brazilian savages were, would have been more credible if related of a Portuguese, .. for among that people the murder of a wife is even now scarcely regarded as an offence against the law.

[page] 289

CHAP. IX. 1563.

S.Vasc. C.C. 3. § 7—12. V. de Anch. 2. 5.

Chiefs who had seceded from the alliance and taken part with the Portugueze against the allies, should be delivered up, that they might be killed and eaten. The Jesuits replied, it was not possible to comply with such a demand. The Chiefs in question were members of the Church of God, and friends of the Portugueze; the first duty which his countrymen regarded, was to keep inviolate their promised faith, and the resoluteness with which they should do so, in the present instance, ought to be regarded favourably by the Tamoyos, as proof of their fidelity; for were it otherwise, reasonably might they conclude that men who broke their faith with their friends, would not keep it with their enemies. Aimbere's answer was, that if the Portugueze would not give up these men who had slain and devoured so many of his friends, there should be no peace; and as he spoke for a large part of the hordes of Rio de Janeiro, the conference seemed to be at an end. But old Pindobuzu, the Great Palm, chief of the village wherein the meeting was held, took him by the hand, and using the authority to which his age entitled him, prevented him from committing any act of violence, to which he seemed inclined. Nobrega found it best to procrastinate; he agreed that the demand should be made to the Governor of St. Vicente, and Aimbere chose to go and make it in person; his intention was, if he did not succeed in his immediate object, to promote a quarrel and break off the negociations. Nobrega, on his part, wanted an opportunity to communicate what he had learnt, and his injunction to the Government was, that on no account should they accede to so impious a proposal, whatever the consequences of the refusal might be to himself and his companion.

Meantime the Great Palm's son, Paranapuzu, the Great Sea, who was absent when the Jesuits arrived, heard of their arrival and the influence which they had obtained over his father, and

2 P

[page] 290

CHAP. IX. 1563.

S.Vasc. C.C. 3. § 13. 14.

he hastened home with a determination to kill them, .. saying his father was an old man, and would not put him to death for it. Nobrega and Anchieta saw his canoe coming, and soon perceived they were aimed at; they fled as fast as they could, got into the house of the Great Palm, who was unluckily from home, and there, on their knees, began the service of the Eve of the Holy Sacrament, the next day being the festival of the Body of God. To the efficacy of these prayers, and to the eloquence of Anchieta, they ascribed their preservation; for the Savage plainly told them he came to kill them, but that seeing what manner of men they were he had altered his mind.

Nobrega goes to St. Vicente.

Anchieta's vow.

S.Vasc. C.C. 3. § 19—22.

When they had been two months at Iperoyg, the Provincial Government of St. Vicente wished to consult with them, before peace was finally concluded: the Tamoyos did not think it prudent to part with both hostages, and it was agreed that Anchieta should remain. The continence of these fathers, when women, according to custom, were offered them, had occasioned great admiration in their hosts, and they asked Nobrega how it was that he seemed to abhor what other men so ardently desired. He took a scourge out of his pocket, and said that by tormenting the flesh, he kept it in subjection. Nobrega was now an old man, and well nigh worn out with indefatigable exertions, but Anchieta was in the prime of manhood, and being thus left alone, without any one to stay him if his foot should slip, he made a vow to the Virgin that he would compose a poem upon her life, trusting to preserve his own purity by thus fixing his thoughts upon the Most Pure. It was no easy matter to sing the Song of Zion in a strange land; he had neither paper, pen, nor ink; so he composed his verses while walking on the shore, then traced them in the sand, and day by day committed them to memory.

3. § 18.

1. § 69.

Nobrega on his arrival at St. Vicente found that the fortress

[page] 291

CHAP. IX. 1563.

Sim. de Vasc. Chr. da Com. 3. § 24—25.

had been taken by assault, the Captain killed, and all his family carried away by the Savages. One of the Jesuits had obtained from the natives the name of Abare Bebe, the Flying Father, because of the rapidity with which he hastened from one place to another, wherever his services were needed. Nobrega deserved the same appellation. He rested not till he had carried the deputies of the Tamoyos to Itanhaem, and reconciled them with the reduced natives there; then to Piratininga, where in like manner a solemn reconciliation was effected in the Church, and peace established between all the various hordes in the adjoining country. This was the work of three months, during which time Anchieta was in a perilous state among the Savages. Those who were inimical to peace were eager to break off the treaty, and even fixed a day for eating him, if by that time their deputation did not return. One party, impatient of longer inactivity, undertook a hostile expedition, and brought back some Portugueze prisoners. Anchieta agreed for their ransom; it did not arrive as soon as the captors expected, and they determined to devour them. The Jesuit had now no other resource but prophecy, and he boldly averred that the ransom would come on the morrow, before a certain hour. The boat arrived accordingly. He had given a lucky, and as it should seem no difficult guess, at the persons who would come in it, and the nature of the ransom, .. of which he could not well be ignorant, having made the bargain himself, .. such however as the prophecy is, it is registered among his miracles. A bolder prediction was, that he should not be eaten, when he was threatened with that fate; nothing was risked by the assertion, and it probably contributed to his preservation.

That Anchieta could work miracles was undoubtedly believed both by the Portugueze and by the natives, each according to their own superstitions. The former sent volumes of attestations

[page] 292

CHAP. IX. 1563.

S. Vasc. C.C. 3. § 29. 30.

to Rome after his death, surnamed him the Thaumatourgos of the New World, and endeavoured to get him canonized; but never did he derive so substantial a benefit from his miraculous character as now, when he was in the hands of the Tamoyos. They called him the Great Paye of the Christians, and said there was a power in him which withheld the hands of men; and this opinion saved his life. Those persons who had gone to St. Vicente with Nobrega, came back suddenly, disgusted and alarmed; they had been told by a slave that there was a design of murdering them, and upon this fear they fled, fully believing the false intelligence; in which belief they were confirmed because one of Aimbere's companions, they said, had been slain by a certain Domingos de Braga13. The men of Rio de Janeiro hearing this, concluded that the treaty was broken, as they wished, and returned to their own villages. They would have taken Anchieta with them, if he had not been protected by the Great Palm. Another party were restrained from killing him only by their persuasion that he was a Conjurer, an argument which the Great Palm urged with excellent effect, enforcing it with all his authority, and a threat of vengeance. There was one Antonio Dias with him, who was come to ransom his wife and children; he happened to be a mason, and the plea which preserved his life was, that he built the houses of the Christian Payes, and of their God, and therefore that God would protect him. Anchieta had won the affections of those with whom he had now thus long been domesticated, for, besides his prophecies and conjurations, he healed their diseases both by the lancet and the not

13 This is probably the person mentioned by Hans Stade, as one of the prisoners whom he directed how to steer their course in case they could fly, and who, he afterwards heard, had fled.

[page] 293

CHAP. IX. 1563.

S. Vasc. C.C. 3. § 27.

less effectual instrument of faith. His earnest zeal for their salvation must also have procured the respect of those who could not but perceive its evident sincerity. A child was born misshapen, .. the mother instantly buried it, .. Anchieta hastened to open the grave and sprinkle it before it was quite dead. In another instance the same zeal was more usefully directed. A woman was delivered who had changed husbands during her pregnancy; a child born under such circumstances was called Maraba, signifying of a mixed or doubtful breed, and it was the custom to bury all such children alive: he was in time to save this after it had been laid in the earth, and to make the mother nurse it; the awe with which he was regarded prevailing over this cruel practice.

Peace with the Tamoyo.

S. Vasc. C. C. 5. § 31. 3. § 35.

At length the very Tamoyo made his appearance who was said to have been killed by Domingos, and the origin of a report which had so greatly endangered the Missionary was found to be that, being afraid of this Mamaluco, he had fled into the woods. Shortly afterwards the terms of peace were concluded, and Anchieta left Iperoyg, after a residence there of five months. His first leisure was devoted to the fulfilment of his vow, and he wrote down the poem which he had composed on the sand, comprizing the whole history of the Virgin14 in more than five thousand Latin verses.

14 En tibi quæ vovi, Mater sanctissima, quondam

Carmina, cum sævo singerer hoste latus;

Dum mea Tamuyas præsentia mitigat hostes,

Tractoque tranquillum pacis inermis opus.

Hic tua materno me gratia fovit amore,

Te corpus tutum mensque regente fuit.

This poem is not without some gleams of passion and poetry, though he praises and prays to the Virgin through the whole A.B.C.

[page] 294

CHAP. IX. 1564.

Pestilence and famine.

S. Vasc. C. C. 3. § 38.

Board of Consicience.

The small-pox had now carried off three-fourths of the natives of the Reconcave. Pestilence was followed by famine, nor was the famine in this instance the effect of plague, but it seemed as if there was some prevailing principle in the atmosphere15, destructive alike to animal and vegetable life; the fruits withered and fell before they ripened. A second mortality took place, six of the eleven settlements which the Jesuits had formed were destroyed, so many of their inhabitants died, and so many fled into the interior. The Portugueze, in the true spirit of a people who permit the traffic in human flesh, profited by the misery of their neighbours, and purchased slaves with food. Some sold themselves, some their children, and some the stolen children of others. The validity of this purchase was made a case of conscience, and there was at this time a Board of Conscience16 at Lisbon, to which the question was referred. The use of such a tribunal was to find out excuses for things plainly in defiance of that law which is the revealed will of God, and that moral sense, which, if unperverted, is its infallible expounder: the decision was, that in extreme distress a man might lawfully sell himself or his children for food. The right of purchasing was never questioned; though it seems the purchasers were not without some scruples upon this score, and some wholesome anticipations of death-bed remorse. The Governor, the Bishop, the Ouvidor Geral, and Luis de Gram, now sole Provincial, (for Nobrega because of his years and infirmities had been relieved from the office) met together when this answer was

15 A like remark is found in the Lettres Edif. T. 9. P. 379. La peste ayant cessé d'affliger nos Neophytes, s'etoit repandue dans les campagnes; le bled qui etoit deja en fleurs, se trouva tout corrompu par l'infection de l'air.

16 Tribunal da Mesa da Consciencia.

[page] 295

CHAP. IX. 1564.

S. Vasc. C.C. 3. § 41. 42.

received, and promulgated it to quiet those conscientious slavedealers, who did not think that a mess of pottage was a sufficient price to pay for the best birth right of man, till the casuists had approved the bargain. There arose however another difficulty: a great proportion of these slaves had been sold neither by themselves nor their parents, consequently they could not be retained under this sentence; but their owners were not willing to part with them; it was thought dangerous to let them join the unreclaimed hordes, and a convenient scruple was started concerning the probability of their apostatizing if they were set free. The result was a compromise between conscience and knavery; these slaves were told that they were actually free, but that they must serve their possessors for life, receiving yearly wages; and if they fled, they were to be pursued, brought back, punished, and forfeit one year's hire: the masters, on the other hand, were neither to sell, give, nor exchange them, nor take them out of Brazil. These regulations produced no relief to the oppressed; the only effect was, that the slave-holders added perjury to their other crimes, and when they registered a slave, made him swear whatever they pleased to dictate. After the famine had ceased, many of the converts returned to the Jesuit settlements, and those who could not find their wives, would fain have taken others; but as it could not be ascertained whether the former were dead or astray, they were not permitted to marry again till a considerable time had elapsed; a circumstance which dissatisfied them and greatly embarrassed the Missionaries.

The Queen Regent and her Council were not pleased that Mem de Sa had not retained possession of Villegagnon's island; and when intelligence arrived of the peace which Nobrega and Anchieta had concluded with the Tamoyos, they resolved not to let slip the opportunity of establishing themselves at Rio de Janeiro, and finally excluding the French. Estacio de Sa, the Go-

[page] 296

CHAP. IX. 1564.

S. Vasc. C. C. 3. § 56. 57. Do. Vida de Anch. 2. 10. § 1. 2.

vernor's nephew, was sent out with two galeons to Bahia, and carried with him orders for his uncle to supply him with the force of the colony for this service. Mem de Sa collected all the vessels he could, and instructed Estacio to enter the bar of Rio de Janeiro, observe the force of the enemy and the number of their ships, and, if there were good hope of victory, decoy them out into the open sea; but by all means to preserve peace with the Tamoyos, and if it was possible to have Nobrega's advice, to do nothing of importance without it.

Expedition of Estacio de Sa against the French.

Estacio reached his place of destination in February, and immediately dispatched a bark to St. Vicente, requesting Nobrega to come to him as speedily as he could. He then began to reconnoitre the coast. They took a Frenchman, and learnt from him that the Tamoyos in that part of the country had broken the peace, and were again in alliance with his countrymen. This intelligence was not generally credited; a party of boats went over the bar to water, and it was confirmed, for one which had advanced beyond the others up a fresh-water stream, was attacked by seven canoes, and lost four of its men before it could escape. Every place where the French vessels could be attacked was protected by the Tamoyos, and the beach was covered with them. Estacio tried some slight skirmishes with little success; he found that the enemies ships would not put out to sea, that he could not land for want of small craft, and indeed that his force was not sufficient for the enterprize; and having learnt from a prisoner who escaped to him, that St. Vicente was at war also with the Savages, he thought it most prudent to proceed there, strengthen that Captaincy, consult with Nobrega (whose delay he attributed to the hostilities in that quarter) and there reinforce himself. In the month of April therefore he set sail. On the midnight of the following day Nobrega entered the harbour in a gale of wind, and cast anchor, glad to have escaped

[page] 297

CHAP. IX. 1564.

S. Vasc. C. C. 3. § 58—60. V. de Anch. 2. 10.

the storm. He thought the fleet were here; but when day broke the enemies canoes were seen on all sides; .. the wind which had driven him in still continued; it was impossible to fly; his people gave themselves up for lost, and commended their souls to God; when presently sails appeared in the offing, and Estacio, driven back by the same gale, came up and anchored with the fleet beside them. The next day, which was Easter, the whole expedition landed upon Villegagnon's island, and there Nobrega preached a thanksgiving sermon for his providential deliverance. Estacio now consulted with him, and the result was a confirmation of the resolution he had before taken, to refit at St. Vicente, lay in stores, and provide row-boats, without which many posts which it would be necessary to conquer could not be attacked.

Nobrega prevents him from abandoning the attempt.

They set sail accordingly and reached Santos. Here it was found that the Tamoyos of Iperoyg, with whom Nobrega and Anchieta had been left, were true to their engagements, that many of them had come to aid the Portugueze, and that Cunhambeba17, who had an especial friendship for Anchieta, had taken post with all his people upon the frontier of the Tupis to defend his friends. But the Colonists here were unwilling to make any farther exertions than were necessary for their own immediate preservation: they magnified the strength of the French and their allies, and dwelt upon the difficulty of the enterprize with such effect that Estacio himself was staggered, and said to Nobrega, What account, Father, could I give to God and the King if this armament should be lost! Sir, replied the Jesuit, I will render account to God for all, and if it be necessary,

17 This is the same word as the Konyan Bebe of Hans Stade, and not improbably the same person, though he now appears as the friend of the Portugueze.

2 Q

[page] 298

CHAP. IX. 1564.

Vasc. C. C. 3. § 60—63.

I will go to the King and answer for you before him. Having persuaded him, it was necessary to encourage the soldiers also; them he influenced by his spiritual authority, and won by his policy: he took them to Piratininga, where they were encouraged by seeing so many converted Indians disciplined and ready for war, and where their own appearance contributed to reduce others, who during this visit brought their bows, made peace, supplied provisions, and offered their aid for the expedition.

They reach Rio de Janeiro.

1565.

Great part of the necessary force and stores was collected here: he then descended to the coast, and went from place to place, preaching to the people upon the necessity of bringing this expedition to the end desired, and promising, in the name of the Governor, forgiveness of temporal sins to all who should embark in it: in a colony which was continually supplied with convicts this pardon was no inefficient bounty. Mamalucos and Indians were raised, canoes made ready, and stores provided: others came from Bahia and Espirito Santo, forming altogether a more considerable force than those persons who opposed the expedition had thought it possible to raise. These preparations lasted till the end of the year. In January they were ready with six ships of war, a proportionate number of small craft, and nine canoes of Mamalucos and Indians, with whom Nobrega sent Anchieta and another Jesuit, being the best commanders that could be appointed over these people. They sailed from Bertioga on the twentieth of January, St. Sebastian's day, and taking this for a good omen, they chose that saint for their patron in the expedition, thereby complimenting their young King, and thus at once gratifying loyalty and superstition. The weather was against them; the canoes and light vessels did not reach the bar of Rio de Janeiro till the beginning of March, and then they had to wait for the Commander and the storeships, who came on

[page] 299

CHAP. IX. 1565.

Vasc. C.C. 3. § 64—73.

slowly, beating against unfavourable winds. This delay exhausted the patience of the Indians, especially as their provisions began to fail, and they told Anchieta that they would not stay there to die for hunger. Upon this he had recourse once more to those bold promises which Catholic historians so willingly record as miracles; the storeships, he said, would arrive before such an hour, and the Captain soon after them. There is good reason to suspect that he had been upon the look-out, for he was absent when these allies formed their determination of withdrawing, and had hardly finished his prophecy before the vessels hove in sight.

March 6.

3 Sam. 2. 4.

As soon as the fleet had joined they entered the bar, and the troops were landed at the place afterwards called Villa Velha, near the Sugar Loaf Rock, which with another rock protected them on two sides. Here they entrenched themselves. After they had cleared the ground it was discovered that there was nothing but standing water at hand, and that thick and bad, so as to be judged unwholesome; but Giuseppe Adorno, one of the Genoese settlers, and Pedro Martins Naorado, undertook with their people the additional labour of digging a pit in the sand, which supplied them. Hardly had they intrenched themselves before the Tamoyos attacked them. One Indian convert fell into their hands, and instead of carrying him away, they tied him to a tree and made him a butt for their archers. By this they thought to intimidate his companions, but it exasperated them; they sallied, put them to flight, and won their canoes. Six days afterwards intelligence was received that the Tamoyos lay in ambush with seven and twenty canoes, in a place where the Portugueze must necessarily pass them: they went prepared for this attack, and routed them a second time. These trifling successes encouraged them, and they sung in triumphant hope a verse from the scriptures, saying, "The bows of the mighty

[page] 300

CHAP. IX. 1565.

Vasc. C.C. 3. § 74.

men are broken, and they that stumbled are girded with strength." Well might they speak of the bows of the mighty, for an arrow sent by a Tamoyo, would fasten the shield to the arm which held it, and sometimes it has past through the body, and continued its way with such force as to pierce a tree and hang quivering in the trunk.

1567.

The war was carried on with little vigour. After more than a year had been wasted in idleness or petty skirmishes18, Nobrega came to the camp, and dispatched Anchieta to Bahia there to be ordained, for as yet he was only a temporal coadjutor, and to look after the affairs of the Company. He had more important business to transact with the Governor. To him he represented that nothing could be effected with so small a force, and that either one effort more must be made to strengthen it, or the attempt must be abandoned. Mem de Sa raised all the succours he could, and arrived with them in person on the eighteenth of January in the ensuing year, two years, saving two days, since the expedition had sailed from St. Vicente. As St. Sebastian's day was so near, it was determined to defer the

18 It was observed in all the skirmishes which took place that the balls of the French frequently made no wound where they struck. This miracle is easily explained, .. the gunpowder was what they brought out for traffic; .. and had it been good at first, it must have been materially injured, if it had remained any length of time in that damp climate; .. an effect frequently experienced by English ships of war in the West-Indies. To make the wonder complete Anchieta remarks, and Vasconcellos after him, how easily shot-wounds, when made, were healed. A surgeon, Ambrosio Fernandes, took the credit of this to himself, and he was killed in the very next engagement, as if to show that the whole merit belonged to the Virgin and St. Sebastian. Vasc. C. C. 3. § 80.

There was an intention about twenty years ago of forming a public establishment either at Barbadoes or Jamaica for re-making gunpowder. I do not know if the plan was effected.

[page] 301

CHAP. IX. 1567.

Victory of the Portugueze.

Death of Estacio de Sa.

Vasc. C. C. 3. § 74—105.

Rocha Pitta 2. § 63.

attack till that auspicious morning, and then assault Uraçumiri, the strong hold of the French. The place was stormed: not one of the Tamoyos escaped; two Frenchmen were killed, and five being made prisoners, were hung, according to the ferocious system of warfare which was then pursued by the Europeans in America. Immediately the victors proceeded to Parana-pucuy, the other fortress of the enemy, which was in Cat Island, and here they were obliged to cannonade the fortifications, which were remarkably strong. This also was carried. But Estacio de Sa received in the first action an arrow in his face, of which wound, after lingering a month, he died. His kinsman, Salvador Correa de Sa, was appointed Chief Captain in his stead. Few of the French fell in these conflicts; they had four ships in the harbour, and in these, after their allies were thus totally defeated, they sailed to Pernambuco, and took possession of Recife, meaning to establish themselves there. This choice of place proves how well they had surveyed the coast; and how wisely their plans were laid, had they possessed strength to support them. But Olinda, then one of the most flourishing towns in Brazil, was too near; the commander of that settlement attacked them, and once more compelled them to fly. One of them, before he embarked, expressed his despondency at the hopeless state of their affairs, by graving these words upon a rock, Le munde va de pis ampi19, .. things get from bad to worse.

Never was a war in which so little exertion had been made, and so little force employed on either side, attended by consequences so important. The French Court was too busy in

19 This is probably his own kakography rather than Rocha Pitta's, because it has evidently been written by ear.

[page] 302

CHAP. IX. 1567.

burning and massacring Hugonots to think of Brazil; and Coligny, after his generous plans had been ruined by the villainous treachery of Villegagnon, regarded the Colony no longer: the day for emigration from his country was over, and they who should have colonized Rio de Janeiro were bearing arms against a bloody and implacable enemy, in defence of every thing dear to man. Portugal was almost as inattentive as France. The death of Joam was to Brazil an irreparable loss; for though the Queen Regent had pursued his plans awhile, it was with diminished zeal, and diminished power: and when she was compelled to resign the administration into the hands of Cardinal Henrique, he discovered the same utter lack of resolution and activity, which was afterwards manifested during his short and wretched reign. Had Mem de Sa been less earnest in his duty, or Nobrega less able and less indefatigable, this country, which now contains the capital of Brazil and of the Braganzas, would have been at this day French.

S. Sebastians founded.

Ret. Arn. 1603. p. 114.

Immediately after his victory, the Governor, conformably to his instructions, traced out a new city, which he named St. Sebastians, in honour of the Saint under whose patronage they had taken the field, and of the King. He began also to fortify both sides of the bar. The whole of the works were completed by the Indians under the Jesuits, without any expence whatever to the state. In the midst of the city he assigned the Company ground for a College, and in the King's name endowed it for the support of fifty brethren, a donation which they had well deserved, and which was ratified at Lisbon the ensuing year. The Alcaide Mor of the new city was put in possession of his office with all the usual formalities. The Governor gave him the keys of the gates, upon which he went in, locked them, and the two wickets also, and bolted them, the Governor remaining without. Then the Alcaide called out to him, asking if he wished to enter, and

[page] 303

CHAP. IX. 1567.

An. do Rio de Jan. MSS. c. 8.

who he was; to which he replied, that he was the Commander of that city of St. Sebastian, in the King's name, and would come in. The gates were then opened, in acknowledgment that he was the Capitam Mor of that city and fortress of the King of Portugal.

A Protestant put to death.

S. Vasc. C.C. 3. § 1 16.

V. de Anch. 2. 14. § 67.

Mem de Sa stained the foundations of his city with innocent blood. Among the Hugonots who had been compelled to fly from Villegagnon's persecution, was one whose name looks more like that of an English than of a Frenchman; the Portugueze write it Joam Boles. He was a man of considerable learning, being well versed both in Greek and Hebrew. Luis da Gram caused him to be apprehended, with three of his comrades, one of whom feigned to become a Catholic; the others were cast into prison, and there Boles had remained eight years, when he was now sent for to be martyred at Rio de Janeiro, for the sake of terrifying his countrymen, if any should yet be lurking in those parts. The Jesuits boast that Anchieta convinced him of his errors, and reconciled him to the Holy Catholic Church; but the story which they themselves relate, seems to show that he had been tempted to apostatize by a promise that his life should be spared, or at least that his death should be made less cruel; for when he was brought out to the place of execution, and the executioner bungled in his bloody office, Anchieta hastily interfered, and instructed him how to dispatch the heretic as speedily as possible, fearing, it is said, lest he should become impatient, being an obstinate man and newly reclaimed, and that thus his soul would be lost. The priest who in any manner accelerates the execution of death, is thereby suspended from his office, and therefore this is enumerated by his biographer among the virtuous actions of Anchieta.

The Indian converts who had assisted in the conquest were settled near the city upon the lands of the Jesuits; the settlement

[page] 304

CHAP. IX. 1568.

prospered, and became a good advanced post against the Tamoyos, and the French and English interlopers. The Indian Chief, Martim Affonso20, was stationed with his people about a league from the city, at a place now called St. Lourenço. The Tamoyos cherished a deadly hatred toward this Chief, and eagerly desired to take him alive and devour him. It happened that four French vessels arrived at Cape Frio, perhaps those which had been successively expelled from Rio de Janeiro and Recife: the Savages asked them to assist in attacking their common enemy. Mem de Sa had returned to St. Salvadors; there was no force at St. Sebastians of which they could stand in fear, and it was no new thing for the French to deliver up prisoners to their cannibal allies. They entered the bar without opposition, for the forts were incomplete, and not yet provided with artillery. The Governor, Salvador Correa, sent to St. Vicente for assistance, and learning what was the main object of the enemy, dispatched what succour he could to Martim Affonso, and prepared himself to defend the city, which was not yet walled.

Martim Affonso was not easily dismayed. He had time to send away the women and children before the French and the Tamoyos landed; and fortunately for him, after they had landed, they delayed the attack till the following morning. During the night, the little succour which Salvador Correa could spare, arrived, and they resolved to sally and surprise the enemy; this attempt was completely successful. The ships meantime had been left by the tide, and heeled so that their guns could not be brought to bear; the Portugueze therefore fired at them at pleasure from a falcon21, which was their only piece of artillery; and

20 Perhaps the son of Tebyreça, whose death is before related.

21 Falcam pedreiro. The falcon peterero, or falconet, carried a bullet of one pound five ounces.

[page] 305

CHAP. IX. 1568.

S. Vasc. C.C.

3. § 129—136.

when the tide returned, the French made off, having sustained considerable loss. This was the last alarm which they gave to Rio de Janeiro. When the reinforcements arrived from St. Vicente, Salvador pursued them to Cape Frio; they were gone, but another ship of two hundred tons had arrived there, well manned, and mounting so many guns, that the crew thought themselves in no danger from a flotilla of canoes. They made a brave defence. Salvador himself, in attempting to board, was three times beaten down into the sea, and every time his Indians saved him, though he was heavily armed. The French Captain maintained the deck in complete armour, and with a sword in each hand. One of the allies, provoked at seeing the arrows glance off him, asked if there was no place to be aimed at, and was told, the visor; his next arrow pierced him in the eye, and slew him. The ship soon yielded; and its guns were planted to fortify the bar. When Sebastian was informed of Martim Affonso's gallant conduct, he sent him presents, among which was one of his own garments, as a token of particular esteem.

Rel. Ann. 1603. ff. 113.

Another party of French attempted to establish themselves at Paraiba, where for some time they carried on a profitable trade, and became formidable by their alliance with the natives. Martim Leytam was sent to reduce these allies: he took with him some Jesuits, the best volunteers on such a service. The enemy were found too well entrenched to be forced,.. one of the Fathers however leapt over their palisado into the midst of them, safer in his habit than he would have been in the completest panoply. They listened to his persuasions, laid down their arms, and expelled the French. Paraiba was colonized, the Indians were brought together in settlements, and eight or nine sugar works soon established. A new Captain came of the slave-hunters faction; he expelled the Fathers; their converts were harrassed and dispersed, and the colony declined as rapidly as it had prospered.

2 R

[page 306]

CHAPTER X.

Luiz de Vasconcellos appointed Governor.—Martyrdom of the forty Jesuits.—Vasconcellos killed.—Death of Nobrega and of Mem de Sa.—Luiz de Brito, Governor.—The Colonies neglected.—Division of Brazil into two Governments, and re-union.—Final Defeat of the Tamoyos.—Expedition in search of Mines.—Portugal usurped by Felipe II.—State of Brazil at that time.

CHAP. X. 1569.

Luis de Vasconcellos appointed Governor.

Rocha Pitta. 3. § 46.

Azevedo is appointed Provincial.

S. Vasc. C. C. 40 § 9.

Sebastian had now, at the age of fourteen, assumed the government. He prolonged yet for two years the administration of Mem de Sa, which had been so long and so successful, and then sent out D. Luiz de Vasconcellos to succeed him. A great reinforcement of Jesuits went out with the new Governor, under F. Ignacio de Azevedo, who had once before been in Brazil as Visitor, and was now appointed Provincial. Azevedo was the eldest son of an honourable family; he entered the order in 1547, and had held sundry offices in it before he was nominated to this high and important station, by the famous Francisco de Borja, then General. Pius V. granted a plenary indulgence to all who should accompany him, gave him some valuable relics, among which was a head of one of the eleven thousand Virgins; and, as an especial favour, permission to have a copy taken of St. Luke's portrait of the Virgin, which had never been permitted to any

[page] 307

CHAP. X. 1570.

one before. The General authorized him to take as many Missionaries from Portugal as the province could spare, and three volunteers from every other which he should pass through.

The Santiage leaves the flect.

S. Vasc. C.C. 4. § 18—25.

Azevedo embarked with nine and thirty brethren in the Santiago; Pedro Diaz, with twenty in the Governor's ship, and Francisco de Castro, with ten others, in the ship of the Orphans, so called, because she carried out a number of girls, whose parents had died of the plague, and who were therefore sent by the Court to marry and settle in Brazil. Besides these, there were several aspirants on board, who were to be upon trial during the voyage, and then, if they were found worthy, to be admitted into the Society. The fleet consisted of seven ships and one caravel. They reached Madeira, and there the Governor resolved to wait for a favourable season, because he dreaded the calms of Guinea. Azevedo had freighted half the Santiago for himself and his comrades; unhappily for them the other half her cargo was to be disposed of at the Isle of Palma (one of the Canaries), and a fresh lading taken in there for Brazil. The Master therefore, conformably to his owners instructions, asked and obtained permission to run for the island. Short as the passage was, it was known to be dangerous, because French pirates were always cruizing in those parts; the Brethren besought Azevedo to remove into another ship, and not expose himself thus unnecessarily; this he would not consent to do, but he gave permission to any of his comrades to take the precaution if they pleased, and four novices accepted it. Their places were supplied by four others, who were ambitious of martyrdom, and that ambition was soon gratified.

Azevedo and his companions massacred by the French.

The day after they had departed, five sail of the French appeared off Madeira. D. Luiz put to sea, and endeavoured to bring them to action; their business was to plunder, and never to fight when they could avoid it; and they stood off towards the

[page] 308

CHAP. X. 1570.

S.Vasc C.C. 4. § 25—111.

Tellos. C.C. 4. 9.

Canaries. It was a squadron from Rochelle, under Jacques Soria, a Hugonot, a man as little disposed to show mercy towards any Catholic priests, as they would have been to show it towards him. The Santiago had the start of these enemies, and reached the island in seven days; but the wind was fresh and unfavourable; they could not make the city, and were obliged to put into a port by Terça-corte. From hence to Palma was only three leagues by land; by sea the distance was considerably greater. A French colonist who had been a playfellow of Azevedo's at Porto, earnestly advised him and his companions not to trust themselves in the ship, but to go by land, because it was not improbable that some pirate might fall in with them. His advice was given in vain, and they re-embarked. The Santiago sailed with a bad wind in the morning of one day, and at day-break on the following was off Palma, three leagues out at sea, with the French in sight. The Portugueze made an unavailing resistance, and Jacques Soria did by the Jesuits as they would have done by him and all of his sect, .. put them to death. One of the novices escaped, being in a lay-habit; the rest were thrown overboard, some living, some dying, some dead.

Fate of the other Missionaries.

These tidings soon reached Madeira, and the remaining Missionaries celebrated the triumph of their comrades; .. a triumph which many of them were yet to partake. The fleet, notwithstanding they had waited for the healthy season, suffered dreadfully from the pestilential climate of the Cape de Verds; and when, after a long and deplorable voyage, they came in sight of Brazil, the wind blew so violently along shore, that they could neither weather Cape St. Augustines, nor make the land, but were driven as far as New Spain, where they were dispersed. One vessel got into Hispaniola, one into Cuba; what became of the others is not mentioned: it only appears that, after another ineffectual attempt to reach their destination, the fleet drifted to

[page] 309

CHAP. X. 1570.

S. Vasc. C.C. 4. § 112—114.

Cien-Fuegos. Vida del S. Pr. De Borja. 1. 5. c. 12.

Miracles attending this great martyrdom.

the Azores. By this time the ships were disabled, and the men so reduced in number, that when D. Luiz once more tried his evil fortune, one vessel was sufficient for the miserable remains of his force. Fourteen Jesuits were with him, under Pedro Diaz. They had not left Tercera a week, when they fell in with one English and four French cruizers, under Jean de Capdeville. Hopeless as resistance was, the Portugueze fought; the Governor1 fell in the action, and Pedro Diaz, with his brethren, suffered for the intolerance and cruelty of their merciless church. Of sixty-nine Missionaries whom Azevedo took out from Lisbon, only one who was left behind at one of the ports where they touched, arrived at Brazil. The Company never, either before or since, sustained at one time so severe a loss; in their own language they never obtained so glorious a triumph; and this was as much the language of policy as of fanaticism. The machinery of miracles was soon added to a story, which surely needed not the aid of falsehood to render it impressive. It was first said, then sworn to, that after Azevedo was killed, the heretics could not force out of his hand the picture of the Virgin, .. a copy more miraculous than its miraculous original: that when his body was thrown overboard, it stretched out its dead arms, and placed itself in the posture of one crucified; that they took the body on board, bent the limbs by main force out of that hated attitude, and cast it again into the sea; .. it then stood upright upon the waves, extended its arms again in the same manner, holding out the picture as a banner, and so continued till the

1 Rocha Pitta says, that D. Luiz died at sea of disease. This carelessness is surprising, because it implies ignorance of the martyrdom of Pedro Diaz and his comrades, .. the only kind of facts of which such writers may be supposed not to be ignorant.

[page] 310

CHAP. X. 1570.

Cien-Fusgos. 1. 5. c. 11.

heretic squadron were out of sight, when the prisoners in the Santiago saw it sink plumb down. Shortly afterwards, as a Catholic ship was sailing over the place of martyrdom, the body rose in the same posture, put the picture on board, and descended again; and this picture, with the print of Azevedo's bloody fingers upon it, was shown by the Jesuits at St. Salvador with heroic impudence, and venerated by the people with implicit faith. There is this wide difference between civil and ecclesiastical historians; .. the former narrate those events most fully which have passed in their own times, and later writers always have to condense the materials left them by their predecessors; .. the latter enlarge as they go on, and the last writer is uniformly the most copious, because every one adds his lie to the heap.

Death of Nobrega.

S.Vasc. C.C. 4. § 115.

Nobrega did not live to hear the fate of Azevedo and his companions. He died four months after their murder, in the fifty-third year of his age, worn out with a life of incessant fatigue. It was his happy fortune to be stationed in a country, where none but the good principles of his order were called into action. There is no individual to whose talents Brazil is so greatly and permanently indebted, and he must be regarded as the founder of that system so successfully pursued by the Jesuits in Paraguay; .. a system productive of as much good as is compatible with pious fraud. The day before his death, he went abroad, and took leave of all his friends, as if he were about to undertake a journey; they asked him whither he was going, and his reply was, Home, .. to my own country. No life could be more actively, more piously, or more usefully employed, and the triumphant hope with which it terminated was not the less sure and certain, because of the errors of his belief.

Death of Mem de Sa. Luiz de Brito Governor.

When the death of D. Luiz was known at Lisbon, Luiz de Brito de Almeida was appointed to succeed him. Mem de Sa just lived

[page] 311

CHAP. X. 1572.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 5.

to see his successor arrive, and then died, after an able and prosperous administration of fourteen years. He had the mortification in his latter days of seeing the country neglected. No sooner had the Queen Dowager been compelled to make way for Cardinal Henrique, than every thing began to decline under his imbecil government. Had Joam III. lived ten years longer, such measures were in his time pursued, that towns, fortresses, and cities, would have been built in every direction; .. now, instead of new establishments rising, the old were falling to decay. The annual fleets which used to bring out young, and healthy, and industrious settlers, were discontinued, and the mother country seemed to have become indifferent to the fate of these colonies. Not only were no means taken to forward their progress, and ensure their prosperity, but they were treated with ingratitude as well as neglect, and past services were unrewarded and unremembered. Nothing was done for the children of those colonists who had fallen in expelling the French, .. an event of the utmost importance to the very existence of the Portugueze in America, and which had been chiefly effected by volunteers serving at their own cost. Their descendants, whose property was impaired, and whose claims were disregarded, were of course disgusted, and little likely to make such sacrifices themselves, in case of similar necessity.

Brazil divided into two Governments.

Luiz de Brito did not succeed to the whole authority of his predecessor. The growth of the colony had been so rapid under the able administration of Mem de Sa, and the favour of Joam III. and his Queen after him, that it was now thought advisable to divide it into two governments; St. Sebastians being the seat of the new one, which began with the Captaincy of Porto Seguro, and included every thing south of it. This division was assigned to Doctor Antonio Salema, who was promoted here from Pernambuco. The French still continued to trade at

[page] 312

CHAP. X. 1572.

Final defeat of the Tamoyos.

Noticias. MSS. 1. 55.

Cape Frio, and the Tamoyos were faithful to their alliance with them. Salema determined to rid his district of these enemies. He collected a force of four hundred Portugueze, and seven hundred Indians, and with Christovam de Barros, who had signalized himself in the expulsion of the French from Rio de Janeiro, attacked the Tamoyos and their European allies. Their villages were strongly palisadoed; they made a brave resistance with arrows and harquebusses, and the victory would probably have been doubtful, if Salema had refused quarter to the French, according to the usual system of cruelty upon which they carried on their war. He promised them their lives, and they submitted. Of the Tamoyos a dreadful carnage was made; their loss in killed and in captives is said to have amounted to eight or ten thousand; it was so severe, that the remains of this formidable tribe forsook the coast, and retired to the mountains2.

Tourinho's expedition in search of mines.

The Governor of Bahia meantime directed his attention towards making discoveries inland. An opinion prevailed that there were mines of precious stones in the interior of the Captaincy of Porto Seguro, where it bordered upon Espirito Santo. Sebastiam Fernandes Tourinho was sent with a party of adventurers to ascertain this. They went up the river Doce, and having travelled westward for about three months3, sometimes by

2 Salema wrote an account of this expedition, to which the author of the Noticias refers, saying, he may be excused from treating upon it more at large. But neither his work nor Salema's has ever been printed; and of the latter, if it be still in existence, I have seen no manuscript. Rocha Pitta, negligent and ignorant as usual, neither mentions this final defeat of the Tamoyos, important as the fact is, nor the division of the government. And Vasconcellos does not carry on his Chronicle farther than the death of Nobrega.

3 Their course is thus described in the manuscript Noticias. From the Doce they entered the Mandij; there they disembarked, and having travelled twenty leagues W.S.W. came to a great lake, called by the natives the mouth of Mando Mandij; or, according to another account, the Mouth of the Sea, because of its magnitude. From hence a river ran to the Doce; its course was West; and forty leagues from the lake was a cataract. They went thirty leagues along this river, then left it; and struck Westward for forty days, during which they travelled about seventy more, and then reached the place where the river fell into the Doce. Here they constructed boats of bark, each capable of containing about twenty men, and went up the river as far as its junction with the Aceei, up which they went four leagues, then left their boats, and held a N. W. course for eleven days, crost the Aceci, and proceeded along its banks fifty leagues, when they found the rocks with the supposed turquoises. This was written so soon after the expedition, that the geography is likely to be as accurate as can be expected.

[page] 313

CHAP. X. 1572.

Noticias. MSS. 1. 40.

Adorno's expedition upon the same secret.

Noticias. MSS. 1. 37.

S.Vasc. C.C. 3. § 51.

land, sometimes by water, found rocks, in which were stones of a colour between green and blue, which they supposed to be turquoises: the natives told them, that on the top of these rocks others were found of brighter colour; and some, which it was thought, from their description, must have contained gold. At the foot of a woody mountain, they found an emerald and a sapphire, each perfect in its kind; and seventy leagues farther, they came to other serras which yielded green stones. Five leagues farther were mountains, in which, according to the report of the natives, there were larger stones, red and green; and beyond them a serra consisting wholly of fine crystal (such is the story) in which they were assured that blue and green stones were found, exceedingly hard and brilliant. With this account Tourinho returned. Antonio Diaz Adorno was then sent upon a second expedition; he had with him one hundred and fifty white men, with four hundred slaves and allied Indians, and he went up the Rio das Caravelas. His people seem to have separated on their return, for some of them came down the Rio Grande in bark-canoes. He brought back a confirmation of Tourinho's account, adding only that on the east side of the serra of crystal there were emeralds, and on the west sapphires. The samples

2 S

[page] 314

CHAP. X. 1572.

Rocha Pitta. 3. § 78—79.

Vasc. Not. Ant. 1. § 51—55.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 75.

which he had collected were imperfect. Brito sent them, together with what Tourinho had brought, to the King; but the information was not attended to at the time, and the evil day of Portugal was drawing on. A third expedition was performed by Diogo Martins Cam, whose appellation of Matante-Negro, or Kill-Negro, marks him for a wicked and cruel man, however enterprizing he may have been. After him Marcos de Azevedo Coutinho went, and brought back a considerable number of stones. Their descendents, and many other persons also, attempted to reach these mines, but the paths which they had opened were over-grown, and the way could no longer be found. Brito began also to search for copper, but soon desisted. The Bahians marvelled at his desisting, for they said that sixty leagues inland, there was a serra where the ore lay in large lumps upon the surface; .. and only at half the distance, they affirmed there were other mountains in which iron was to be found, of finer quality than Milan steel.

Settlement made at Rio Real, and abandoned.

Noticias. MSS. 1 25—26.

The French, driven from the ports which they formerly frequented, now traded to Rio Real, and orders were sent from Portugal to form a settlement there for the purpose of excluding them. Garcia de Avila was sent upon this service; he was of Bahia, and his wealth consisted in great herds of cattle, which fed upon the low lands about Fatuapara Bay, and the Rio de Jacoipe. He had ten folds of kine and horses, and had built in the Reconcave4 a considerable settlement, with a stone church of the Virgin, where he maintained a chaplain, and where his name is

4 His stock-farm there was infested by two prodigious snakes, one of whom carried off a bull in his presence. His herdsman killed one, and found in its belly ninety-three young pigs, weighing altogether eight arrobus, .. two hundred and fifty-six pounds. Noticias. MSS. 2.46.

[page] 315

CHAP. X. 1572.

Noticias. MSS. 1. 24. R. Pitta. 3. § 61—62.

still preserved. A good body of adventurers was raised in Bahia and the Ilheos, and they colonized three leagues within the bar. The spot was ill chosen, .. no vessel of more than sixty tons could enter; and the land, as far as the tide reached, which was six or seven leagues, was fit for little but cattle: higher up it was very good. Brito was soon obliged to come to their assistance against the Savages: he gave them a severe overthrow, but the situation of the Colony did not please him, and he broke up the settlement. It was not possible to maintain it without a fortress, and he did not build one because the term of his administration was now at an end. Good sugar canes had been found in the plantations of the natives; and, at any other time, the place would not have been so lightly abandoned.

The two Governments reunited.

Noticias. MSS. 1. 56.

Diogo Lourenço da Veiga, Governor.

1 573.

Ericeyra. Port. Rest. t. 1. p. 16.

Brazil offered to the Duke of Braganza.

The division of Brazil into two governments had been found inconvenient, and two years before the expiration of Brito's term, that of Rio de Janeiro was again made subordinate to Bahia. Diogo Lourenço da Veiga was the new Governor5. The year of his arrival was that fatal year for Portugal, in which Sebastian and the whole flower of the kingdom were cut off. This event might have been productive of extraordinary consequences to Brazil. Felipe II. of Spain, while he and the different claimants, were harrassing the last miserable days of Henrique's life, by urging him to decide the question of succession, offered all these colonies in absolute sovereignty, with the title of King, to Braganza, if he would waive his claims upon Portugal. Neither he when he made the offer, nor Braganza when he rejected it, was sensible of its importance. The French made a politic

5 Que naò volio neste negocio por respeitos que aquí se naò devem declarar, says the author of the Noticias, speaking of the settlement at Rio Real, .. who did not move in the business, for reasons which must not here be spoken of.

[page] 316

CHAP. X. 1578.

Attempt of Antonio the Prior, upon Brazil.

Noticias, MSS. 1. 56.

trial to profit by the disturbances which followed; they dispatched three ships to Rio de Janeiro, and sent in to inform Salvador Correa de Sa, the Governor, that they came with letters from Antonio, the Prior of Crato, whom they called King. He would neither receive the letters, nor permit them to enter, and the bar was too well fortified for them to force their way. Thus ended Antonio's attempt upon Brazil, less disastrously than any of his other enterprizes.

Introduction of the Carmelites,

1580.

and of the Benedictines.

1581.

R. Pitta. 3. § 63. 81—82.

Veiga's administration is distinguished by the introduction of the Carmelites into Brazil, who founded their first convent in the town of Santos. Fr. Domingos Freire led this swarm of drones, whose cells were soon stored for them with honey. Fr. Antonio Ventura led a swarm of Benedictines the following year, who settled at St. Salvador. Veiga died the same year. No provision had been made for such a contingency, though he was at a very advanced age; he, therefore, when he found himself dying, vested his authority with the approbation of the Nobles and People, in the Senado da Camera,.. the Chamber of the City,..and in the Ouvidor Geral,.. the Auditor General, Cosme Rangel de Maeedo. They held the government two years, and Manoel Telles Barreto then came out to supersede them.

State of Brazil at this time.

It was at this time that that account of Brazil was written, which has so often been referred to in this history as the best, oldest, and sometimes the single authority for many of its leading facts. The author had resided seventeen years in that country, and was owner of some sugar-works in Bahia. His materials were written upon the spot, and were arranged at Madrid, to be laid before D. Christovam de Moura, the Portugueze Minister, for the express purpose of informing him of the actual state of these colonies, their infinite importance, and their alarming insecurity. From this very curious and hitherto unprinted memorial, it will here be expedient to describe the state of Brazil as it then was,

[page] 317

CHAP. X. 1581.

adding thereto such particulars as can be collected from other sources.

St. Salvador.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 8.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 19.

Force of the Reconcave.

The city of St. Salvador contained at this time eight hundred inhabitants; the whole Reconcave something more than two thousand; but neither Negroes nor Indians are6 included in this enumeration: for it is added, that between them five hundred horse and two thousand foot could be brought into the field. There were forty pieces of small artillery for the defence of the town, and as many larger ones; some of these were planted by the bar, where the channel was so wide, that they could be of no use. If the King's service required it, more than fourteen hundred boats of different sizes could be collected, among which were an hundred capable of carrying artillery, and above three hundred large caravels7: there was not a man in the Reconcave but had his boat or his canoe, and no sugar-work had less than four. Had Joam III. lived, who is now in glory, says the Memorialist, he was so fond of this country, and especially of Bahia, that he would have made Brazil one of the finest kingdoms in the world, and St. Salvador, one of the noblest cities in all his dominions. The cathedral church had a pompous but poor establishment, consisting of five Dignitaries, six Canons, two Minor Canons, four Chaplains, one Cura and Coadjutor, four Choristers, and a Master of the Choir; but few of these ministers were in full orders, and it cost the Bishop a considerable portion of his revenue to provide priests for the regular service. The reason of this deficiency was, that the Canons had only thirty milreis a year, the Dignitaries thirty-five, and the Dean forty; and it was a better thing to be chaplain to the Misericordia, or to a sugar-

6 Unless there is an error in the manuscript, of two thousand for twenty thousand.

7 Caraveloens. Square-sail shipping, i. e. not gallies, which had triangular sails.

[page] 318

CHAP. X. 1581.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 8.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 30.

work, where sixty milreis were given, and the priest was boarded also. The cathedral was in great want of ornaments; of which, says the author, his Majesty ought to be informed, for he takes the tithes with this charge, and it becomes him to remedy the want. There were sixty-two churches in the city and Reconcave, of which sixteen were freguezias, .. parish churches; nine were vicarages paid by the King; the rest cures, at the expence of the parishioners. The greater part of these had their chaplains and fraternities as at Lisbon. There were also three monasteries. What a church-establishment for such a population!

Sugar works in the Reconcave.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 30.

Live Stock.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 31.

The country, for two leagues round St. Salvador, was covered with good plantations, like the farms8 in Portugal. The number of sugar-works in the Reconcave was thirty-six without water-mills, with them twenty-one, fifteen which were worked by oxen, and four at that time erecting: there were also eight establishments for making treacle, which were very profitable concerns. The quantity of sugar annually exported amounted to more than one hundred and twenty thousand arrobas, .. about two thousand four hundred hogsheads, besides what went in sweet-meats, an article in great request among the Portugueze. Kine, which had been carried there from the Cape de Verds, multiplied prodigiously; butter and cheese were made there, and milk used in every way that it was in the mother country, the climate occasioning no material difference. Horses also had been imported from the Cape de Verds, and though they bred fast, the importation was still kept up: there were persons who had forty or fifty brood mares in their stock: their price was from ten to twelve milreis; but if carried to Pernambuco, they sold there for thirty ducats, or sixty cruzados. Sheep and goats had been brought both from

8 Cazaes.

[page] 319

CHAP. X. 1581.

the Cape de Verds and from Europe; butter and cheese were made from their milk.

Fruits. De Lery. 13. Piso. p. 10.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 32.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 31.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 32.

Vase. V. de Anch. 5. 13. § 5.

Maregraff. l. 7. c. 6.

A. de Ulloa. Not. Amer. 7. § 39.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 45. 2. 31.

Oranges and lemons had been introduced by the Portugueze, and were become plentiful, especially the lemons; the climate enlarged the fruit. It was a proverb, that the physician did not enter that house before which plenty of orange-peel was to be seen in the morning. The palm was produced from date stones, brought from Portugal. The cocoa, which had come from the Cape de Verds, bore well for a few years, then began to wither; this, it is said, was caused by an insect; the tree however was little valued, because it was not wanted, in a country already abounding with the choicest fruits. The pomegranates and melons, which would otherwise have thriven, were almost destroyed by the ants; so also was the vine, .. fruit and leaf would be stript clean in one night by them; and wine, as well as flour, for sacramental uses, was brought from Portugal. So numerous were the ants, and so great was the mischief which they committed, that the Portugueze called this insect the King of Brazil; but it is said by Piso, that an active husbandman easily drove them away, either by means of fire or of water; and the evil which they did was more than counterbalanced by the incessant war which they waged against all other vermin. In some parts of South America they march periodically in armies, such myriads together, that the sound of their coming over the fallen leaves may be heard at some distance. The inhabitants, knowing the season, are on the watch, and quit their houses, which these tremendous but welcome visitors clear of centipes, forty-legs, scorpion, snake, every living thing; and, having done their work, proceed upon their way. Another remarkable plague, was an insect called broca, which is described as a flea, that fled without visible wings: it bored all wooden vessels which contained any liquor except oil; and in this manner did great mischief,

[page] 320

CHAP. X. 1581.

especially in lands that were newly settled. Snakes were particularly destructive in the pigeon-houses, eating both eggs and young.

Tea and Coffee indigenous in Brazil.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 44.

Culture of Ginger prohibited.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 32.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 31.

Tea9 had lately been discovered in Bahia, of which, says the author of this manuscript, great profit might be made. Coffee also grew there. The mention of these commodities, at a time when both were so little known in Europe, that they had not perhaps been heard of beyond the limits of Portugal, is remarkable; and it shows how early the Portugueze had acquired Oriental customs. Ginger had been brought from their Island of St. Thomas, and throve so well, that in the year 1573, four thousand arrobas were cured; it was better than what came from India, though the art of drying it was not so well understood: great use was made of this root in preserves, .. but it was prohibited, as interfering with the Indian trade, in that wretched spirit of policy which regards immediate revenue as its main object. The sugar-cane had been brought to Bahia from the Ilheos, but it was

9 Tea is also indigenous in Hayti; it grows abundantly in and about the city of St. Domingo, where it is known by the name of Muñiga, and considered as a pectoral. It is also found on the North of the Island, near Monte Christi, and it is said that the French exported it between twenty and thirty years ago from Guarico.

Idea del Valor de la Isla Española, por D. Antonio Sanchez Valverde. C. 8. P. 49.

In Paraguay and in Peru it is called Paico; Monardes attributes to it the same virtue for which it is still used there, that the leaves "being made into powder, and taken in wine, take away the griefe of the stone in the kidneys, which cometh of windiness or colde causes; and being sodden and made into a plaister, and layde upon the griefe, they take it away also." (English translation, ff. 92.) The identity of this shrub with the Tea of China, is not known in that country, but was recognized by our countryman, Falkner the Jesuit, and by some of the Ex-Jesuits of Paraguay, when they reared the tea-tree at Faenza from seed. Jolis. L. 2. Art. 4.

[page] 321

CHAP. X. 1582.

The sugarcane indigenous.

indigenous in Brazil, and grew plentifully about Rio de Janeiro. The French, who were ignorant of its culture, and knew not how to extract sugar, made a pleasant beverage, by steeping the cane in water; and they were greatly astonished to find, that if this infusion was kept long enough, it served them for vinegar also.

De Lery. c. 13.

Naufr.da N.S. Paul. Hist. Trag. Mar. 1. p. 373.

Piso. l. 4. c. 20.

Leafless parasite.

Stedman. 1. 175. 1. 242.

Piso. 4. 89.

Condamine. p 75.

No hemp grew in the country. The wild palm afforded one substitute; and the bark of the embira, supplied cordage and cables, and answered better for oakum, because it lasted longer under water. Gun-matches also were made of this bark. The seeds of the embira were chewed fasting as a corroborant; were applied, when bruised, to the bite of a serpent; and were used instead of pepper for culinary purposes. The leafless parasite plants, which are all comprehended under the general name of timbo, served for basket-work, and were beaten into tow. Their juice was used in tanning; being bruised and cast into the lakes or rivers, they stain the water with a dark colour, and intoxicate or poison the fish. These plants form a singular feature in the scenery of Brazil. They twist round the trees, climb up them, grow downward to the ground, take root there, and springing up again, cross from bough to bough, and tree to tree, wherever the wind carries their limber shoots, till the whole woods are hung with their garlanding, and rendered almost impervious. The monkeys travel along this wild rigging, swing from it by the tail, and perform antics which might make the best rope-dancer envious. This vegetable cordage is sometimes so closely interwoven, that it has the appearance of a net, and neither birds nor beasts can get through it. Some are thick as a man's leg, their shape three sided, or square, or round; they grow in knots and screws, and every possible form of contortion; any way they may be bent, but to break them is impossible. Frequently they kill the tree which supports them, for which reason the Spaniards call them Matapalos; and sometimes they remain

2 T

[page] 322

CHAP. X. 1582.

Gumilla. c. 47.

Stedman. 1. 277.

Piso. p. 6.

standing erect like a twisted column, after the trunk, which they have strangled, has mouldered within their involutions. There are some which, being wounded, give forth a cool, pure, and wholesome water, and these grow in the stinking marshes of the Orinoco country, or in sandy places, where without such a resource the traveller would perish for thirst. The ivy also creeps to the summit of the highest trees, and covers the forest with a canopy of brighter green. When a path has been opened, this shade is beyond measure delightful.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 75.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 48.

Produce of the fishery.

Roch. Pitta. 1. § 71.

Ambergris.

Roch. Pitta. 1. § 68.

S. de Vasc. Not. Ant. 2. § 97.

There were large tracks of ground in the Reconcave which produced saltpetre; the author of the manuscript says, ship loads might be sent to Spain, instead of bringing it from Germany at so great an expence. They had no lime there but what was made from oyster shells, as at St. Vicente; these however were in such abundance, that boats might be filled with them at all times. To no part of the world has the sea been more bountiful than to Bahia. The principal diet used at the sugar works consisted in crabs, sharks, and a fish called the chareo; the roe of this latter is salted, prest, and dried for a sea store, in which state it is much esteemed. Oil was extracted in considerable quantities from the shark-liver. Whales were not uncommon; and ambergris was frequently cast up. One of the first settlers here, received four arrobas of it in dowry with his wife10. It was still more abundant at Seara. The natives believed it to be the food of the whale, which had been received into the stomach, and afterwards vomited; and this opinion, which approaches so nearly to the truth, was believed by the Portugueze, because sixteen arrobas of this substance, part of which was perfect, and

10 About 1660 the whale fishery here was let by the crown at forty three thousand cruzados, for three years. Sim. de Vasc. Not. Ant. 2. § 97.

[page] 323

CHAP. X. 1582.

Piso. p. 10.

Mermen. De Lery. c. 11.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 47.

part in a corrupt, that is, in an imperfect state, were found in the stomach of a large fish which was cast ashore near Bahia. All birds are voracious after ambergris; and during a storm they frequently devoured it before the people could get down to the beach. If mermen, that is, as De Lery sensibly observes, sea-apes, exist any where, they are to be found here. I see no sufficient reason for discrediting positive testimony of their existence, since the analogy of nature renders it probable. The natives call them Upupiara, and represent them as mischievous animals, who go up the rivers in summer, and if they find a man swimming, or fishing on one of those rafts, upon which he sits half in the water, drag him down, in sport it appears, just as men would catch them, rather than for food, for the bodies have been afterwards found, greatly mangled.

Rumours of emerald mines.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 75.

The rivers of the Reconcave brought down pieces of crystal after rain, and stones which resembled diamonds. Here also there were rumours of emerald and sapphire mines, which arose from the reports of Mamalucos and Indians. They were said to be found far inland, at the foot of a serra, on its eastern side, embedded in crystal; on its western, other stones were found embedded in the same manner, but of a dark purple, and it was supposed that these also were precious; and the natives affirmed that there was another serra near, where small stones were found which were bright red, and of singular lustre.

People of Bahia.

There were above an hundred persons in Bahia whose income was from three to five thousand cruzados, and whose property from twenty to sixty thousand. Their wives would wear nothing but silk. The people were generally characterized by extravagance in their apparel; even men of inferior rank walked the streets in breeches of satin damask: their wives wore kirtles11 and

11 Vasquinhas e giboens..

[page] 324

CHAP. X. 1582.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 13.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 12.

gipeons of the same, and were trinketted with gold. Their houses were as prodigally ornamented as themselves. There were some settlers who possessed plate and gold to the amount of two and three thousand cruzados. The market at St. Salvador was never without bread made of Portugueze flour, and varieties of good wine from Madeira and the Canaries.

Pernambuco

Bento Texeira. Pinto. Hist. Trag. Mar. t. 2. p. 8.

The Cahetes driven into the interior.

Olinda.

Pernambuco was not less flourishing than Bahia. After the death of the first Donatory, a general confederacy was formed by the natives against the Portugueze. The Queen Regent, upon receiving intelligence of this, ordered Duarte Coelho de Alboquerque, who had succeeded to his father's right, to go immediately and succour the Captaincy in person; and he besought her to order his brother Jorge de Alboquerque Coelho to accompany him. They reached Olinda in 1560; the Jesuits in that city were called to council with the chief men of the place, and though the younger brother was only twenty years of age, he was elected General, and Conquistador da Terra. This election to be conqueror of the land he made good by five years of continual warfare: when he and his brother reached Olinda, the inhabitants durst not venture two lèagues from the town; at the five years end, the whole extent of coast was safe, and the whole country for fifteen or twenty leagues inland. This advantage having been once gained, was kept. It is said in the Noticias, that the Cahetes had been driven fifty leagues into the interior, that is, that they had abandoned the country; and that though Duarte Coelho had expended many thousand cruzados upon his Captaincy, the money had been well bestowed, for his son had at that time a revenue of ten thousand cruzados arising from what the fisheries and sugar-works paid him. There were fifty sugar-works in Pernambuco, the tenths of which were leased for nineteen thousand cruzados. Olinda contained about seven hundred inhabitants; the single houses in its vicinity, and the sugar-works,

[page] 325

CHAP. X. 1582.

Noticias. MSS. 1. 16.

each of which had from twenty to thirty residents, were not included in this amount. Three thousand men could be brought into the field, of whom four hundred were horsemen. From four to five thousand African slaves, besides native ones, were employed in this Captaincy. It had more than an hundred colonists, whose incomes were from one to five thousand cruzados, and some from eight to ten. Men, says the author, return from hence to Portugal full rich, who came out here full poor. About five and forty ships came annually to load with sugar and brazil, which was of the best quality, and was rented of the crown at twenty thousand cruzados. Yet this important Captaincy was almost without any works of defence; and the author of the manuscript concludes his account of it, by expressing his apprehension of the danger to which it was exposed, and enforcing upon the Government the necessity of well securing it.

Noticias. MSS. 1. 23. 1. 21.

It was supposed at this time that no trade could be carried on between Bahia and Pernambuco, on account of the regular winds. Such an exchange however of rogues and murderers went on by land between St. Salvador and Olinda, that when the author of the Noticias recommended the formation of a settlement upon the river Seregippe, one of the reasons which he assigned was, that it would tend materially to check this passage of criminals from one Captaincy to another.

St. Vicente.

St. Vicente also continued to flourish. This Captaincy was far enough to the South for wheat and barley to grow, but they were little cultivated, because the settlers were satisfied with the food of the country; a little wheat only was raised for the wafer and for delicacies. Marmalade was made here, and sold to the other parts of Brazil. In these colder Captaincies they were free from the plague of ants, and could produce wine: there were some settlers here who made three or four pipes yearly, which they boiled to prevent it from turning sour. They were

[page] 326

CHAP. X. 1582.

Noticias. MSS. 1. 62. 2. 32.

beginning to have some vineyards at St. Paul's also; and in this province and in St. Amaro, says the manuscript, there is another better fruit, which is gold and silver, if the mines were searched for.

Espirito Santo.

Noticias. MSS. 1. 52.

Porto Seguro.

Noticias. MSS. 1. 26.

B. Telles. C. C. 3. 1. § 6.

Espirito Santo was reestablished after the defeat of Fernam de Sa, but not till Coutinho had been utterly ruined in the contest. He expended the whole of his hereditary fortune, as well as all that he had acquired in India, and was reduced to such extreme poverty as to be dependant upon alms for food. I know not, says the author, whether he was worth a winding-sheet when he died. The Captaincy, with all its rights and titles, descended to his son, and these were his only inheritance. Porto Seguro was in a worse state. After the death of Tourinho, every thing declined under the mismanagement of his son; that son left a daughter, who never married, and sold her right to the first Duke of Aveiro, for an yearly charge of an hundred milreis. The capital and influence which the new proprietor was able to employ, restored the colony; to which also the establishment of a Jesuit convent greatly contributed; for wherever these Fathers went, they collected the natives. But then the Aymores began their ravages, and when the Noticias were written, only one sugar work was left, and the Captaincy was almost depopulated. Twice also in one year a fire broke out in the chief town, the second consuming all that had escaped the first. Perfumed waters of the finest quality were made here, and sold at St. Salvador.

The first settlers suffered terribly from the chiguas, or jiggers. This insect, which seems to have been more formidable here than in the sugar islands, got under the nails of both hands and feet, and even attacked all the joints. De Lery says, that notwithstanding he took the greatest care to guard against them, above twenty were extracted from him in one day. Many persons, before they knew the remedy, lost their feet in the most

[page] 327

CHAP. X. 1582.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 46

Stade. 2. 83.

De Lery. c. 11.

dreadful manner. The natives anointed the parts which were most exposed to this plague, with a thick red oil12, expressed from the couroq, a fruit which resembles a chesnut in its husk; the French were glad to learn this preservative. For wounds and bruises the same oil was a sovereign unguent.

Diseases. Piso. p. 8.

Piso. p. 1.

Piso. 2. 8.

Wholesome as the air of Brazil is, it proved hurtful to many persons whose habits both of life and living had been formed in a different temperature; even, says Piso, as plants will frequently die in transplantation, though their removal may have been to a richer soil and happier climate. Whosoever, he adds, would attain to a happy old age in this country, let him, whether he be a new-comeling, or Brazilian born, abstain from the daily use of meat and wine. This very able man observes, that the mixture and intermixture of three different races, the European, American, and African, had produced new diseases, or at least new constitutions, by which old diseases were so modified, that the skilfullest physicians were puzzled by new symptoms. A liver complaint was endemic among the lower classes, and as peculiarly their disease, as gout is that of the rich. It was particularly frequent during the wet months; the sufferers were tormented with a craving for food, and their countenances were meagre and death-like. Affections of the sight were also prevalent, chiefly among the soldiers and the poor; the most frequent was that evening blindness which our own men sometimes experience between the tropics; the remedies were tobacco smoke, charcoal

12 This oil, says De Lery, is in as great estimation among them, as that confection which we call the Holy Oil, is with us. Our Surgeon, when he was about to return to France, took with him twelve large jars of it, and as many more of human grease, which he had collected when the Brazilians were broiling their prisoners! C. 11.

[page] 328

CHAP. X. 1582.

Piso. 2. 2.

Piso. 2. 4.

made from the bark of the Guabiraba, or white lead in human milk, which was often in those days exhibited as a medicine. Another common disease, was what the Portugueze called ar, the air, as supposing that to be its cause, and which Piso denominates stupor: it seems to have been a general listlessness, a universal sense of weight and relaxation: a bath was used for this, or rather a hot-bed of horse-dung, frankincense, and myrrh. Friction and unction were good preventatives, and good remedies, adopted from the natives. But the most tremendous disease in Brazil was a malignant ulcer of the anus: opium was the best medicine, but unless the ulcer was speedily stopt in its progress, it proved fatal, and no form of death was ever more loathsome or more painful13.

Piso. 2. 16.

Piso. 2. 20.

Piso. p. 43.

Piso. 2. .

Oils, ointments, and plaisters, were thought less efficacious for wounds and ulcers here than in Europe, and applications of astringent herbs were preferred. The fat of the cayman was in great request as a remedy. For affections of the throat and breast, the Portugueze used a mixture of the juice of oranges and sugar-cane, with album græcum; and for small-pox, plentiful

13 Lues quædam ex coitu non tantum per contagium vel parentum hæreditario malo in liberos, sed ex leviori attaclu atque per se contrahitur, orta potissimum ex alimento fœtido et salso, potu rancido et corrupto. Inter Afros non solum atque Indos, sed Lusitanos et Belgas quoque sævit, tumoribusque schirrosis et virulentis ulceribus, totum corpus infestat. Quæ quidem lues huic regioni est endemia, et Bubas ab Hispanis et Brasilianis appellatur. Et sicuti citius sanatur a solis remediis indigenis; ita citius contaminat, quam illa quæ lues gallica vulgo vocatur et ad incolas huc defertur.—Gonorrhæa simplex, sicut haud difficilis habetur curationis, ita facile acquiritur, modo a sola equitatione sub sole meridiano. Piso. 2. 19.

This curious passage seems to imply, that Siphilis is originally an American disease, modified by transplantation to the European constitution; .. an opinion which agrees with his remarks upon the physical effects produced by the mixture of different races.

[page] 329

CHAP. X. 1582.

Piso. 2. 17.

doses of powdered horse dung given in any liquid. Physicians who exhibited such medicines, would neither kill nor cure. The empirics frequently did both; they used the cold water affusion in incipient fever, and Piso14 gives them credit for their knowledge of efficacious drugs. At first the Portugueze women reared very few of their children, not one in three; but they learnt at last from the Savages to throw aside the load of swaddling clothes, to leave the head bare, and use cold affusion freely, and the climate was then no longer complained of as destructive to infant life. In these things, and in the knowledge of herbs, which are all that they can teach us, we have yet learnt little from our intercourse with Savages.

Anchieta's Miracles. Passim.

These were the diseases which prevailed among the settlers in Brazil during the first century after the discovery; in no other instance have white men suffered so little in their physical nature by transplantation beyond those limits which have been assigned them. Their moral nature suffered more; this deterioration however arose from causes, some of which were temporary, and all removable, as indeed there exists no cause of moral evil which may not be removed. The same crimes which were frequent in Portugal became more frequent in Brazil, because colonies receive the runaways as well as the outcasts of the mother country; fraudulent debtors fled there, and men who deserted their own wives, or eloped with the wives of others. Murder was here as it is in Portugal, and wherever the Catholic religion flourishes in all its privileges, .. a mode of revenge commonly practised, seldom punished, and regarded without horror, because the guilt might easily be wiped away by confession and absolution.

14 Semper enim condonandum est Empiricis, utpote exquisitioribus in exhibendis medicamentis quam in distinguendis morborum causis. 2. 19.

2 U

[page] 330

CHAP. X. 1582.

Dobrizhoffer

Meantime a race of men were growing up, fierce indeed and intractable, but who acquired from the mixture of native blood, a constitutional and indefatigable activity. While the Spaniards on the Paraguay remained where Yrala left them, .. neglected the discoveries which the first conquerors made, .. suffered the paths which they had opened to be overgrown, .. and almost laid aside the manners and even the language of Spain, the Brazilians continued for two centuries to explore the country; months and years would these persevering adventurers continue among the woods and mountains, hunting slaves, or seeking for gold and jewels after the reports of the natives; and ultimately they succeeded in securing for themselves and for the House of Braganza, the richest mines, and largest portion of South America, the finest region of the whole habitable earth.

[page 331]

CHAPTER XI.

Disputes on the frontier of Brazil.—Asumpcion made a Bishopric.—Expedition of Chaves.—The Chiquitos.—Death of Yrala.—March of Vergara to Peru, and his Deposition.—Death of Chaves.—The Itatines.—Caceres sent home Prisoner.—Zarate sails from Spain to take the Government: misconduct and sufferings of his Armament.—Deposition and Death of his successor Mendieta.—Buenos Ayres founded for the third and last time.

CHAP. XI.

Paraguay.

Disputes on the frontier of Brazil.

A settlement formed in Guayra.

1554.

The progress of Paraguay did not keep pace with that of Brazil; but it is rather to be wondered at that this colony should have continued to exist, than that it did not flourish, remote as it was from the sea, and from every other Spanish settlement. Happy would it have been for Paraguay had it been equally remote from the Portugueze. The Guaranies on the Parana were infested by the Tapuyas of the Brazilian frontier, whom the slave-hunters of that country headed in their expeditions. They called upon Yrala for protection; he went to their assistance, drove back the assailants, and made them promise to leave the subjects of the King of Spain in peace. He judged it however expedient to found a town there, for the purpose of securing the frontier, and opening a readier communication with the sea; and as soon as he had returned to Asumpcion, he dispatched Garcia Rodriguez de Vergara, with eighty men, upon this service. The site

[page] 332

CHAP. XI. 1557.

Charlevoix. t. 1. p. 118.

Charlevoix. 1. 123.

chosen for the new settlement was on the Parana, above the great falls. Vergara called it Ontiveros, after his own birth-place in Castille; but it obtained the name of Guayra, from the province in which it stood. After a few years Ruy Diaz Melgarejo removed it three leagues higher, and to the opposite bank, near the place where the Pequeri falls into the Parana, and from that time it was called Ciudad Real.

Asumpcion made a Bishopric.

Charlevoix. t. 1. p. 122.

Asumpcion was, soon after its establishment, considered to be a place of such importance, that in 1547, Paul III. erected it into a Bishopric, under the name of the Town of the River Plata; a name however which even this authority could not impose. The first Bishop never set foot in his diocese, and being translated to the Nuevo Reyno, seven years after his first consecration, Pedro de la Torre, a Franciscan like himself, was appointed to succeed him. It is a proof of the good order which Yrala had established, that when the ships which brought out the Bishop arrived in the Plata, the intelligence was communicated to Asumpcion by a chain of beacon fires. By this fleet Yrala received a legal appointment to that authority which he had so long exercised. He received at the same time instructions to distribute the Indians among the conquerors, after the manner practised in the other conquests. This destructive system he had already begun; more claimants were now found than could be satisfied; it was expedient therefore to form new settlements, and for this purpose Melgarejo was sent into Guayra; and Chaves, with two hundred and twenty soldiers, and three thousand five hundred Indians, to colonize among the Xarayes.

Chaves enters the Province of the Chiquitos.

Chaves was an adventurer of Yrala's own stamp. He received his orders without any intention of obeying them; went to the Xarayes, and not finding an eligible situation in those parts, because he was determined not to find one, struck westward towards Peru, and entered what is now called the country

[page] 333

CHAP. XI. 1557.

Coleti.

Fernandez. c. 2.

Muratori. t. 2. p. 172.

The Chiquitos.

of the Chiquitos. This province extends from East to West, about one hundred and forty leagues, between the low lands of the Xarayes and the province of Santa Cruz de la Sierra. To the North the mountains of the Tapacuras divide it from the country of the Moxos; to the South it reaches the mountains of the Zamucos, and of the old town of Santa Cruz de la Sierra. It is watered by two rivers, the Guapaix, which rises in the mountains of Chuquisaca, bends round the existing town of Santa Cruz, then turning to the N. W. winds over the plains, and is received into the Mamore; .. the Ubai, or St. Miguel, is the other: its sources are in the mountains of Peru; from thence flowing through the land of the Chiriguanos, where it is called the Parapituy, it passes the site of old Santa Cruz, and having encreased to a considerable stream falls into the Apore, which then joins the Mamore, and with it forms the great river Madeira. From December till May the low lands are inundated, and then the natives store themselves with fish, having the art of drugging the waters; .. but the greater part of the country is hilly. The name Chiquitos, signifying Little Ones, was given by the Spaniards to the inhabitants, because the doors of their huts were so low, that a man could not enter unless he crept in on all-fours. For this strange custom they assigned two reasons; that their enemies could not shoot arrows at them in the night, and that it preserved them from the mosquitos, and all those kindred plagues with which South America is infested. The appellation is singularly improper, inasmuch as these Indians are rather above the middle stature. The men go naked, except the Chiefs, who wear a half-sleeved frock of cotton, like the women, the only difference being that the womens is the longest. They adorn themselves with strings of coloured stones round the neck and legs, and with a girdle, if so it may be called, of feathers, the colours of which are beautifully arranged. Feathers are also stuck in their ears, and a lump of tin in the under

[page] 334

CHAP. XI. 1557.

lip. They who are proud of their archery, bedeck themselves with the tails of the beasts whom they have killed. Their Chiefs, whom they call Iriabos, are their Physicians also; a gainful practice, because, during the continuance of the disease, they are feasted at the patient's expence. The common mode of cure is by sucking the part affected, to extract the malignant humour. They also ask the sufferer if he has spilt any liquor on the ground; if he has given to the dogs the feet of a tortoise, deer, or any other animal, for in that case the soul of the offended creature is supposed to have entered his body in revenge, and therefore they beat the earth round about him, to drive it away. Sometimes a crueller superstition prevails; they pronounce that a woman1 has caused the malady, and she upon whom suspicion falls is beaten to death.

Polygamy is the privilege of the Chiefs; other men are restricted to one wife at a time, but permitted to change her as often as they please. The best recommendation of a suitor is skill in the chase: he lays his game at the door of the maiden whom he woos, and the parents estimating from its quantity his qualifications, give or refuse their daughter. The male youth are sooner at their own disposal. From the age of fourteen they quit their father's hut, and dwell together under a great shed, which is open on all sides. This is the place where strangers are received and feasted. On such occasions the whole horde assemble. They begin by issuing out and striking the ground with their macanas, uttering at the same time loud cries, to drive away the evil spirits; but in spite of this precaution, their drunken meetings commonly end in quarrels, blood, and death.

1 It may be, says the Jesuit Juan Patricio Fernandez, that their ancestors had some light how, through a woman, death entered the world.

[page] 335

CHAP. XI. 1575.

At day-break they rise, breakfast, and play upon a kind of flute, till the dews have disappeared, before which they hold it unwholesome to be abroad; then they go afield till noon, and cultivate the ground, using instruments of a wood so hard, that it is almost as effectual as iron for their purpose. The rest of the day is devoted to feasting and merry-making. Their favourite sport is a game at ball, which must require great skill and great exertion, for they strike it with the head. At sun-set they eat again, and retire to bed; but those who are unmarried dance by night, forming a great circle round two persons who play upon flutes, while the rest wheel round and round; the maidens form an outer ring round the young men, and thus they continue till they are weary. The women, who are always well treated in proportion as the system of sexual intercourse approaches to monogamy, lead here an easy life: their business is to provide the hut with wood and water, to manage their simple cookery, and to manufacture the frock and the hammock.

J. P. Fernandez. c. 2.

They call the moon Mother; during an eclipse, they shoot arrows upward, and cry aloud to drive away the dogs, who, they believe, hunt her through heaven; and when they overtake her, the darkness of the orb is caused by the blood which runs from her wounds. Thunder and lightning they hold to be produced by some of the departed, who dwell in the stars, and thus manifest their anger. They bury food and arrows with the dead, that hunger may not force the spirit to return among them. Earth and Heaven are full of signs and tokens to their superstitious imaginations; a dream, or an evil omen, will make a whole horde forsake their place of sojourn, and even induce an individual to abandon his wife and family. Witchcraft is held in as much abhorrence as it is by the Negroes, and the wretch who is suspected of possessing this baleful power, meets with no mercy.

By this nation Chaves was opposed; he wished to spare his

[page] 336

CHAP. XI. 1557.

Death of Yrala.

Charlevoix. t. 1. p. 124.

Foundation of Santa Cruz de la Sierra.

men, his object being to settle in the land, and therefore he turned aside. This prudence did not avail him; repeated conflicts ensued; some of the tribes used poisoned arrows, and the Spaniards disheartened by their loss, and by the hardships which they suffered, called upon him to return and colonize among the Xarayes, according to the original plan of the expedition. Meantime Yrala died, having enjoyed his lawful authority not quite a year. The people assembled in the church to appoint his successor, till a new Governor should arrive. They delegated twelve Cavaliers, who then nominated four persons, among whom the people were to chuse; their election fell upon Francisco Ortiz de Vergara, Yrala's son-in-law. He was desirous to pursue the plans of his predecessor, and having probably learnt that Chaves was following his own projects instead of obeying the instructions which had been given him, sent after him to bid him execute what he had in charge. These messengers reached him when his men were clamouring to return; but his resolution was taken to advance with as many as would share his fortune. Eighty Spaniards and two thousand Indians left him and returned to Asumpcion; while he, with fifty Europeans and the remainder of the allies, or servants, proceeded. It so happened that Andres Manso was at the same time advancing from Peru, with a commission from the Marquis de Cañete, then Viceroy, to conquer and colonize in these parts. Wide as the land was, it was not sufficient for the ambition of both; but they were moderate enough to refer their dispute to the Viceroy, to whom Chaves himself went, .. presuming perhaps upon his favour, because his own wife was of the Mendoza family, the daughter of that D. Francisco who was beheaded at Asumpcion. His influence prevailed; the Viceroy appointing his own son, D. Garcia, to the Government of the Moxos, nominated Chaves to be Lieutenant Governor, and sent him back with full powers to settle there.

[page] 337

CHAP. XI. 1557.

Herrera. 3. 5. 2. Coleti.

Accordingly he returned to his people, and built a town to the East of Chuquisaca, at the foot of the mountains, and on the side of a pleasant rivulet. He named it Santa Cruz de la Sierra, in memory of a village near Truxillo, where he had been bred up, .. a place so beautifully situated under a high mountain, where corn-fields and olive-groves are interspersed among the rocks, that he might well love to remember in a foreign land the lovely scenes of his childhood. Forty years afterwards the town was removed to its present situation, fifty leagues to the North, upon the river Guapay, and it was then made a Bishopric.

Insurrection of the Guaranies.

1560.

Vergara marches to Peru.

The Guaranies who forsook Chaves to return to Asumpcion, having seen the effect of the poisoned arrows of the Chiquitos, gathered up all they could find, and thinking that these deadly weapons would give them an advantage over their oppressors, raised an insurrection against them. This hope was baffled, because the poison, being now a year old, had lost its efficacy; yet Vergara was obliged to exert his whole force before he could reduce them, and then found it expedient to affect clemency, rather than attempt to punish the revolt with the usual rigour. On his return he found an Indian from Guayra, whom Melgarejo had sent from Ciudad Real, where he was hard prest by the Guaranies, to request succour. The messenger past through the middle of the enemy's force, stark naked, and bearing only his bow, where the letter was inserted in a slit. Having dispatched troops and relieved him, Vergara recalled him to Asumpcion, meaning to send him to Spain, as a person on whom he could rely, to solicit a confirmation of his appointment. The caravel in which he was to embark, and which was the finest vessel that had yet been built in Paraguay, was ready to depart, when it took fire and was consumed: some enemy of Vergara, it was supposed, had set it on fire. That Governor then took the hasty resolution of going to Peru, to obtain powers from the

2 X

[page] 338

CHAP. XI. 1561.

Viceroy; the Bishop, and fourteen of his Clergy, thought proper in like manner to forsake their duty and attend him, and they set out with a considerable force. Chaves, who had come to Asumpcion for his wife and children, set out in their company. When they came among the Itatines, he persuaded three thousand of that tribe to follow him and settle in his province. As soon as he entered it, he insisted upon his rank, asserting that the Governor of the province of the River Plata had no authority there. This occasioned much confusion; there was no longer any order observed, nor any precautions taken, because no person knew whom he was to obey: provisions ceased to be regularly provided, and a great mortality took place, especially among the Indians. Such of the Itatines as survived, halted and settled themselves in a fertile country. The rest of the expedition proceeded with difficulty to Santa Cruz, where there were no means of subsisting such a multitude, and famine and sickness continued to reduce them. The natives, seeing their country ransacked for food, rose in despair. When Chaves marched against them, he left instructions with his Lieutenant to disarm Vergara and his people, and prevent them from proceeding to Peru; but Vergara found means of sending a messenger to Chuquisaca to complain of this violence, and orders were sent to Chaves not to detain him.

Vergara accused and superseded.

He had soon reason to repent of this most imprudent journey. No sooner had he arrived at Chuquisaca, than above an hundred articles of accusation against him were presented to the Royal Court of Audience of that city, among which the dereliction of his post, the danger to which he exposed Asumpcion by with-drawing so large a part of its force, and the waste of life upon his march, were included. The Court would not pronounce upon these charges, but referred them to Garcia de Castro, then Governor of Peru, and President of the Court at Lima. There

[page] 339

CHAP. XI. 1561.

Vergara appeared; he was declared to have forfeited his Government, and sent home to Spain to answer for himself before the Council of the Indies. Juan Ortez de Zarate was appointed to succeed him, if it should please the King to confirm the appointment. Zarate embarked for Panama on his way to Europe to solicit this confirmation, having named Felipe de Caceres to be his Lieutenant meantime at Asumpcion, and ordered him to return there with the remains of Vergara's unfortunate expedition.

1565.

Chaves killed.

Herrera. 3. 5. 2.

Dobrizhoffer. 1. 185.

Caceres, the Bishop, and their retinue, were welcomed on their way back by Chaves with apparent cordiality, and he escorted them as far as the settlement of the Itatines, under pretext of doing them honour, but in reality for the purpose of tempting their people to remain with him. Shortly after his return to Santa Cruz, the Chiriguanos rose upon the Spaniards, slew Manso2, and destroyed Nueva Rioja, and Barranca. Chaves marched to chastise them, as it was called; then went back with miners and tools to explore some mines which he had discovered among the Itatines. Leaving these men at work, he continued his endeavours to pacificate the country; and while he was haranguing some Chiriguano Chiefs, one of them came behind him, and with a single blow of his macana, brought him dead to the ground. Such a death Nuflo de Chaves had righteously deserved; for under his government hunting parties were made to catch the Indians, that they might be carried to Peru for sale, and they were sold in the public market-place of his city, mother and child, like ewe and lamb together.

The Itatines.

Caceres, after Chaves left him, had to fight his way through

2 It is from him that the wide plains between the Pilcomayo and the Rio Bermejo, are still called Llanos de Manso. Charlevoix. 1. 161.

[page] 340

CHAP. XI. 1568.

Dobrizhoffer. 1. 71.

Techo in Churchill. 86.

the Itatines3, a nation of the great Tupi or Guarani stock. The men let their hair grow in a circle on the crown, and shear the rest of the head; their ornament is a reed stuck through the lip, which is pierced to receive it when the boy is seven years of age: the women tattoo themselves in streaks; and both sexes wear a triangular shell in their ears. The men have no other clothing than a short apron: the women wear a complete dress of cloth made from the bark of the pino; it is white, takes any dye easily, and retains it long, being in all these respects far superior to what other tribes manufacture from the caraquata. Their coronals are of parrots feathers. Their arrows are unnecessarily armed with many barbs; with these they bring down birds; and they decoy the anta within reach of their weapons by imitating its cry. They cultivate maize, and have sometimes a hedge of tobacco round their habitations, which are of palm boughs thatched with grass, having eight doors and sixty inhabitants. Each family, as usual with the gregarious tribes, has its separate fire, with pots, gourds, and pitchers in abundance about it. Before they lie down at night the pot is put on, that food may be ready as soon as they rise. The women carry their infants over the shoulder in a sort of basket, or rather frail. They bury the dead in large jars, and at their funerals the kindred of the deceased throw themselves from high places, to the hazard, and sometimes the loss of life. The mode in which they vie with each other is, by racing with a heavy log upon the

3 This is the name which they give themselves, and by which they are mentioned in all the old writers. Latterly the Spaniards more frequently call them Tobatines. "The rebounding balls of Itatina," says Techo, "made of the gum of trees, are famous all the world ever, and being toasted are used for curing the flux." P. 86. It was probably, therefore, from this tribe that we first received the gum-elastic.

[page] 341

CHAP. XI. 1568.

Muratori. 1. 4.

Dobrizhoffer 1. 65. 71.

Dobrizhoffer 1. 83.

shoulder. The most remarkable circumstance relating to this tribe is, that they had a mode of communicating at a considerable distance by means of trumpets or pipes; this was not upon the common principle of the speaking trumpet, because no person could understand these signals however versed in their language, unless he had previously been instructed in the system4. The Itatines are now greatly reduced in number; they have been driven from the open country, and have remained in the woods so long that they are afraid of broad sun-light, and their skins are blanched by being in perpetual shade. They will poison guests whom they fear, and therefore food which they offer is never to be received without suspicion.

When Caceres was on his march they were a formidable nation: he fought his way through them5 till he came within fifty leagues of Asumpcion; there he found friendly tribes, and

4 Tubis, tibiisque certâ inflatis ratione, ita quod volunt significant, ut et longe audiantur, et perinde ac si expressis vocibus loquerentur, intelligantur. Neque tamen ab iis, qui eorum linguam norunt quæ significantur, percipiuntur, nisi apud eos versati sint. These are the words which Muratori quotes from a Missionary's letter written in 1591, .. and he understands them to describe a speaking trumpet, which was in his time a new invention of the English. To me the passage seems rather to imply a system of musical signals, .. just as the Mexicans gave orders in battle by whistling, and the Peruvians had their love-language of the flute, .. de manera, says Garcilasso, que se puede dezir que hablavan por la flauta.

P. 1. L. 2. C. 16.

5 This he accomplished by the help either of Santiago or St. Blaise, .. it is not ascertained which. Les Histoires d'Espagne, says Charlevoix, sont remplies de semblables merveilles, et la piete de cette nation doit, ce semble, former un préjugé plus fort en faveur de ce qu' elle publie des graces, qu' elle croit avoir reçues d'en haut, que contre sa trop grand credulité; a quoi il faut ajoúter, que dans toutes ces occasions, elle combattoit contre des Infideles, et que le Ciel etoit interessé, ce semble, a soutenir sa querelle.

[page] 342

CHAP. XI. 1570.

Charlavoix. 1. 133.

Disputes between the Governor and Bishop.

was enabled to rest and refresh his weary men. He reached the city early in 1569, and a year afterwards went with his brigantines to the Plata, there to meet the reinforcements from Spain which Zarate had appointed to send him by that time. He waited till his hopes and patience were exhausted; then erected a cross on Isle St. Gabriel, from which he suspended a letter in a bottle, and reascended the river to Asumpcion. There had long been ill-will between Caceres and the Bishop; it daily became more violent, parties were made, and personal feelings prevailed over political, for the clergy sided with the Governor, and the chief civil officers with his adversary. Caceres himself, or his father, had been one of the main movers of the sedition against Cabeza de Vaca, and he now thought to triumph by the same violent means, which would indeed be less lawless in appearance, because the legal authority was now in his hands. He seized the Provisor, Segovia, and put him in irons, beheaded Pedro de Esquivel and exposed his head upon the pillory like a traitor's, deprived the Bishop of all his Indians, rents, and rations, so that no one dared give him even a draught of water, arrested him in the church, and confined him to his own house, where he was proceeding to block up the windows, till the Bishop gave sureties for his quiet continuance there. But the fear of being sent prisoner to Europe, which Caceres threatened, made him break his promise and attempt to conceal himself: he was discovered, and Caceres prepared to put the threat in execution. This Governor had not attended to the state of popular feeling: the women were clamorous in behalf of their pastor, and began to talk of Judith and Holofernes; the Clergy themselves took alarm at the violence which had been offered to their order, and an insurrection was planned at the house of Segovia, who had now been liberated; it was well concerted and boldly executed; they seized Caceres in the name of the

[page] 343

CHAP. XI. 1570.

Inquisition, and embarked him for Spain, for which country the Bishop embarked also, not as prisoner, but as accuser. The vessel touched at St. Vicente, and there the Bishop died in full odour of sanctity6. The deposed Governor attempted to make his escape; but here also the people were against him, he was again apprehended, and sent to Spain in irons, and he never returned to Paraguay.

Argentina. 7.

Zarate sails from Spain.

Argentina. 6.

1572.

Zarate meantime had been delayed by a series of misfortunes. He set off from Peru with a property of eighty thousand pieces of gold, the collected rapine of many years7; a French cruizer fell in with him on his passage from Nombre de Dios to Carthagena, and he lost the whole. He made his way however to Spain; his appointment was confirmed, and the title of Adelantado granted him; and, notwithstanding the lamentable fortune of so many expeditions to the Plata, he found adventurers enough, married and single, of both sexes, to fill three ships and two smaller vessels. In this armament D. Martin del Barco went out, the only contemporary historian of these parts for this half century. One of the smaller vessels was lucky enough to lose the fleet and reach St. Vicente. The others, after various sufferings, occasioned by bad weather and by want of skill, got into St. Catalina. Here the adventurers were landed, and here

6 Anchieta was present at his death, and he told me, says D. Martin del Barco, that his body, and his feet, and his hands, and his grave, gave out a great fragrance. It is laid down by Morales as one of the axioms on which he proceeds in his history, that whatever one saint relates of another is implicitly to be believed.

7 Que sabe Dios qual el las ha juntado. Argentina. C. 6.

God knows how he had collected them, .. is the significant expression of D. Martin.

[page] 344

CHAP. XI. 1572.

Argentina. 9.

Argentina. 10.

Zarate left them, to suffer all the miseries of short allowance, while he went to a settlement called Ybiaça, which was not far distant on the main land, and there supplied himself plentifully by plundering the Indians. No man could have behaved worse under such circumstances than this Adelantado; there he remained, leaving his people to endure horrors little less dreadful than those which had destroyed so great a part of Mendoza's expedition. The daily ratio was only six ounces of flour8. Many endeavoured to escape from this misery: some, after wandering three or four weeks on the main land, returned in a dying state of hunger; others were pursued and forcibly brought back, and death was the punishment of their desertion, though the famine was so grievous, that the intestines were secretly taken from one of their starved bodies as it hung upon the gibbet. At length, after an unaccountable tarriance here of many weeks9, the remains of this unhappy expedition were once more embarked, and they made sail for the Plata, without any pilot among them who knew the navigation of that most dangerous river. Zarate, however, more fortunate in this respect than he deserved, reached St. Gabriel's; he was blown off in the night by a gale from the South, and two of his ships were driven ashore; but the people were saved.

8 A poor lad, the drummer of the expedition, was caught by two women in the act of stealing from their hoard, and they cut off one of his ears and nailed it over the door. He obtained damages against them, but they managed so well with Zarate's deputy, that their fine amounted to only six ratios of flour, .. not quite four pounds. The drummer recovered his ear, and used to pawn it for food. Argentina. C. 10.

9 Some of the runaways had wandered thirty days before they returned, .. there is no other intimation of the length of time which was past here.

[page] 345

CHAP. XI. 1572.

The Charruas.

Argentina. 10.

This bank of the river was possessed by the Charruas10, a wandering tribe, who exercised no kind of agriculture. They were so fleet that they could run down their prey, and such marksmen with the thong and ball that nothing escaped their aim. They flayed the faces of those whom they slew, and preserved the skins as trophies; but they only enslaved their prisoners. At the death of a kinsman they had the custom, which is found in so many parts of the world, of cutting off a finger. Zarate, instead of conciliating these people, seized the nephew of their Chief, a young man who came unsuspiciously to visit the Spaniards in the huts which they had erected for shelter. Twenty of his tribe came in search of him, and brought a Guarani to be their interpreter, and this Guarani was seized also. Having taken these base precautions for the sake of having a good hostage in his hands, Zarate was weak enough to set him free at his uncle's solicitation, .. not with a show of generosity, but in exchange for a runaway sailor and a canoe. What was well deserved, and might have been foreseen, ensued; as soon as Capicano, the Chief, had got his nephew out of the Spaniards power, he took the first opportunity of falling upon them. A party of foragers were suprized, forty were slain, one was made prisoner, and only two escaped to give the alarm; it had scarcely been given before the Savages attacked the camp. Zarate, from that jealousy of his own people which no good commander can ever feel, had thought proper to keep their weapons, instead of trusting them in their own hands; .. in consequence of this wretched suspicion the guns now, when they were wanted,

10 Or Charuahas, .. who are now with the Yaros, Bohanes, Minoanes, and Costeros, collectively called Quenoas. Dobrizhoffer. 1. 143. They have become equestrian tribes.

2 Y

[page] 346

CHAP. XI. 1572.

Argentina. 11.

were found rusty, and the powder was damp; they had nothing but the sword and lance to trust to, and their defensive armour stood them in little stead, for a common helmet was no defence against the stone balls of the Charruas. Night came on soon enough to save them from destruction;..in the morning, before the attack could be renewed, they fled to one of the ships which was aground near the shore, and from thence got over in a boat to the Island of St. Gabriel.

Argentina. 10.

Here they must inevitably have been famished had it not been for a supply which they had no reason to expect. Melgarejo, who had carried the Bishop and Caceres to St. Vicente, was still in that port when the vessel which had parted company from Zarate's fleet arrived there:..supposing that they would need provisions, though far from anticipating the misery which he should witness and afterwards partake, he set sail with a cargo for their relief. He touched at St. Catalina, where the fresh graves and the standing gibbet told their tale of the horrors which had been endured there: from thence he proceeded to the Plata, and reached St. Gabriel's in time to save them. This supply however would only have protracted their fate, if the Spaniards had not at this time begun to settle in Tucuman; Juan de Garay, having been sent from Asumpcion to colonize in that direction, had founded the City of Santa Fe; he heard that a party of his countrymen were in the river, and came down to their succour.

Argentina. 15.

Repeated calamities had neither cured Zarate of insolence toward his people, nor of injustice toward the natives. The son of a Chief, called Cayu, was seized by one of his parties; Cayu came to intreat that his son might be restored; he besought it passionately and with tears, and brought, besides a present of fish, a girl, whose beauty he extolled, to be given in exchange for the boy; thinking thus to influence the bad feelings of a man who

[page] 347

CHAP. XI. 1573.

Argentina. 18.

seems to have had no good ones. Zarate took the girl, .. and refused to give him his son. His own people meantime groaned under his insolent cruelty; .. when the ratio of six ounces of stinking flour was weighed out daily with a niggard hand, he used to stand by, cursing them while they took the wretched dole for a set of hungry and helpless wretches, and cursing himself for having brought them from Spain to be obliged to feed them here. The famine still continued, till Garay reached Asumpcion, and sent down such supplies that the wreck of the expedition was enabled to ascend the stream, and proceed to its place of destination. When Zarate left the Plata he thought himself entitled to new name that river, and ordered that it should from thenceforth be called Vizcaya, the Biscay, he himself being a Biscayan.

Argentina. 15.

Death of Zarate.

Argentina. 19.

Soon after his arrival at the seat of government he died, regretted by nobody, till the vices of Diego Mendieta, his nephew, whom he appointed Governor as long as his daughter should remain unmarried, made even Zarate regretted. The insolence and cruelty of this young successor soon became insupportable. He was seized at Santa Fe and embarked on board a caravel to be sent prisoner to Spain. The Pilot was his partizan, and made for Rio de Janeiro; there he found friends, and was encouraged to return in the same vessel and recover his authority. But this man's vices were proof against adversity: the moment he acquired power he became a tyrant; the caravel, in consequence of the disturbances which his tyranny occasioned, put into Ybiaça, a port near St. Catalina, and there Mendieta consummated his crimes and his own perdition. A soldier who fled from him was persuaded by fair promises to return; no sooner had he returned, than this wretch split him down from the shoulder to the fork, and hung up one half by the neck, the other by the arm. At this atrocious

[page] 348

CHAP. XI. 1573.

Argentina. 24.

sight the Pilot and crew hoisted sail and left him with seven others, probably his agents in blood, among the Savages, and at the instigation of a Mamaluco, whose wife he had taken away, they were all put to death.

Re-establishment of Buenos Ayres.

1580.

Garay slain.

The history of this part of South America differs from that of any other colony in one remarkable circumstance; the first permanent settlement was formed in the heart of the country, and the Spaniards colonized from the interior towards the sea. The ill effects of thus reversing the natural order of things had been so grievously experienced by Zarate's armament, that an attempt was once more made to people Buenos Ayres. Garay had the conduct of this expedition; his success was facilitated by the previous establishment at Santa Fe, and the town was a third time founded upon the spot which Mendoza had chosen. Its former name had been Nuestra Señora de Buenos Ayres; .. Garay, with a strange disrespect to the Magna Mater of Catholic mythology, altered its invocation and called it La Trinidad de Buenos Ayres: long titles, whether of place or person, are always curtailed by the common sense, and for the common convenience of mankind; the one invocation is now as little remembered as the other, and Buenos Ayres is the name of the city. The natives remembering that they had twice demolished the works of the Spaniards upon that ground, and twice compelled them to abandon their purpose of settling there, once more attacked it; they burnt the tents and temporary huts with fire-arrows, but their leader was slain, and they were routed. Success made Garay too confident. Going up the river in a brigantine he chose to pass the night ashore, and neglected to set a guard: the Manuas, a tribe so inconsiderable as hardly to be named upon any other occasion, killed him in his sleep, and cut off with him forty persons of both sexes, who were of the best settlers in Pa-

[page] 349

CHAP. XI. 1580.

Argentina. 24.

21.

raguay. Elated by this victory, as it was deemed, they called upon the neighbouring tribes to join them in a general attack upon the new settlement. One of their councils was held and distinguished by a remarkable single combat. Two women, by name Tupaayqua and Tabolia, quarrelled because the former asserted that her husband was a better drinker than Tabolia's. They were proceeding to take their bows and arrows when the bye-standers interfered, and it was agreed upon, probably to prevent the quarrel from spreading, that they should determine their dispute by a regular duel. The lists were surrounded with a palisade, and they fought naked with the macana, till the husbands, seeing them both covered with blood, cried out to them to hold, and their anger being somewhat reduced by bleeding, they submitted to be parted and became good friends at a drinking bout. The result of the council was a confederacy against Buenos Ayres; but it was now well garrisoned, and sufficiently fortified against such enemies: their leader was slain, and they were totally defeated. The city immediately began to prosper, and the ship which sailed for Castille with tidings of its refoundation, took home a cargo of sugar, and the first hides with which Europe was supplied from the wild cattle which now began to overspread the open country, and soon produced a total change in the manners of all the adjoining tribes.

[page 350]

CHAPTER XII.

The French driven from Paraiba.—The Pitagoares.—Intercourse of the English with Brazil.—Fenton's Expedition.—Commencement of hostilities.—Withrington ravages the Reconcave.—Death of Barreto.—D. Francisco de Sousa Governor.—Search after Silver Mines.—Expedition of Cavendish. He takes Santos, burns St. Vicente, is repulsed at Espirito Santo, and dies of a broken heart.—Lancaster takes Recife.—Ralegh diverts adventurers towards Guiana.—El Dorado.

CHAP. XII. 1583.

French at Paraiba.

The Pitagoares.

The French, driven as they had repeatedly been from Brazil whenever they attempted to form even a factory there, would not abandon the trade of that country. They now made the Paraiba their port, where they allied themselves with the Pitagoares, who possessed the country between that river and the Rio Grande. On the one side they were always at war with the Cahetes, whom they regarded as their natural enemies, though they spake the same language; on the other, sometimes at war sometimes at peace with the Tapuyas, who were however leagued with them in the interior against their borderers the Tabarajas. They were of the great Tupi race, and some of the cruellest of that race; for they never spared a prisoner. These Savages, assisted by the French, committed dreadful devastation upon the adjoining settlements, burning the sugar works, and massacring

[page] 351

CHAP. XII. 1583.

Barbosa defeated.

Noticias. MSS. 1. 11.

and devouring all on whom they could lay hands. The people of Pernambuco and Itamaraca applied to Government for protection, and orders were given to colonize upon the Paraiba and fortify it. Forces for the expedition were raised in the neighbouring Captaincies. Fructuoso Barbosa had the command, and great expectations were indulged of its success. The Pitagoares and French decoyed him into an ambuscade, and cut off great part of his men; the others became discontented, they complained of his misconduct, and many forsook him. After this desertion and the loss which he had sustained, his force was no longer adequate to the service; the enemy, elated at having driven him out, renewed their ravages, and the people of Pernambuco and Itamaraca earnestly implored the Governor to send them succours.

Flores wins the landing and builds a fort.

Barreto was too old to attempt any thing in person, neither indeed could he leave St. Salvador's; for it was only six months since he had arrived, and business which had probably accumulated under the provisional government, made his presence necessary. There chanced however to be at Bahia a part of that formidable and most disastrous expedition sent out under Diego Flores de Valdes, by Felipe II, to secure the Straits of Magalhaens, after Drake had alarmed him for the safety of Peru. Twenty-three ships sailed from Seville, and after repeated attempts to reach the Straits, Diego Flores had finally put back to Bahia with only six. Barreto requested him to expel the French from Paraiba; two ships under Diogo Vaz da Veiga were also lying at Bahia, on their way home from Goa; with these in addition to his own fleet Flores sailed to Pernambuco; and troops were collected there who advanced by land while the maritime force proceeded. There were four French vessels in the river. Flores entered to attack them with his own ship, that of Diogo Vaz, and all the boats; the French abandoned

[page] 352

CHAP. XII. 1583.

The post abandoned by Castrejon, and again occupied by Barbosa.

Noticias. MSS. 1. 12.

Herrera. His. Gen. 2. 14. 18.

Rocha Pitta 3. § 84—86.

their ships, having set fire to them, and then joined the Savages on shore, with whom they made a show of defending the landing; but it was only a show. The troops landed without opposition, the land forces arrived, they constructed a wooden fortress, and Flores left an hundred and fifty men in it, under Francisco Castrejon. Barbosa and this Captain could not agree; the former expected to be Governor of the new settlement by virtue of his former appointment; and finding that his claim was not acknowledged, he retired to Pernambuco and from thence sent a memorial to the King. Castrejon maintained his authority better than he did his post: the Pitagoares, as soon as Barbosa was gone, besieged him: war with these fierce Savages was what he had not been accustomed to, and having once or twice repulsed them, he made a hasty retreat to Itamaraca, losing some of his people by the way. When this was known at Pernambuco another force was raised, and Barbosa again took possession of the fort: succours were speedily sent him, and a horde of Tupinambas pitched their villages near, to assist and be assisted against the common enemy.

Intercourse of the English with Brazil.

The unhappy subjection of Portugal to Spain had now involved Brazil in hostilities with the English, who till now had never appeared there as enemies, though they had traded with the Indians before the foundation of St. Salvador1. In later

1 The first Englishman who is mentioned as having traded to this country is Master William Hawkins of Plymouth, father of Sir John Hawkins, "a man much esteemed by King Henry VIII, as a principal Sea Captain. He armed a ship of his own of two hundred and fifty tons, called the Paul of Plymouth, wherewith he made two voyages to Brazil, one in the year 1530, and the other in 1532; in the first of which he brought a Brazilian King, as they termed him, to present him in his wild accoutrements to King Henry, .. at the sight of whom the King and all the nobility did not a little marvail, and not without cause." One Martin Cockeram, of Plymouth, was left behind in pledge for him. The Brazilian remained nearly twelve months in England, and died on his passage home, which was feared would turn to the loss of the life of Martin Cockeram his pledge. Nevertheless the Savages being fully persuaded of the honest dealing of our men towards their Prince, restored him without any harm.

Hakluyt: Vol. 3. P. 700. Purchas. L. 6. C. 4. P. 1179:

About 1540 the commodious and gainful voyage to Brazil was ordinarily and usually frequented by M. Robert Reniger, M. Thomas Borey, and divers other substantial and wealthy merchants of Southampton. One Pudsey of the same place is said to have made a voyage to Bahia in 1542, and to have built a fort not far distant from it. Hakluyt. V. 3. 701.

[page] 353

CHAP. XII. 1581.

Hakluyt. 3. 701—705.

years a circumstance had happened which promised to bring on a regular intercourse between England and these colonies. An Englishman, by name John Whithall, married and settled at Santos; and having, by means of his father-in-law, obtained license for an English ship to bring out goods, he wrote to his friends, sent them a list of commodities which would produce three for one upon sale2, and undertook to load the vessel back with fine dry sugar. The Minion of London was sent out upon this adventure. These traders were well received: the utmost confidence existed on both sides. There was an alarm that four French ships which had been driven from Rio de Janeiro were about to attack Santos, and the English lent guns and ammunition for its defence. Even bigotry did not interrupt this good understanding; an Englishman was buried in the church, and when orders came from St. Sebastians that the English were not to be permitted to enter the church because they were heretics, the Clergy of Santos, in communicating this prohibition, expressed their sorrow for the edict as well as for its cause, and besought the English not to have an ill

2 This curious document will be found among the additional notes.

2 Z

[page] 354

CHAP. XII. 1581.

opinion of them in consequence. But these fair beginnings were blasted; the usurpation of Felipe took place at this time, and Brazil soon had its share of those calamities which England, in the worst spirit of predatory warfare, had now begun to inflict upon South America.

Expedition of Fenton.

1582.

An expedition destined for the East Indies and China, under Edward Fenton, stood for the coast of Brazil. They were in want of refreshment, and having learnt from a Spanish vessel which they took and released off the mouth of the Plata, that though provisions were to be had in that river, wine was not, they then made for St. Vicente3, without any hostile intentions. Giuseppe Doria, the father-in-law of Whithall, came off to them with two of the principal inhabitants, and after this friendly visit Fenton went ashore to look out a place where the smith might erect a forge, and the portable ovens might be set up to bake their biscuit. The next day Whithall came on board, told them the Portugueze had sent their women away, and had been fortifying the town, and advised them to come up without loss of time and anchor before it. Doria and a Portugueze came off soon after him; they said that the Governor would meet Fenton in a few days and talk with him, and that meantime the English might proceed with their business of cooperage, carpentering, fishing, and such necessary work, but advised them not to erect forge or oven till they had seen the Governor. Fenton entertained these guests at dinner, left them in the cabin, and went on deck to consult with his officers

3 D. Martin del Barco (Argentina. C. 2.) rejoices that Fenton (whom he calls Fontano .. perhaps for the sake of making it rhyme to Lutherano,) did not know of the foundation of Buenos Ayres, where he might have done much mischief. But it is certain both that he knew there were settlements in the river, and that he did not design to commit any hostility.

[page] 355

CHAP. XII. 1582.

whether he should detain them as prisoners. In reply to this proposal it was represented by Ward, the Vice-Admiral, that their instructions forbade them to use violence except in their own defence; the Minion, he said, had opened a trade here, which such proceedings would destroy, and indeed would render the English nation hated; and more was to be gained by friendly dealing than by force. This opinion prevailed,..and a present which had before been prepared was offered accordingly; it consisted of fine black cloth for Doria and their two former visitors, three yards to each for a cloak, and the same quantity to the Governor in scarlet and in murrey.

Commencement of hostilities.

Argentina. 24.

Herrera. Hist. Gen. 2. 14. 17.

Luke Ward in Hakluyt. 3. 757—768

Lopez Vaz. Do. 794.

But the evil which Ward anticipated from hostile proceedings had already been produced by Drake; our nation was hated, and by all the Spaniards in America Englishmen were considered as pirates. The vessel which Fenton had taken and released fell in with Flores, and gave information that there were enemies in those seas. He cruised in pursuit of them without success; three of his ships however put into Santa Catalina, and there received intelligence from St. Vicente. It was said that the English meant to settle there and fortify themselves; that Whithall had invited them for that purpose; that they were spreading about news how Felipe was dead, and Antonio in possession of Portugal; and that they were making great promises in the name of their Queen to induce the people to receive them. A little of this story may have been true, and Whithall's enemies invented more; but the fresh recollection of Drake's exploits made the whole credible, and therefore it was easily credited. Two hours after Doria had left Fenton's ship, the Spanish squadron came bearing in, anchored upon the bar, and made preparations to attack him. He had only two ships, but they were in better trim. The action began in the evening, and continued as long as the moon gave them light; by that time

[page] 356

CHAP. XII. 1582.

one of the Spaniards was sunk4: and in the course of the following day the English warped out and put to sea.

Withrington's expedition

1586.

This was the first act of hostility which the English committed in Brazil, and in this they were not the aggressors; but Brazil was now become a Spanish colony, and therefore exposed to the depredations of every freebooter. Three years after Fenton's return another expedition was destined for the South Sea, and its instructions were not equally pacific. The Earl of Cumberland was at the charge of this adventure, of which Robert Withrington had the command; it was joined by two other privateers, one of which was fitted out by Ralegh. They captured two small Portugueze vessels off the Plata, bound for Santa Fe5; the information which they collected from the prisoners

4 "By reason," says Lopez Vaz, "that these three ships were weakened with former tempests, and were manned with the refuse of all the Spanish fleet, (the sicke men and women being embarked therein) the Englishmen easily put them to the worst, and sunk one of them, and might also have sunk another if they had been so minded; but they desired not the destruction of any man: and doubtless it is the greatest valour that any man can show, that when he may do hurt, he will not." This part of the "Discourse" is previously inserted by Hakluyt, who probably, when he printed the extract, had no intention of afterwards inserting the whole. As the original has never been published, this oversight occasions one advantage, .. the translation is not the same, and as this compliment to the English occurs in both, a fair presumption arises that it has not been interpolated by the translator. It is gratifying to meet with such an acknowledgment of English generosity in the age of Drake and Cavendish. Herrera underrates Fenton's force, and relates this action with remarkable fairness, .. good proof how well this invaluable author may be relied on.

5 "From thence," says Sarracoll, "by horse and carts, the marchants and part of their goods were to be transported into Peru. This ship had for master or pilot an Englishman called Abraham Cooke, borne in Lee, who had been left by the Minion of London. We examined him and the rest concerning the state of the river, and they told us that there were in the river five towns, some of seventy household, and some of more. In these towns is great store of corn, cattle, wine, and sundry fruits, but no money of gold or silver; they make a certain kind of slight cloth which they give in truck of sugar, rice, marmalade, and sucket, which were the commodities that this ship had. They had aboard also forty-five negroes, whereof every one in Peru yieldeth four hundred duckets a piece. Concerning this voyage of the Portugals, they told me it was the third voyage that was made into the River of Plate these thirty years.—At Santa Fe their ships do discharge all their goods into small barks which come and tow up the river to another town called Ascension (Asumpcion). In the towns of Ascension and Tucaman (Cordova I suppose) a rapier of twenty rials of plate is worth thirty duckets, a box of marmalade twenty duckets, a looking-glass a foot over is worth thirty li, pictures in tables of fourteen inches thirty and forty li a piece."

[page] 357

CHAP. XII. 1586.

Rel. Ann. ff. 114.

made them suppose they could take St. Salvador, and accordingly the Commander, who had more inclination for plunder than for the passage of the Straits, over-ruled the opinion of his Vice-Admiral, and made for Bahia. No sooner was the approach of the enemy perceived, than Christovam de Gouvea, the Jesuit visitor, sent for all the converted Indians in the adjoining country, and these formidable archers preserved the city and its immediate vicinity; but the English remained six weeks in the Bay, ravaging the Reconcave, and committing great havoc with little profit to themselves.

Sarracoll in Hakluyt. 3. 769—778.

Death of Barreto.

1587.

Rocha Pitta. 3. § 87. 88.

These unfortunate events happened under Barreto's government. He died after an administration of four years, and the sealed succession-papers which had been sent out with him to be opened in case of his death, were found to nominate D. Antonio Barreiros the Bishop, and Christovam de Barros the Provedor Mor da Fazenda, joint Governors. Francisco Giraldes was appointed to supersede them: he was Lord of the Captaincy of the Ilheos, which his father, Lucas Giraldes, had purchased from the son of the original Donatory. This higher

[page] 358

CHAP. XII. 1587.

honour was one of which he was not ambitious, and having twice embarked from Lisbon, and twice been driven back, he requested permission to resign; the resignation was accepted, and D. Francisco de Sousa chosen to succeed him.

D. Francisco de Sousa Governor.

Rumour of Silver Mines.

The new Governor set out with higher expectations than any of his predecessors. A descendant of Caramuru, by name Roberio Diaz, was at this time one of the richest and most powerful men in Bahia. He had services of plate for his chapel and his table, and it was confidently reported that the silver of which they were made had been dug from mines which he had discovered in his own lands. This rumour became so general that he thought it no longer prudent to keep his knowledge secret; and accordingly he went to Madrid and offered the King to find for him more silver in Brazil than there was iron in Biscay, provided he would give him for his reward the title of Marquis of the Mines. This demand was thought too high; the office of Administrador of the Mines was granted him, and other advantages held out with which he might perhaps have been contented, if Felipe had not, somewhat unjustly, promised the new Governor the title which he refused Roberio. The promise could only be effected if the mines were found; this depended upon Roberio, and he was determined not to put another in possession of the honours to which he conceived himself entitled. He returned with Sousa to Brazil, and immediately obtained permission to go to his estates and prepare for the expedition. This time he employed, as is supposed, in destroying all vestiges which might lead to the discovery, and when Sousa set out upon his search of the mines6, in full expectation of finding them, not a

6 J. de Laet, in his additions to Marcgraff, (8. 2.) has inserted a brief and unsatisfactory account of a nine months expedition in search of silver mines, undertaken by this Governor's orders. It is related by Wilhelm Glimmer, a Dutchman, who was one of the persons employed. Whether this expedition be the same which Roberio Diaz frustrated I know not; but there is nothing to be extracted from the Dutchman's narration. This Glimmer throws no light upon the subject.

[page] 359

CHAP. XII. 1591.

trace was to be found. Roberio had manifestly deceived the King, either in his promise, or in his non-performance, and Sousa, provoked at the disappointment and at the loss of his expected Marquisate, dissembled his anger, but sent home complaints against him. Before orders for his punishment arrived he died, and the secret with him, even his heirs being left ignorant of it.

Rocha Pitta. 3. § 89—92.

Expedition of Cavendish.

Sir W. Monson in Churchill. v. 3. 212.

Dec. 16.

Argentina. 16.

Santos taken.

Jane in Hakluyt. 3. 842.

While the Portugueze were thus searching for mines, Cavendish came to annoy their coast. This adventurer having wasted his paternal substance, thought to repair a ruined fortune by privateering; and during a former voyage, in which he sailed round the world, the ravages which he committed were such as long left a stain upon the character of the English nation. The plunder which he then made tempted him to a second expedition, and he had so squandered it that he set out without a sufficient stock of provisions, and sent two of his squadron forward to attack the town of Santos, for the sake of storing himself there. The people were surprized at mass, .. only one man attempted resistance, and was slain; .. the rest were kept prisoners in the church during the remainder of the day. But instead of bargaining for a supply as their ransom, Cocke, the Vice-Admiral, contented himself with making good cheer upon what he found; they took the opportunity not merely to escape, but to carry away whatever was portable, and when Cavendish arrived, eight or ten days after the place was taken, he found a

[page] 360

CHAP. XII. 1591.

Kuivett in Purchas.

Argentina. 1.

town without either inhabitants or provisions. Many Indians came to him and offered him their alliance if he would destroy the Portugueze, and keep the country for himself; these however were not views for a freebooter; and the natives would not expose themselves to the vengeance of their former oppressors by making any exertions to befriend a people from whom they perceived that it was in vain to expect protection. An unavailing attempt was made to allure the settlers by inviting them in Antonio's name; that cry was too old, and his cause too hopeless; yet with improvidence deserving the fate which it occasioned, the squadron remained here several weeks7, and departed at last worse furnished in every respect than they came.

Jane. 842.

1592.

St. Vicente burnt by Cavendish.

They burnt St. Vicente on their way, proceeded to the Straits, failed in their attempt to pass, and were separated by stress of weather. Cavendish put back alone to the coast of Brazil, and landed five and twenty men about three leagues from Santos, with instructions to seize some provisions as speedily as they could and bring them on board for the relief of their sick and starving comrades. Of this party, which consisted of the principal persons in the ship, not a man returned. The Indians collected, attacked them as they were preparing to re-embark,

7 There was a clay image of St. Catharine, which Luiz, the brother of the Donatory Pedro de Goes, jointly with his wife, had given to the town of Santos; it stood in a little chapel at the foot of a hill, which was called after her name. This idol the English tost into the sea. Many years afterwards the drag-net brought it out unbroken: a new chapel was built for its reception, and the oystershells which adhered to it were suffered to remain in remembrance of its long immersion in the deep. There it is worshipped at this day, and they who show the image, remark that the greatest wonder in its history is, that the English Iconoclasts did not break it before they threw it into the sea.

Gaspar da Madre de Deos. 1. § 71.

[page] 361

CHAP. XII. 1592.

Argentina. 28.

and cut off the whole8, sparing only two, whom they carried prisoners to Santos, and entered the town in triumph with the heads of the slain. Shortly afterward Cavendish was joined by the Roebuck, one of his unfortunate squadron; they continued to coast along, ravaging in their progress houses and plantations, till a Portugueze prisoner undertook to carry both ships over the

8 Cavendish seems to have cast an imputation upon these unfortunate adventurers which they did not deserve. "They were all such," he says, "as neither respected me, nor any thing that I commanded. Instead of seizing provisions as hastily as possible to relieve their comrades on board, they did nothing but eat hens and hogs, which they had there in abundance, till the Portugueze collected and cut them all off." Purchas. L. 6. C. 6. P. 1195. The author of the Argentina seems to have been at Santos at the time, and was well acquainted with both the prisoners. One of them, he says, was a Surgeon, a very great Philosopher and Latinist, and very Christian-like in all his actions.

El uno de ellos era Cirujano,

Grandissimo Filosofo y Latino,

Mostraba ser en obras muy Christiano

Que yo trate con el muy de contino.

Argentina. C. 28.

One of the slain, he says, was the son of an English Count, and Cavendish could not return without him, for if he did he would be put to death, and he therefore sent a letter on shore to recover him if he were living. A finger with a valuable ring was cut from one of the bodies by an Indian. Don Martin adds, that this 'pleasant affair,' as he calls it, happened on the Eve of Peter.

Vispera de San Pedro ha sucededo

El succeso jocundo y placentero.

Who can doubt, he says, that St. Peter called upon Christ to revenge him on these heretics? they treated with scorn a head of one of the Eleven Thousand Virgins, .. who can doubt that the Virgin to whom it belonged cried for vengeance? They broke the Crucifix, .. who can doubt that the Incarnate Word, benignant Lamb as he is, cried out to the Father, and exclaimed, Let this malignant Spirit perish? He describes the ravages which the English committed at Santos on their former visit, as an eye witness, having arrived there a few days after their departure; and his account, (which is followed in the text) of their loss in the adjoining country, seems to acquit the sufferers of the imprudence which Cavendish imputes to them.

3 A

[page] 362

CHAP. XII. 1592.

Cavendish in Purchas.

1195.

Kuivet in Purchas.

bar at Espirito Santo, a place which they especially desired to win, thinking that they should there find abundance of every thing. The Commander not deeming it prudent to rely implicitly upon the assurances of his prisoner, anchored and sent a boat to sound the bar. The depth which they found was judged to be insufficient; the poor Portugueze in vain protested that he had never sounded it, but that he had taken in ships of an hundred tons: he deserved hanging, either from the English for designing to wreck them, or from his own countrymen for undertaking to pilot their enemies, and Cavendish without ceremony or farther examination hung him.

Attempt upon Espirito Santo.

The boats rowed in and discovered three ships at anchor near the town. The Commander, without loss of time, would have sent to cut them out, but night was drawing on, and his men refused to go till the morning. Every hour's delay was dangerous; the roadstead was very bad; .. never ships, says Cavendish, rid in worse; to cross the bar was impossible, and the country was fired round about. Yet there was no remedy for their disobedience, and, provoked as he was, he was compelled to wait the pleasure of his crew. In the morning they offered to go, and the boats departed with eighty men under Captain Morgan. His orders were not to land, on pain of his life, whatever opportunity might be offered; little danger was apprehended from the ships9, but if he saw any he was to return; and if, on the other hand, he should discover good open landing near the town, even then he was to put back, that the Commander himself might make the attempt with as many men as he had boats to

9 "I knew," says Cavendish, "that no ships use Brazil that be able to defend themselves from a cock-boat, .. much less that they should be of force to offend those boats wherein there were so many musketeers as could sit one by another."

[page] 363

CHAP. XII. 1592.

carry. With these instructions Morgan departed. During the night the Portugueze had haled their vessels up before the town, where the river was not above a bird-bolt-shot across: half a mile below they had thrown up two small trenches, each commanded by overhanging rocks and woods. That on the western side fired at them, and Morgan, in obedience to his orders, would have returned. Some of the sailors swore that they always thought him a coward, and now he had proved himself to be so: upon this he was greatly moved, and declared that whatever might be the consequences he would land.

Cavendish is repulsed and dies of a broken heart.

Upon this they continued to advance; the sconse on the eastern side, which hitherto they had not seen, opened upon them, and with one shot killed one man and wounded two. .. They then determined that the smaller boat should attack the west battery, and the larger one make for the other. The small boat landed first, and finding little resistance carried the post without loss. The other, which drew much water, got aground, .. the men however waded above their knees to shore. The sconse was built with stones, about ten feet high. Morgan and ten of his comrades scaled it; the Indians and Portugueze then showed themselves, rolled down stones from above, and killed him and five others. The rest, most of them sorely wounded, fled towards the boat, which was by this time quilled with arrows. Of the five and forty men who were on board, not one escaped unhurt, and some had three arrows in them. Unable to stand this desperate discharge they pushed off, and left some of their fellows on shore, a prey to the Savages. Having thus got off they called to those on the opposite side to come and help them. This party hastily embarked for that purpose; their boat grounded and could not be set afloat till ten of her crew got out. By that time the Indians returned to the forsaken battery, and began to shoot at them. The ten Englishmen,

[page] 364

CHAP. XII. 1592.

Purchas. 6. 6.

seeing the arrows fly about them, ran up to the battery, and poured their shot in through the lower hold; but while they were thus employed, the Master of the Roebuck, a most cowardly villain, says Cavendish, that ever was born of a woman, made the boat row off, and left these brave men a spoil for the enemy. They waded up to their necks to be taken in, but their rascally comrades had no compassion, and "thus vilely were these men lost." After this unfortunate attempt Cavendish left the coast of Brazil, and died on his way home, as much of a broken heart as of disease.

Lancaster's expedition.

1594.

This expedition had no plan and was miserably misconducted: that which followed seems to have been designed and executed with greater ability than any other of these privateering adventures. Certain Aldermen and Citizens of London victualled three ships, of which the largest was computed at two hundred and forty tons, the smallest at only sixty, and the other at one hundred and seventy. James Lancaster, a Gentleman of London, was appointed their Admiral. He had by his own account been brought up among the Portugueze, lived among them as a gentleman, served with them as a soldier, and dwelt among them as a merchant; there was therefore what may be called moral treason in bearing arms against a people with whom he had so long been domesticated. Pernambuco was the place which he determined to attack; he procured two Frenchmen from Dieppe who were well versed in the language of the Indians, and set sail with a company of two hundred and seventy-five men and boys. One of his ships, twice upon the voyage, sprung a mast, and having therefore put back to refit, the men in the other vessels would fain have persuaded Lancaster to give up his project, saying they were now too weak to accomplish it; but he replied that Barker, his Vice-Admiral, was too resolute a man not to join them at the place appointed as soon as his damage was repaired, and that nothing should make him go any other

[page] 365

CHAP. XII. 1595.

course than that on which he had determined; for it was by such changes of purpose that most expeditions were frustrated. He was not deceived in his confidence. Barker joined them off Cape Blanco, where with his little vessel he had already captured four and twenty sail of Spaniards and Portugueze. From one of the prisoners they learnt that a carrack richly laden from India, had been wrecked on the coast of Pernambuco, and that all her cargo was stowed at Recife, the port of Olinda. Elated by this intelligence, they took with them five of their prizes, to be employed as occasion might require, plied for the Isle of Mayo, and there put together a galley-frigate, having fourteen banks10 on a side, which was designed for landing, and of which they had brought out the frame. Here they fell in with another squadron of privateers under Captain Venner, consisting of two ships, a pinnace, and a Biscayan prize. Venner readily consorted with Lancaster, and their bills, according to the manner of the sea, were made and signed on either part; Lancaster to have three shares, and he the fourth of all that should be taken.

They arrive at Recife.

Mar. 29.

From thence they stood for Recife, and arrived before the harbour one midnight towards the end of March. There were three large Dutch ships lying at the entrance, from whom some resistance was apprehended. Lancaster manned his five prizes, which were each about sixty tons, and ordered his men, if the Hollanders offered any opposition, to run aboard them, set their own ships afire, and take to their boats, that thus they might win the entrance. His intention was to land with the boats as soon as it was day, leaving his ships off the harbour till he had won the forts and the town. The men were embarked for this purpose, and he himself took the command of the galley, which

10 Bank, a bench; Bancus Regis, the Court of King's Bench. This Galley-frigate had consequently twenty-eight oars.

[page] 366

CHAP. XII. 1595.

he manned with eighty of his own ship's company. But when morning was come, they found that the boats had drifted some half a mile to the north of the entrance; before they could get up the ebb came, and they were forced thus to remain off the port in full sight of the town: they had however the satisfaction of seeing the Hollanders lay out haulsers and wind themselves out of the way, thus removing their main cause of apprehension. About noon the Governor sent off a messenger to know what this fleet would have. Lancaster made answer, he wanted the goods of the carrack, for them he came, and them he would have, as the Governor should shortly see. Meantime the Portugueze garrisoned the fort or platform at the mouth of the harbour, and mustered all the force that was at hand, consisting of about six hundred men. Lancaster ordered his men to run their boats ashore with such violence as to cast them all away, that they might have nothing to trust to but God and their weapons. These privateers were exceedingly religious in their profession, .. the name of God was always in their mouth, and they had great hope of his blessing them in the performance of their voyage, .. a voyage of which the whole and sole purpose was plunder.

He wins the town.

About two in the afternoon the tide served. Lancaster led the way; they past the Hollanders, the fort began to play upon them, and struck away great part of the ensign of the galley. They ran her aground right under the battery within a coit's cast of it; her back was broken with the shock, the sea made a breach over her, and she sunk instantly; the other boats did the like. There were seven brass guns in the fort, which the Portugueze pointed so steep downwards that their shot was spent in the sand, only one man being wounded. Lancaster exulting at this, for a well-aimed discharge must have been murtherous, exclaimed, Upon them! Upon them! all by God's help is ours!

[page] 367

CHAP. XII. 1595.

They ran forward to storm the place; the Portugueze lost heart, retired into some near bushes, and being pursued, fled by a way which was still dry, the tide not having reached it. Lancaster then made signal for the ships to enter. He left a garrison in the fort, planted its guns against Olinda, from which quarter he apprehended most danger, and marched to the base-town, as he calls Recife, which contained at that time rather more than an hundred houses. The people, at his approach, embarked in caravels and boats and abandoned the place11, leaving the rich lading of the carrack, and great store of country produce, to the conquerors.

He engages the Dutch in his service,

and is joined by a squadron of French.

The Admiral displayed as much prudence in the management of his conquest as valour in winning it. Not the slightest disorder was committed, nor any private pillage; perhaps no freebooters ever before or since behaved with such strict order and regularity. So great a booty could not hastily be removed, and it was necessary to keep possession of the town for some time. The isthmus upon which Recife stands was immediately fortified with a palisado about nine feet high, for which materials were found in the town, and a fort was constructed there to which five pieces of artillery were removed from that at the mouth of the harbour. This done Lancaster opened a treaty with the Hollanders, and offered to freight them to England upon terms which they found advantageous, and therefore joined heartily with the English. Within a few days three ships and two pinnaces hove in sight; they proved to be a squadron of French privateers, and it happened that one of their Captains,

11 "The day of our arrival," says the narrator of this "well governed and prosperous voyage," "was their Good Friday, when by custom they usually whip themselves; but God sent us now for a general scourge to them all, whereby that labour among them might be well spared."

[page] 368

CHAP. XII. 1595.

no longer ago than the preceding year, had taken Lancaster on board from the Island of Mona, in the West Indies, on which he had been wrecked. Lancaster now requited this service by giving him a cargo of Brazil-wood for his ship and pinnace, and a caravel of fifty tons laden with the same commodity. The other Frenchmen were glad to take their share of duty for a share of the spoil, and thus Lancaster obtained a large body of auxiliaries, whom he amply gratified by paying them with what he could not have taken away himself, and would therefore otherwise have destroyed.

The third day after their coming, three or four of the chief persons of Olinda came down, and proposed to treat with the Admiral. Immediately upon hearing this, he said he must go aboard the Hollanders; and there he went and remained in spite of repeated messages, till the patience of the Portugueze was exhausted, and they went away. When Lancaster was asked by his own men the reason of this extraordinary conduct, his reply was, that he knew these people well, having been brought up among them. "When they cannot prevail with the sword, said he, then they deal with their deceivable tongues, for faith and truth they have none. And what shall we gain by parley? by the help of God we have gotten that for which we came, and there were no wisdom in letting them try to win back by policy what we have won by force." He therefore informed the Portugueze that he would receive no proposals from them, and would hang the first person that attempted to bring any. Meantime the work of lading his convoy went on. In an attack which was made upon the invaders they took five of the little carts of the country, a greater prize to them than the artillery and ammunition which they won in the same action, for without these carts they could not have shipped many of the bulkiest commodities. The following morning a ship, unsuspicious of what had happened,

[page] 369

CHAP. XII. 1595.

entered the harbour, having on board forty Portugueze and about three score negroes. Lancaster let the negroes go whither they would, and kept the Portugueze to draw the carts; by this insolent usage of the prisoners relieving his own men, who were incapable of hard labour in that hot climate.

Attempts to burn his ships.

They had now been twenty days in possession of Recife, and though they had sustained repeated attacks, and were always obliged to fight for their water, they had received little hurt. The Portugueze however were not idle; they set five caravels on fire and sent them down the stream. This attempt Lancaster had expected, and had accordingly stationed six boats about half a mile above the ships, provided with grapnels and iron chains; with these they grappled the caravels, towed some aground, and brought others to anchor, where they burnt out. Six days afterwards, about an hour before midnight, three huge rafts, blazing furiously, came down the stream; long poles were fastened to their sides to keep the English from grappling them, and there were also projecting tubes, charged with fire-works, which the men dared not approach, lest their own powder should be kindled by the shower of sparks. But unless these rafts were towed aside, the ships must inevitably be burnt. They therefore laid wet cloths upon their flasks and bandelers, and ventured upon them; succeeded in grappling them, blazing as they were, and towed them aground, where they continued burning till day. The Portugueze now tried to cut the cables of the enemy, and in this also they were baffled, such excellent watch was kept. A third attempt, by means of fire, was prepared, and Lancaster was well assured it would not be possible to prevent its success; but by this time he had shipped his plunder, and was ready to depart. It so happened that the tide would not serve till evening. Lancaster observed a bank of sand newly thrown up opposite the place where the ships lay, and he per-

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[page] 370

CHAP. XII. 1595.

ceived some people upon it. Immediately he went to the town, called his Captains together, and telling them what he had seen, consulted whether they should sally and see what the enemy were about: his own opinion was, that as they were to set sail that night it was but folly to seek war when there was no necessity. There were however others who argued reasonably enough, that the wind might possibly prevent them from clearing out so soon as they intended, and therefore it was best to take every precaution. To this argument Lancaster assented; he had been indisposed for the last two days, and could not go in person, not being able to march upon those heavy sands. But though he apprehended little danger, for the place was so near the ships that forty pieces of cannon could have been brought to play upon the enemy had they attacked them there, he said they should go out strong, for fear of the worst; and accordingly three hundred men, French and English, went upon this service. Their orders were to destroy whatever works they might find, and then to return. A few shot were fired as they approached, and the post was then abandoned. They found the beginning of a platform which was designed for a battery, and their whole business was to burn the planks; but seeing some ensigns about a mile off, out of reach of the ships, where Lancaster himself was in readiness to assist, these rash men pushed forward; they thought they were hastening to certain victory, and in their eagerness to be among the enemy some outran the rest. The Portugueze decoyed them on till they found themselves in the midst of the whole force of the country. Five12 and thirty of the foremost

12 The only notice of Lancaster's expedition which I have found in the Portugueze writers is an incidental mention of this circumstance in the Relaçam Annual for 1601—2. It is there erroneously said that the English were about to attack Olinda when they received this repulse, .. and, rightly perhaps, that the Portugueze were indebted to the native converts for their victory. ff. 114.

[page] 371

CHAP. XII. 1595.

Hakluyt. vol. 3. p. 70—715.

were slain, a greater loss than had been sustained in ten former skirmishes; among those who fell were the Vice-Admiral Barker, and his Lieutenant, and two of the French Captains; .. the others were closely pursued till they came under protection of the ships. That evening they weighed anchor and sailed out, eleven ships in company, all richly laden, and all reached their ports safely. Freebooters when they have enriched themselves have rarely been contented, that passion for plunder which is first their crime being righteously appointed to be their punishment. There is however reason to believe that Lancaster was satisfied with his fortune, for no farther mention is made of him; and the good sense with which he conducted the whole expedition renders it probable that he knew how to profit wisely by what he had won.

El Dorado.

The success of this undertaking would probably have occasioned others, had not a more tempting lure been held out to the English adventurers by Ralegh, and the fable of El Dorado, which has cost Spain a greater expence of life and treasure than all her conquests in the New World, now served to draw off these enemies from Brazil. The scene of Ralegh's expedition is not within the limits of this history; but the fabulous land of gold which he professed to seek was sought with equal credulity on the side of Brazil, and the origin of a fiction which produced such remarkable effects may fitly be here explained. There were along the whole coast of the Spanish Main rumours of an inland country which abounded with gold. These rumours undoubtedly related to the kingdoms of Bogota and Tunja, now the Nuevo Reyno de Granada. Belalcazar, who was in quest of this country from Quito,

[page] 372

CHAP. XII. 1595.

Feyjoo. Suplement. p. 134.

Merc. Per. N. 78.

Federman, who came from Venezuela, and Gonzalo Ximenez de Quesada, who sought it by way of the River Madalena, and who effected its conquest, met here. But in these countries also there were rumours of a rich land at a distance; similar accounts prevailed in Peru; in Peru they related to the Nuevo Reyno, there they related to Peru; and thus adventurers from both sides were allured to continue the pursuit after the game was taken. An imaginary kingdom was soon shaped out as the object of their quest, and stories concerning it were not more easily invented than believed. It was said, that a younger brother of Atabalipa fled, after the destruction of the Incas13, took with him the main part of their treasures, and founded a greater empire than that of which his family had been deprived. Sometimes this imaginary Emperor was called the Great Paytiti, sometimes the Great Moxo, sometimes the Enim or Great Paru. An impostor, at Lima, affirmed that he had been in his capital, the city of Manoa, where not fewer than three thousand workmen were employed in the silversmiths street: he even produced a map of the country, in which he had marked a hill of gold, another of silver, and a third of salt. The columns of the palace were described as of porphyry and alabaster, the galleries of ebony and cedar; the throne was of ivory, and the ascent to it was by steps of gold. When D. Martin del Barco was writing his Argentina, which was about the time of Ralegh's first expedition, a report was current in Paraguay, that the court of the Great Moxo had been discovered; D. Martin

13 The Great Quivira was to Mexico what the Enim was to Peru, the imaginary successor of the fallen Dynasty. Feyjoo (Th. Crit. T. 4. 10. § 15.) attributes the origin of this fable, with some probability, to accounts of the French settlements in Canada, given by the Indians.

[page] 373

CHAP. XII. 1595.

Argentina. C. 5.

communicates it as certain intelligence, and expresses his regret that Cabeza de Vaca had turned back from the Xarayes, for, had he proceeded in that direction, he would have been the fortunate discoverer. This palace, he says, stood in a lake island. It was built of white stone; at the entrance were two towers, and between them a column five and twenty feet in height; on its top was a large silver moon, and two living lions were fastened to its base with chains of gold. Having past by these keepers you came into a quadrangle planted with trees and watered by a silver fountain, which spouted through four golden pipes. The gate of the palace was of copper; it was very small, and its bolt was received in the solid rock. Within, a golden sun was placed upon an altar of silver, and four lamps were kept burning before it day and night. Manifestly as such fictions were borrowed from the romances of Amadis and Palmerin, they were not too gross for the greedy avarice of those to whom they were addressed.

Oviedo's Letter to Bembo, in Ramusio. 3. ff. 416.

This imaginary kingdom obtained the name of El Dorado, from the fashion of its Lord, which has the merit of being in savage costume. His body was anointed every morning with a certain fragrant gum of great price, and gold dust was then blown upon him, through a tube, till he was covered with it: the whole was washed off at night. This the Barbarian thought a more magnificent and costlier attire than could be afforded by any other potentate in the world, and hence the Spaniards called him El Dorado, or the Gilded One. A history of all the expeditions which were undertaken for the conquest of his kingdom would form a volume not less interesting than extraordinary. It is not possible that Ralegh could have believed the existence of such a kingdom, .. credulity was not the vice of his nature; but having formed the project of colonizing Guiana, he employed these fables as baits for vulgar cupidity. By thus

[page] 374

CHAP. XII. 1595.

attempting to cheat the nation into an enterprize which was undoubtedly of considerable national importance, he ruined himself; his accounts were received with discredit, his misfortunes were imputed to him as crimes; and in spite of his great and unquestionable talents, and even of that iniquitous death which would else have made his name venerable, there is a stain upon his memory. But his followers would have been buccaneering in some other direction if he had not led them to the Orinoco, and he was the means of procuring a long respite for Brazil, for his projects diverted adventurers elsewhere, and finally his fate deterred them.

[page 375]

CHAPTER XIII.

Attempts on the side of Maranham.—The Tapuyas.—Success of the Jesuits, and diminution of the natives.—The Aymores pacified.—Settlement formed at Seara.—French expedition to the Isle of Maranham.—They are expelled by Jeronymo de Albuquerque.—Foundation of the Captaincy of Para, and the City of Belem.—Settlements of the Dutch and other nations at the mouth of the Orellana destroyed.

CHAP. XIII. 1603.

Attempts on the side of Maranham.

Berredo. 2. § 93.

While the English were seeking for El Dorado in Guiana, an attempt at the same discovery was made from Brazil by Gabriel Soares; he reached the head of the river San Francisco, and advanced almost to the province of Charcas; but he had endured such hardships, and the number of men whom he had lost was so great, that he was compelled to return. Pedro Coelho de Sousa, a settler at Paraiba, then attempted it by water; it is not said in what direction, .. probably by the Orellana. In this fruitless enterprize he expended a great sum, but ill success did not deter him from making a second expedition. Sousa, after having administered the government eleven years, was now superseded by Pedro Botelho; the new Governor encouraged Pedro Coelho, and gave him a commission to conquer and colonize, with the title of Capitam Mor. About eighty adventurers were found, who embarked their property and per-

[page] 376

CHAP. XIII. 1603.

sons in this discovery; many of them were versed in the native languages, and eight hundred Indians accompanied them as allies. Part of this force coasted along in two large caravels, under the direction of a French pilot who knew the coast well: the main body advanced by land towards Seara; there their leader increased his force by taking with him some of the more civilized Indians, and they proceeded towards the Serra de Ibiapaba. The natives opposed them. Mel-Redondo, one of the Chiefs, was assisted by a few Frenchmen under M. de Mombille; they could not prevent the Portugueze from winning three of his strong holds, but they obtained favourable terms for him, and he submitted with more than thirty settlements. Another Chief of the Serra, by name Juripari, or the Devil, was more fortunate in his resistance, and after a month's warfare against him the invaders were glad to receive orders for abandoning their fruitless enterprize.

Villainy of Pedro Coelho.

Pedro Coelho retired to Jaguaribe, which was in the jurisdiction of Pernambuco. Not yet disheartened, he removed his family to this place, and began a new colony which he called Nova Lusitania, and a town which he named New Lisbon. But he proceeded with great injustice; the Tapuyas whom he took in war he sold as slaves, and adding ingratitude to injustice, he exercised the same tyranny over those who had faithfully served him as allies. This conduct was in defiance of the existing laws. The laws respecting slavery had been mitigated, in consequence of the excesses which were perpetrated under cover of the general sentence against the Cahetes; and it was then enacted, that no Indians should be made slaves, unless they were taken prisoners in lawful war; and that those who were ransomed from their enemies should recover their freedom after a term of service, equivalent to the price paid for them. Such provisions were easily evaded: kidnapping was

[page] 377

CHAP. XIII. 1595.

Vasc. C.C. 3. § 44.

Berredo 2. § 97.—104.

called lawful war, hordes were instigated to hostilities against each other that they might make prisoners for the purpose of selling them, and if the ransomed captive was not worked to death before his term of servitude expired, how was he to obtain the benefit of law, being ignorant of its existence, and at the mercy of his master? Felipe II. being informed of these practices, annulled all former laws upon the subject, and enacted that no Indians should be made slaves except those who were taken in lawful war, and that no war should be deemed lawful, till orders for it were issued by the Crown, and signed by the King. Coelho had acted in open defiance of this law; complaints were made against him at Madrid, which though they did not provoke the Court to punish him, made them withhold all succour, and he soon suffered for his crimes. His friends deserted him; he had offended the Tapuyas, and was at last so utterly abandoned, that he set out to return to his former dwelling in Paraiba, on foot, with his wife and children, who were of such tender years, that two of them died of fatigue upon the way. Orders came from Madrid to set at liberty the natives whom he had wrongfully enslaved, and to recompense them for what they had endured: .. such orders have been more frequently issued by the Court of Spain, than obeyed by its Governors.

The Serra de Ibiapaba.

The Jesuits, who had anxiously beheld Coelho's attempt upon the Serra de Ibiapaba, now prepared a peaceable expedition in hopes of reducing and civilizing its inhabitants. These mountains extend about eighty leagues in length, and twenty in breadth; they rise in waves, one towering above another; their sides are in some places rocky, and in others clothed with verdure. To ascend them is the hard labour of four hours, in which hands and knees, as well as feet, must frequently be exerted: but having gained the summit, the traveller is in a region which is diversified with every kind of beauty; he beholds rocks,

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[page] 378

CHAP. XIII.

Vieyra, quoted in his Life. l. 2. § 211—214

peaks, hills, and vallies, woods, and wide savannahs, clouds below hanging over the flat country, and ocean in the distance. The days there are short, morning being always cloudy, and evening hastened by the mountains on the western side, which overtop the others. The nights are cold, and in winter could not be borne without fire. It is remarkable that there is little water here, but what there is is excellent. To this circumstance the Tapuyas and Tobajaras, who inhabited this region, imputed the scarcity of all kinds of game; they did not consider that tribes who live by hunting must find their food fail, unless they frequently shift their ground.

The Tapuyas.

The Tapuyas were the oldest race in Brazil, and had possessed the whole coast from the Orellana to the Plata, till they were driven from it by the Tupis, at a time which could not be far remote, because it was within the memory of savage man. They were supposed still to spread in the interior, along a line from one river to the other, and to be more numerous1 than any

1 Vasconcellos says, some persons believed them to be more numerous than all the other tribes. This writer divides all the Brazilians into two sweeping classes, .. the tame Indians and the wild ones. All who spake the Tupi tongue he includes under the former denomination, and calls all the others Tapuyas. Later writers appear to use the name still more loosely, instead of the old generic appellation of Indians. Vasconcellos says they have above an hundred different languages among them, and he specifies the Aymores among their subdivisions; in this last assertion he is evidently erroneous; the Aymores first appeared in the Southern provinces, and not till threescore years after the discovery of America; they came from the South, .. of this their stature is some presumption, and their complexion proof, .. and they spoke a language which had never before been heard in Brazil. It appears therefore, according to all the facts which have been recorded, that three great tribes or nations, successively migrated from the interior towards the coast, .. the Tapuyas first, then the Tupis, lastly the Aymores.

[page] 379

CHAP. XIII.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 73.

Jacob Rabbi in Marcgraff. l. c. 12.

Elias Herckmann in Marcgraff. s. 13.

S. Vasc. Not. An. 1. § 148.

Jacob Rabbi.

other tribe. Their name signifies The Enemies, so called from the everlasting warfare in which they were engaged against all the other natives, and even among themselves. Yet of all the Brazilians they were the least cruel; the Portugueze traded with them for slaves, for they put no prisoner to death; and the enemy who could take shelter in one of their dwelling houses was safe; no Tapuya ever violated that sanctuary, however strong his anger, or however great his provocation. Cannibals they were, but their cannibalism was of a peculiar kind: the Tupis devoured their enemies as the strongest mark of hatred, the Tapuyas ate their own dead as the last demonstration of love. When an infant died2 it was eaten by the parents; when an adult, all the kindred were partakers; the bones were reserved for marriage feasts, when they were pounded, and taken as the most precious thing which could be offered. The Royalet of a horde was distinguished by his crown or tuft of hair, and by his thumb nails; long nails were in high estimation, and worn by his relations, and by those who had signalized themselves in war; but their privilege extended only to finger nails, .. to let those of the thumb grow, was exclusively the Chief's prerogative. In some respects he seems to have encroached upon the practice of the Conjurer. A great gourd was kept upon a mat in the middle of his tent, and covered over, no person but himself being permitted to behold it; the people fumigated it when they smoked, and laid before it the game and honey which they brought from the woods, till he gave permission that these offerings might be removed. There were pebbles in the gourd, and from this the maraca worship seems to have

2 Faminæ, ubi pepererunt, secedunt in silvam, & infanti umbilicum concha præcidunt, et una cum secundinis coctum, devorant.

Jacob Rabbi ut supra.

[page] 380

CHAP. XIII.

Jacob Rabbi.

been borrowed and improved. The Chief pretended to heal diseases by friction and tobacco-spittle; and when a maiden being of marriageable years had no suitor, the mother marked her with red under the eyes, and led her to him, that he might lay a charm upon her. They celebrated the rising of the Pleiades with songs and dances, seeming to consider them as divinities.

S. Vasc. Not. An. 1. § 144.

The Tapuyas shifted their dwelling place more frequently than any other tribe. On the evening before a removal, the Chief assembled the Conjurers to know in what direction they should journey, and where they should halt. Before they set out they bathed, rubbed their bodies with fine sand, and bathed again; then cracked their joints, and scratched themselves before the fire with the teeth of certain small fish, so as in many places to draw blood; this operation was believed both to prevent and remedy fatigue3. As soon as they reached the appointed place, the young men cut down boughs, and erected with them their bowers or hovels4: that done, the men went out to hunt, to fish, and to seek for honey; the elder women to gather fruit and search for roots, and the younger prepared the food as it was brought in. Hunting was with them sure work, carried on for the prey not for the sport. Their conjurers advised them in what direction to look for game; they who were most expert in the science undertook this office, and when they had detected lair or den, the place was surrounded, and if the animal escaped

3 Rabbi Jacob, who lived many years among the Tapuyas, often tried this remedy, and was convinced of its efficacy.

4 These, according to Vasconcellos, are called Tapuyas, like themselves; .. therefore it is not in their own language that this word has the signification of enemies.

[page] 381

CHAP. XIII.

S. Vasc. Not. An. 1. § 144—6.

Rabbi Jacob.

their arrows, which was almost impossible, the dogs surely seized it. When the chase was ended they carried home their game, dancing and singing as they went, and the rest of the horde came out to meet them with the like demonstrations of joy. Their meat was laid in a pit, or earth-oven, which was lined with leaves; it was then covered with leaves and earth, and a fire kindled above, .. an excellent and not unusual mode of baking. The ground served them for table, and leaves were their only napery, but it was not always that they used them. All that was before them was usually consumed, savage appetite continuing as long as the food lasted: the rest of the day was past in sport; the youths went about singing, the maids dancing and singing behind them, each behind him whom she loved. A trial of strength took place when they were on their march; the trunks of two young trees, of equal length and girth, were used for this purpose; .. the horde divided into two parties, and one from each took up one of the beams, and bore it as far as he could; they were relieved whenever they began to fail, and whichever party first reached the place where they were to take up their quarters, exulted over the other. The beams were then deposited beside the Chief's hut, to be again used upon the next removal.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 73.

S. Vasc. Marcgraff. 8. 10.

Their agriculture was left to the women, .. another circumstance in which they differed from the other Brazilians; but there were some tribes who removed their habitations every day, and therefore never cultivated the ground. Some hordes used the throwing-stick instead of the bow. There was a tribe called Maraques, whose haunts were in the interior of Bahia, about eighty leagues inland, among whom the women wore a sort of apron; all the others were naked. These people fished with the net, of which the Tupinambas were ignorant; they made it of a long lithe creeper; and while one party dragged the stream,

[page] 382

CHAP. XIII.

Noticias. MSS. 2. 74.

S. Vasc. Not. An. 1. § 148.

Rabbi Jacob.

S. Vasc. Not. An. 1. § 147.

another beat the water. There was a serra containing saltpetre in their territories; they used to burn the earth, boil the ashes, and then collect the crystallized salts. The Tapuyas are said to have been longer lived than the other nations, though longevity is attributed to all; their children were able to walk surprisingly soon, and could swim almost as early as they walked. It was the privilege of the male sex to be beautified; their ears were bored, and the under-lip cut through longitudinally to form a supplementary mouth5, when they were boys. When this operation was to be performed the boys were led to a place where all the people were assembled to witness it, dancing and singing as at a religious ceremony. One conjurer laid the patient on the ground, and tied his hands and feet, and another made the incision with a wooden instrument, the mother meantime weeping aloud. The cheeks were not bored till the youth was about to marry.

Jesuits at the Serra de Ibiapaba.

The Tapuyas who possessed the Serra de Ibiapaba are described as the most indolent and improvident of all the Brazilian tribes. They seem however to have known the value of their mountain situation, and instead of migrating to the flat country in quest of more abundant game, cultivated mandioc, maize, and some species of pulse, .. little indeed of either, but enough to prevent absolute want. Their Jugglers had invented for them a curious opinion, that the world would one day be turned upside-down, so that the sky would be lowermost, and then the

5 This custom is as filthy as it is hideous. When they travel through the wilderness, says Knivett (Purchas. L. 6. C. 7. P. 1226,) they do carry great store of tobacco with them; and continually they have a leaf laid along their mouth, between the lip and the teeth, and as they go, the rume rumneth out of the hole that they have in their lips.

[page] 383

CHAP. XIII.

Vida de Vieyra. 2. § 240.

Do. 2. § 239.

Berredo. 2. § 105—8.

Indians were to be masters over the white men. They had devised also an ingenious objection to Christianity: the Incarnation, they said, was for the sake of the white men only; when it should please God to redeem the Indians, he would be incarnate of an Indian virgin, and then they would willingly receive baptism. These were the people whom the Jesuits Francisco Pinto, and Luiz Figueira set out to reclaim, having seventy Indians to accompany them. The minds of the Tapuyas had been fortified against them by these new superstitions; Pinto and most of the party were slain, the rest fled into the woods, and effected their escape to Seara. Yet the very people who had murdered Pinto, placed his spirit in their Paradise. Their Chiefs, they believed, had each a great village under the earth, where all his subjects went after death, and there they supposed this Father was gone, to be their friend and teacher.

The Pitagoares brought against the Aymores.

In other parts of Brazil the Company were more successful. The Aymores were ravaging Bahia, and Botelho besought the Captain of Pernambuco to provide a force of Pitagoares against them. None but a Jesuit could raise this force: F. Diogo Nunes went among them, and eight hundred chosen warriors put themselves under his guidance, upon his promise, that as soon as the war was ended, they should return to their families. When they reached St. Salvador, the pressing danger was over: but the Commanding Officer, instead of recompensing these allies and dismissing them, resolved to quarter part of them in Bahia, and send the others to Ilheos, for the protection of those Captaincies,..not forgetting to assign them a portion of labour. The Pitagoares waited patiently a few days, and then seeing the war was at a stand and yet no preparations making for their dismissal, they demanded permission to return, saying that if it was not given they would take it. The Commander, accompanied by some of the chief persons of the city,..men who

[page] 384

CHAP. XIII. 1602.

Rel. Ann. 114.

expected to make these poor savages cultivate their estates, .. went out to them, and made a long harangue to persuade them to remain; but they, who had the fear of slavery before their eyes, replied, "they came there upon condition of returning as soon as the war was ended." The man who had conceived so unjust an intention, was not likely to be dissuaded from it by any remonstrance against its injustice; he could not cajole the savages and he determined therefore to effect his purpose by force; the soldiers were called out, and the Pitagoares made ready for battle. The city was now in confusion; two councils were held during the night, in both which it was decreed, that these injured men should be declared rebels, and as such immediately attacked and reduced to slavery. Success, however, was not quite so certain as to remove all apprehension concerning the event from the Commander, and he sent to the Jesuits in the adjoining villages, calling upon them to hasten to his assistance with all the archers they could muster, for the service of God and his Majesty. The Jesuits came, .. they knew the nature of the men in power too well to have a hope of influencing them by motives of justice and sound policy, and for the sake of preventing greater immediate evil, they intreated the Pitagoares to consent to remain. Their instant reply was, that they would do whatever the Fathers desired. Shortly afterwards the Commander thought it prudent to send for the greater number of their Chiefs into the city, as hostages; they refused to go, saying they understood his meaning, and that it did not behove them to forsake their companions. Again the Jesuits were called in, and again their influence prevailed; the Pitagoares said they would do what was desired for their sake, and not for the Commander's. In this whole transaction the power which the Missionaries had gained over the Indians is more to be admired than the use to which it was applied. They became accomplices in injustice for the sake of preventing immediate evil.

[page] 385

CHAP. XIII. 1602.

Ravages of the Aymores.

Rel. Ann. 121.

Knivet in Purchas. 1227.

Rel. Ann. 121.

By whatever circumstances the state of tranquillity was produced, which rendered the immediate service of the Pitagoares unnecessary, it neither extended far, nor continued long. The Southern Captaincies were overrun by the Aymores. In St. Amaro properties to the amount of thirty, forty, fifty thousand cruzados were deserted: ..; the labourers had been devoured by these savages, and the owners fled. Their strength was not less marvellous than their desperate ferocity, ..; a handful would attack sugarworks where there were not fewer than an hundred persons: .. one of them has been seen to catch up a man, and defend himself with the living body, which he wielded and shifted as manageably as though it had been a shield. The Captaincy of Ilheos was almost destroyed. Porto Seguro had been well defended, as long as the friendly Indians were left to the Jesuits. Under their wise government, they were collected in settlements strong enough to protect themselves and the Portugueze of the colony. A new captain destroyed this system; in his blind rapacity he broke up the villages, and divided these poor Indians among the settlers, who made them work, and left them to provide themselves with food. Thus were they obliged to expose themselves alone or in small parties, and those who were not consumed by hard labour, were cut off by the Aymores. The Jesuits being deprived of their flock, and unable to subsist without it, abandoned their establishments; all who had the means of removing fled also, till at length there were scarcely twenty families left in the Captaincy; poor wretches who could not fly, who had no slaves to work for them, and who lived only upon herbs and roots. The Aymores were thus masters of this whole part of the country, and Bahia itself was not safe from their assaults.

Alvaro Rodriguez conciliutesthem.

Some twelve leagues South of Bahia, a wealthy Portugueze, by name Alvaro Rodriguez, dwelt on his estate, and made vigor-

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[page] 386

CHAP. XIII. 1602.

ous war upon these perilous borderers. In one of his expeditions against them he captured two women, whom he brought home to his house. One died; gentle usage tamed the other, she learnt the Portugueze language, and liked her new way of life so well, that when Alvaro would have let her return to her tribe, she refused to go. It then occurred to him that this woman might be employed to bring about peace: she entered readily into his views, and going to a place where it was likely that her countrymen in the woods might hear her, she called out to them with a loud voice, relating the kind treatment which she had experienced, praising the Portugueze, and affirming that they wished to be the friends of the Aymores, and to make them partakers of the good things which they enjoyed: then would she lay food upon the ground, iron tools, and such trinkets as would be most acceptable, and return. This was repeated till some of them acquired confidence enough to visit Alvaro, who meantime had informed the Captain of Bahia of the hope he entertained, and requested the prayers of all good people for its happy accomplishment. Some of the woman's relations were at length persuaded to go to St. Salvador; the presents which they received there, and the wonders which they related on their return, induced fifty others to visit the Commander; and their peaceable appearance in that city was considered as an event so little to have been expected, and so important to the welfare of the state, that one of the spectacles with which they were entertained was a thanksgiving procession for this visit, concluded by a thanksgiving sermon.

The Aymores stationed in the island of Itaparica.

The Aymores were now so well pleased, that they came in hordes to quarter themselves upon Alvaro, and he called upon the Governor to relieve him speedily from these ravenous friends. Easily persuaded when they had no suspicion, the savages agreed to go anywhere where they could enjoy the comforts of

[page] 387

CHAP. XIII. 1603.

Rel. Ann. ff. 121—2.

their new mode of life, and they were removed to the Island of Itaparica, and placed under the care of three Jesuits, .. an island was chosen because no danger could then be to be dreaded if they should relapse into their former habits. But the change was too sudden: an endemic disease broke out among them, and the Jesuits could scarcely find time to baptize the dying, and dig graves for the dead. After they had continued these pious toils for ten weeks, they informed the Governor that unless their flock was removed they must all perish. Some were sent back to Alvaro, the rest dispersed among the civilized Indians, whose villages were stationed as so many outposts against the Aymores themselves. From thence, as had been apprehended, they went into the woods and rejoined their kindred; but such were the comforts of domestication, that they frequently returned, bringing others with them; and thus some going, some coming, a continual succession of guests was to be found there. Some of them learnt the Tupi language, to serve as interpreters, and this frontier was delivered from the dreadful warfare to which during so many years it had been exposed.

Domingos Rodriguez pacifies them at Ilheos.

There was at this time in the College of St. Salvador, a Jesuit, by name Domingos Rodriguez, newly arrived from Portugal; he attached himself to the Aymores, learnt their language, and requested, in obedience to the inward impulse which he felt, that his superior would sense him to Ilheos, where he hoped in like manner to effect a peace. Accordingly he was removed to the convent there. The people ridiculed his project, thinking it impossible that the Aymores, fleshed as they were with human meat, could be reclaimed from their habits of cannibalism: or that they would ever consent to forego the hopes and the pleasures of revenge for the losses which they had sustained. Domingos was not to be dissuaded by such reasonings. The first

[page] 388

CHAP. XIII. 1603.

time a party of Aymores was seen, he got into a canoe with the Superior of the convent, the Captain of Ilheos, and two rowers; other canoes followed, keeping fearfully at a distance. When they arrived within hearing of the place where the savages were concealed, Domingos called out to them, telling them he came in peace, and as their friend. After awhile they came out from the thicket with their bows ready, told him that he, but no other person, might come out to them, and pointed out where the canoes were to stop. He therefore putting his companions into the other boats, advanced in his canoe alone, and the Aymores then laid down their bows; he paddled up to the bank, told them for what purpose he was come, and gave them flour, and they thankfully received it. Then he asked some of them to go with him to the town, promising that he would bring them back on the morrow with a greater quantity of provision for their friends. Four persons readily embarked with him, being all that his canoe could hold. On the morrow he and the superior returned with them; about two hundred Aymores with their families, were assembled on the banks of the river, expecting them. One of the visitors began as soon as he landed to take the arrows from his countrymen, and break them, saying, The war was over, .. the fathers were good men who had neither bows or arrows, nor ever did wrong to any one, and that nothing which they requested was to be denied. Thirty savages now accompanied them to the town, where such was the joy of the inhabitants, that they took the two Jesuits out of their canoe, and carried them in triumph to the convent. Peace was now easily made, and the new allies were desired to bring others of their nation from the interior, that they in like manner might be benefited by the friendship of the fathers. It was not long before a horde containing two hundred and fifty archers, allured by this invitation, appeared near a

[page] 389

CHAP. XIII. 1603.

Rel. Ann. ff. 123—5.

village of converted Pitagoares; the men were of great stature, and many of both sexes were of as fair complexion as the Germans; they were therefore from the South; for these people were too numerous and too warlike to have been blanched by living perpetually under cover of the woods. The Pitagoares fled at the sight, but presently two of the former clan, who had been the messengers to these their countrymen, hastened forward to say they were come in friendship: the Jesuits were sent for and came out to meet them, bringing from the town store of iron tools and of food, and receiving in welcome exchange the bows of the Aymores. They were led to their fellows, whom they embraced with a warm feeling of national love. The effect produced upon them by seeing and experiencing the comforts of settled life was as great as the Jesuits expected: they spread the tidings, and two villages were soon formed, the one containing twelve hundred Aymores, the other four; and the Captaincy which had hitherto with difficulty been preserved from utter destruction by the help of frequent succours from Bahia, was effectually delivered from its enemies.

Success of the Jesuits.

Noticias. MSS.

So well had Nobrega's system been followed by Anchieta and his disciples, that in the course of half a century all the natives along the coast of Brazil, as far as the Portugueze settlements extended, were collected in villages, under their superintendance. Their work indeed had been facilitated by the slave-holders, who consumed their victims so fast, that in many parts of the country they left little for the missionaries to do. Every artifice which could inflame the animosity of one horde against another was practised by these wretches, that the natives might have no breathing time of peace in which to gather strength and combine against their common enemies; and also, that being thus perpetually at war, they might always have slaves for the market. In pursuance of this policy, they taught the Tupinambas of the Re-

[page] 390

CHAP. XIII. 1603.

Rel. Ann. 113.

concave and Itaparica to dig up the skulls of their dead enemies, break them in pieces, and burn them at a feast with the same ceremonies as if they had gained a victory. By these arts they had so wasted the population, that now when they wanted slaves, it was necessary to make long expeditions into the country to procure them, and the Jesuits in like manner had to penetrate into the interior in search of converts. In one of these missions a Father was not a little surprised at finding that the Chief of a horde had formed a system of Christianity for himself, founded upon such instruction as the Indians who had fled from the coast could give him. He had christened all the males Jesus, all the women Mary, and had composed a sort of Liturgy, of which all that the Jesuit could understand, was an invocation to Mary the Wife of God. He had instituted an order of Priests, who were bound to chastity, on pain of dismissal from their office; the cross was used among them, though they regarded it with little reverence; but the only image which was discovered was a waxen one of a fox. He wanted power or cunning to spread the system which he had devised, and his mythology probably died with him.

1608.

D. Diogo de Menezes Governor.

Botelho held the government five years, and was then succeeded by D. Diogo de Menezes, who directed his thoughts towards the Orellana. That part of the coast was frequented both by the French and Dutch, and it needed little foresight to perceive that if Portugal did not speedily possess herself of those countries to which she laid claim in virtue of the line of demarcation, possession would be taken against her. Some information of a design to this effect on the part of the French, which he learnt from a pirate-ship of that nation, was of such importance that he dispatched a pressing memorial to Madrid. The reply which he received empowered him to pursue his own plans of prevention; but both men and means were wanting.

[page] 391

CHAP. XIII. 1608.

Settlement formed at Seara.

Berredo. 109—119.

His first measure was to ascertain the disposition of those Indians at Jaguaribe, whom Coelho had so villainously oppressed, and who had so well revenged themselves. Martim Soares Moreno, who had served in the expedition to the Serra de Ibiapaba, had demeaned himself so wisely towards these Tapuyas, that Jacauna, one of the Chiefs, still called him Son; in consequence of this, and of his known ability, Menezes appointed him Captain of Seara. He set out to establish this new Captaincy with only two soldiers, expecting that men and supplies would follow him as soon as they could be raised, and trusting in the interim to his influence over the natives. Jacauna provided labourers, and he began a church in honour of Nossa Senhora do Amparo, Our Lady of Protection, and a fort under the same invocation. He soon greatly increased his reputation, by surprising a Dutch ship with a body of Tapuyas so disguised and disciplined as to be mistaken by the enemy for Portugueze. But when the Governor left Pernambuco for Bahia, the inferior officers, to whom he deputed the charge of sending succours to Martim Soares, neglected him; nor was this his only danger; attempts were made to alienate the Tapuyas, by a Portugueze who preferred them to his countrymen, perhaps because the frequent sight of oppression had produced in him a hatred of his own nation, .. perhaps because the society of savages was better suited to his own wild habits. This man warned them to be on their guard, or the tyranny which Coelho had exercised would be renewed; and his representations were so successful, that the destruction of Martim Soares was frequently attempted, and any one less intimately versed in the language and disposition of the natives, and less able to deal with them, must have perished. Menezes had proceeded no farther in his plan of colonizing these parts, when the French once more appeared, to try their fortune in Brazil.

[page] 392

CHAP. XIII. 1611.

French expedition to Maranham.

Berredo. 20—22.

Some years back a French adventurer, by name Rifault, had pirated upon this coast, and so far ingratiated himself with the natives, that Ovyrapive, one of their most powerful Royalets, advised him to attempt discoveries, and make a settlement in the country, in which enterprize he offered to accompany and assist him. Rifault eagerly caught at the project; he went to France, and there, with the amount of his spoils, and the help of others, who were easily persuaded to join in the adventure, he fitted out three vessels, and returned to Brazil in 1594. His men were refractory, he suffered from bad weather, and having lost his best ship, was obliged to put into the Isle of Maranham. This island extends seven leagues6 from North-east to South-west, and four from North-west to South-east. A great bay separates it on two sides from the continent, from which it is two leagues distant on the East, three on the West. On the South it is insulated by the Rio dos Mosquitos, or Mosquito River, which is not a musket shot across. The eastern entrance, through the Boca do Piria has a dangerous bar, though vessels have frequently crost it; there is no danger in the Western entrance, for though the water there is low at the ebb, ships of the greatest burthen may enter safely with the tide.

Here Rifault was well received by the inhabitants, who were Tupinambas; after awhile he returned to Europe, leaving part of his people under the command of Charles Sieur des Vaux. What became of Rifault does not appear, .. Des Vaux won the good will of the islanders, and persuaded them to submit themselves to the French, promising to protect them, and to instruct them in the true religion, and in the customs of Europe. Hav-

6 Other accounts make it much larger; but Berredo writes from his own undoubted knowledge, having been Governor of Maranham.

[page] 393

CHAP. XIII. 1611.

Berredo. § 117.

Berredo. §111—113.

Do § 120—123.

ing thus prepared the way for obtaining possession of the island, he went to France and communicated his project to Henri IV. The great Henri listened to the fair prospects which were thus held out, but not chusing to rely implicitly upon the account given by an adventurer, he sent Daniel de la Touche, Sieur de la Ravardiere, back with Des Vaux, to ascertain the truth of his representations, and promised, that if things were as he reported them, he would plant a good colony there. They reached Maranham, and remained there six months: all that Des Vaux had said appeared to be fully warranted, and they returned to France. Henri had been assassinated during their absence, and the Queen was too much occupied in affairs of nearer interest, to have leisure for attending to them. Ravardiere however obtained permission to form a company for the purpose of colonizing the island. Nicolas de Harlai, Sieur de Sancy and Baron de Molle and Gros-Bois, and Francis, Sieur de Rasilly and des Aumelles, were the persons who associated with him. The Queen appointed them by patent Lieutenants General for the most Christian King, in the West Indies and territories of Brazil. She gave them a splendid flag, having the arms of France upon a ground of celestial blue, with a ship for a device, herself standing at the helm, and her son at the prow, with an olive branch which he had received from her hand; the motto Tanti Dux fæmina facti: and at Rasilly's desire, who was induced to embark in this adventure more by motives of piety than of ambition, she ordered the Parisian Provincial of the Capuchins to chuse out four missionaries for this service. Claude D'Abbeville, who wrote the history of the expedition, went out as Chief of the mission. Ravardiere was a Huguenot, and many of his followers were of the same persuasion; but this difference of religion seems not to have occasioned any dissention.

3 E

[page] 394

CHAP. XIII. 1612.

Berredo. § 126—133.

The expedition was fitted out at Cancalle in Bretagne, where the Bishop of St. Maloes went to give it his blessing. On the 25th of January 1612, he consecrated four crosses, and delivered them to the four missionaries, then blest the banners, and lastly the arms of Rasilly. His main intention had been to bless the ships; but this it was feared would tempt the patience of the Huguenots too far, and bad weather afforded an excuse for leaving the ceremony to the Capuchins. Before they set sail all the adventurers made a solemn protestation of obedience to their officers, which was written and signed by each individual. The squadron consisted of three ships, La Regente, on board of which were the two Lieutenants General, Rasilly, and Ravardiere; La Charlotte, under Baron de Sancy, son or brother of the third associate, and the St. Anne, which a brother of Rasilly commanded. The whole force consisted of something less than five hundred men. They sailed on the 19th of March; a gale came on immediately after they had quitted their port, and drove one ship into Falmouth, one into Plymouth, and the third into Dartmouth; each thought its companions had been lost; the news of their safety however was soon communicated, and the other two ships joined the Admiral at Plymouth, where they received such willing assistance from the Governor, that in a few days they were enabled to proceed upon their destination.

The French reach Maranham.

June 23.

Berredo.

South of the line they fell in with three large Portugueze ships, homeward bound from India; neither party thought it prudent to come to action after looking at the other, and so each continued its way. A few days afterwards the French anchored off the Island of Fernam de Noronha, where they found a Portugueze, with a few Tapuyas of both sexes. By their own account they had been banished there from Pernambuco; it is however more probable that they were fugitives; the Friars

[page] 395

CHAP. XIII. 1612.

Berredo. § 137—147.

found them easy converts, baptized them all, and married a couple of them. As soon as they learnt what was the object of the expedition, they besought the French to take them off the island7, a proposal too useful to be refused, for they gave information respecting the state of Maranham. They left this island on the evening of the eighth of June, and on the morning of the eleventh saw the coast of Brazil; then having lingered many days upon the coast to refresh themselves after so long a voyage, they entered the bar of Peria, and anchored twelve leagues from Maranham, off the Island of Upaonmery, since called St. Anna; that name being given it by Rasilly, because he arrived there upon St. Anne's day. Two ships from Dieppe were in the same roadstead; they learnt nothing from these ships which indicated any change in the disposition of the Maranham Tupinambas, nevertheless it was thought prudent that Des Vaux should go forward to his old friends before the expedition advanced. There were three and twenty hordes or villages upon the island; Des Vaux entered the largest; he was received with as glad a welcome as he could have wished, and went back to the quadrons with tidings that their coming was joyfully expected.

Rasilly and the Friars had meantime made a great cross, which this commander and the chief persons of the fleet carried nearly a mile upon their shoulders, to a little rising ground in St. Anna's, and there blessed it and erected it; then blessed the island, and dedicated it to the Virgin Mary. The Capuchins

7 It appears in the Tratado do Successo do Galeam Santiago, that in 1602, (ten years before this time) a Portugueze resided upon this island as factor, with thirteen or fourteen negro slaves. There were wild cattle there, and a great number of rats (as they are called), whose legs are so short, that they move by leaps. Can this be the Jerboa? Cap. 10. Historia Tragico Maritima. T. 2.

[page] 396

CHAP. XIII. 1612.

Berredo. § 143—150.

were well aware how expedient it was to impress the natives with reverence for their character; they therefore remained on St. Anna's, while Rasilly and Des Vaux proceeded with the greater part of their men to Maranham, and informed the Tupinambas that the Fathers who came from France, for the purpose of instructing them in the true religion, would not land among them unless they were assured of being received with that profound veneration which was their due. In reply to this, Iapy-Wasu the Chief8 Royalet of the island, who was about an hundred years old, but still in full vigour, thanked Rasilly for bringing the French Payes; For, said he, when the accursed Peros committed so many cruelties upon us, they brought no other accusation against us than that we did not worship God, .. how should we worship him if we are not taught to know him9?

8 Claude d'Abbeville calls him Chief of Juniparan, and Great Bourouuichaue of the Island.

9 What follows is too suspicious to be inserted in the text: "We know as well as the Peros that there is one who has created all things, who is all good, and that it is he who hath given us the soul which is immortal. We believe also that because of the wickedness of men God sent a deluge over all the world, to punish them, and he preserved only one good father and one good mother, from whom we are all descended, and we and you were then one. But some time after the deluge God sent his bearded Prophets to instruct us in his law. These Prophets offered to our father two swords, the one of wood, the other of iron, and bade him chuse one of the two; he found the iron sword too heavy, and chose that of wood. But the father from whom ye are sprung took the iron sword, being wiser. And afterwards we became wretched, for the Prophets seeing that our nation would not believe them, fled to Heaven, leaving the marks of their persons and of their feet, and crosses, all cut in the rock near Potyiou. After that time the difference of tongues began among us, for till then there was but one; and from thenceforward, not understanding each others speech, we have always massacred and devoured one another, the Devil Ieropary mocking us. And to fulfil our miseries, the cursed race of the Peros came to take our country, and have wasted our great and ancient nation, and reduced us to the few we are."

This whole part of the speech is probably of French invention. It is manifest that the Tupinambas could have no tradition about an iron sword, before they had seen iron, .. and the tradition is clumsily forged for them, because the wooden sword is considerably the heaviest.

[page] 397

CHAP. XIII. 1612.

Claude d'Abbeville. ff. 68.

He and his people, he said, had been weary of expecting help from France, and had resolved, because of the fear of their mortal enemies the Peros, to retire so far into the country, that no Christian should ever see them more, and there to pass the remainder of their lives, caring no farther for bells, hatchets, knives, and what else they used to receive from the French; but contenting themselves with the old miserable ways of their forefathers, who tilled the earth and cut down trees with stone tools. Then addressing himself to Rasilly, he said, "Thou wilt acquire great renown for having left so good a country as France, and forsaken thy wife, and thy children, and all thy kin, to come and inhabit this land; and though it be not so fair a land as thine own, and thou canst not have all the good things to which thou hast been accustomed, nevertheless when thou considerest its goodness, how full it is of birds, and venison, and fruits, its sea, and fair rivers which abound with fish, and the brave people who will obey thee, and make thee conquer all the neighbouring nations, thou wilt be content. As for our manner of food, thou wilt soon use thyself to it, and find that our flour is not a whit worse than thy bread, which I have often eaten."

Foundation of St. Luiz.

The Capuchins were now sent for. A French Pirate who used to deposit his plunder here, assisted with the crews of three other Dieppe ships at the ceremony of their landing,

[page] 398

CHAP. XIII. 1612.

Berredo. § 151—8.

and gave them so splendid an entertainment at night, after the French fashion, that they had no reason to wish for the delicacies of Europe. A fort was presently begun, and mounted with twenty great pieces of cannon: close to this a warehouse for the goods which the French had brought out, and at a little distance a house for the missionaries, which in their joyful expectation they called the Convent of St. Francesco. They blessed the earth in order to purify it from the pestiferous paganism by which it had been so long defiled; a cross was planted, and Rasilly contrived to combine courtliness and devotion, by naming the fort St. Louis, in honour of the King and of his canonized ancestor; the bay he called St. Marie, by which he complimented the Queen Regent through the Virgin Mary.

Disposition of the natives.

Claude d'Abbeville. ff. 149.

A main object of the French was to encourage the natives in their enmity to the Portugueze. It needed no exasperation. The wars of Coelho in the Serra de Ibiapaba, and his infamous slave-dealing at Jaguaribe, were still fresh in their memory. Des Vaux and Rasilly went from horde to horde, haranguing upon their cruelties, and exaggerating the blessings which were to arise from French protection. In one of the villages an old man, by name Mombore-Wasu, made a sensible reply, in which he recounted what he remembered of the Portugueze. They began, he said, by trading, and they freely lay with the daughters of our brethren at Pernambuco, who thought it a great honour to have children by them. Next they seemed to grow scrupulous, said they must have a Paye to marry them; and then they asked for slaves to cultivate the ground for them and for the Paye. Having thus clearly set before their eyes that the Portugueze had begun just as the French were now beginning, and drawing the irrefragable inference, that the French would proceed just as the Portugueze had proceeded, he warned his countrymen to profit by experience, and distrust all such strangers.

[page] 399

CHAP. XIII. 1612.

Berredo. § 159—171.

Rasilly perceived that no sophistry could overcome the immediate effect which this old man produced, and he prudently devised some excuse for retiring; but the effect was transient, as he expected. Savages are retentive only of their affections, whether good or evil; they are too little accustomed to reasoning to be long mindful of it. Mombore-Wasu having delivered his opinion, was too old to feel any ardour for its prevalence: it was soon forgotten; all the Tupinambas on the Island put themselves under the protection of France, and their example was followed by two tribes on the main land; one at Tapuitapera, consisting of ten villages, one at Cuma of eleven. By way of legalizing their right to the country, which, under the plea of protecting it, they came to take possession of for themselves, Ravardiere and Rasilly prevailed upon six of the Chiefs to plant the French flag beside the Cross.

Conduct of the French

Claude d'Abbeville. ff. 61.

Do. ff. 314.

Rasilly returns to France.

Iapy-Wasu complained that the Portugueze killed his countrymen because they slit their lips and wore long hair, and that they made all whom they subdued be shorn, in sign of ignominy. The Capuchins dealt with them more wisely concerning their fashions. If, said they, you choose to bore your faces, bore them as much as you please, and if you choose to paint your skins, we will bring you finer colours from France than any which you possess. But why do you do these things which are so troublesome? Had it been necessary that there should be a slit in the lip, God would have made one there; and if holes in the ears were of any use, holes there would have been, as well as in the nose; and just so if it had been better to have no beard, none would have grown. The Tupinambas of Maranham perceived the common sense of this language, and are said to have listened to it. Things went on well, and the joint Commanders, who proceeded with the utmost unanimity, now agreed that Rasilly should go to France to transact what business was

[page] 400

CHAP. XIII. 1612.

Berredo. § 175—186.

immediately requisite for the colony; which done, he was to return and take upon himself the sole management, and Ravardiere was then to reside in France. The latter pledged himself to maintain all things as they were left, during the absence of his colleague, and also to farther with his best endeavours the progress of the Catholic faith. Claude d'Abbeville went to Europe with Rasilly, taking with him six Tupinambas, unbaptised, that the Parisians might make a raree show of their christening. This part of the plan succeeded admirably; three of them indeed died soon after their landing, but the other three occasioned a holyday wherever they appeared, and the King and Queen Regent stood sponsors at their baptism.

1613.

Gaspar de Sousa, ordered to colonize towards the Orellana.

First expedition of Jeronymo de Albuquerque.

Unfortunately for the French, the Brazilian Government had turned its attention towards the side of Maranham, and long before any tidings of these interlopers reached Madrid, orders had been dispatched to Gaspar de Sousa, the new Governor, instructing him to prosecute the discovery and conquest of the River Orellana and the parts adjoining, and holding out promises of especial favour to all who should go upon this service. The Governor was enjoined to fix his residence at Olinda, that he might accelerate the expedition, and Jeronymo de Albuquerque was nominated to the command. In the whole history of Spanish and Portugueze America nothing appears so remarkable as the apparent inadequacy of the exertions made and means employed to the objects in view, and the effects which were attained. This expedition, for facilitating which the Governor General of Brazil was ordered to change his residence, and to which a man of the first rank and importance in the country was appointed, consisted of only a hundred men in four armed vessels. Jeronymo sailed from Recife, took Martim Soares from Seara on the way, leaving Estevam de Campos in his stead, and proceeded to the Buraco das Tartarugas, which

[page] 401

CHAP. XIII. 1613.

Berredo. § 188—193.

empties itself into the Shoals or Parcel de Jericoácoára; there at the mouth of the river he made a palisadoed fortress which he called N. Senhora do Rosario, and from thence he dispatched Martim Soares in one of the vessels to reconnoitre the Island of Maranham. Having waited a long time in expectation of his return or of receiving intelligence from him, Jeronymo grew weary, and leaving forty soldiers under his nephew in the new fort, he marched back to Pernambuco by land, about ten weeks after he had left it, to the great displeasure of the Governor, who expected from him more zeal and better service.

Diogo de Campos sent out.

1614.

Berredo. § 194—5.

The Dutch were at this time fitting out an armament which was supposed to be intended for these coasts. Diogo de Campos Moreno, the Sargento Mor of Brazil, (a near kinsman to Martim Soares) was then at Madrid, soliciting the reward of long services; as was usual for men who had nothing but services to plead, nothing but promises could he obtain; the Court, however, did not scruple to require fresh services from him, though they withheld the recompense of the former, and he was requested to return and cooperate in the plans for settling Maranham. Four hundred soldiers were promised him as soon as he should reach Lisbon; after waiting for them in that city some months, he departed with all he could get, which amounted not to a fourth part of the number. He arrived at Recife in May 1614, and found another expedition preparing, under the same commander, and for the same purpose as the last.

The Presidie do Rosario attacked.

The new fort meantime had been neglected, .. for three months the garrison had had no provisions except what they could provide for themselves. They had however repelled a formidable attack of the natives, and compelled them to sue for peace. These good tidings quickened the Governor, and he presently sent off a large caravel to their assistance, with three hundred soldiers and supplies of all kinds. Never did reinforcement come more oppor-

3 F

[page] 402

CHAP. XIII. 1614.

June 9.

Berredo. § 197—200.

tunely. Three days after their arrival, a French ship commanded by the Sieur de Pratz came up, having on board twelve Capuchins and three hundred men for the colony in Isle Maranham. They had heard of the reduced state of the garrison, and expecting that these wooden works were defended by only five and twenty half-starved Portugueze, landed two hundred men, and set up their shouts of victory before the battle was begun. The Portugueze took possession of a pass, and beat them back to their ship.

Martim Soares driven to Europe.

Berredo. § 219.

Berredo. § 201—8.

More than a year had now elapsed since Martim Soares was sent to reconnoitre the Island of Maranham, and nothing had yet been heard of him; nor does it appear that the government of Brazil was apprized of the settlement which the French had formed there, till his tidings at last arrived. That officer, after discovering the colony and acquainting himself well with its strength, endeavoured to beat back against the regular winds. It is almost impossible to effect this; the winds set in so constantly the other way, that a wind from Maranham to Pernambuco is regarded as almost miraculous. He carried away one of his masts in the attempt, was driven to the Spanish Main, and from thence sailed for Spain, as the most expeditious way home: from thence he immediately dispatched his Pilot to Brazil with the news, and went himself to lay the account before the Ministers at Madrid. Upon this intelligence fresh dispatches were sent off to Sousa, with positive orders that he should direct his whole attention towards the Conquest of Maranham. The preparations had long been going on; Jeronymo de Albuquerque was at Paraiba, raising a body of Indians, and Diogo de Campos seeking in vain for transports to convey the troops, of whom there were three hundred beside Indians, and for stores to supply them. Diogo, from his greater age and experience, felt a becoming reluctance at being under Jeronymo's command; for

[page] 403

CHAP. XIII. 1614.

this the Governor devised a salvoby appointing him Collateral Commander, a title which gave him rank without authority, but with which he was satisfied.

Second expedition of Jeronymo de Albuquerque.

Aug. 23.

Berredo. § 208—14.

New difficulties occurred; it was only from the dizimas, or tenths, that the funds for the expedition could be raised, and just at this time an order arrived for the remission of that impost. It was impossible to obey the order, and the Governor expedited the departure of the forces. Two Caraveloens were immediately sent off to join Jeronymo, whom it was supposed they would find at Rio Grande. With these, new instructions were sent; .. the Governor began to fear that his projects had extended too far, and therefore limited Jeronymo's attempts between the river Titoya, and the Island of Peria; there he was directed to fortify himself, and not to advance farther without orders either from him or from the Court. Great things were expected from an expedition in which so much more activity than usual had been displayed. The Capuchins of St. Antonio sent two Missionaries to accompany it. Gregorio Fragoso de Albuquerque, the Commander's nephew, set the honourable example of taking a Captain's commission, with only a private's pay, and it was followed by all the other officers. Four companies were formed consisting of sixty men each; the volunteers were in a separate corps. Just as they were embarking, some ships from Rio de Janeiro, laden with flour, came into the port: Diogo de Campos immediately made pressing application for additional supplies, urging that the armament required stores for six months, and it would ill do to rely for subsistence upon the most earnest promises of supply. In consequence of this application he obtained six thousand alquieres10, and the expedition set sail in better spirits.

10 Three hundred quarters. Two and a half alquieres are equal to our bushel.

[page] 404

CHAP. XIII. 1614.

Junction of Jeronymo and Diogo.

Berredo. § 215—25.

They met on their way the ship which had succoured the Fort das Tartarugas, and which had been seventy five days endeavouring to beat up to Pernambuco. On the third day they reached Rio Grande, crossed its dangerous bar safely, and anchored within the river. Here the Commanders reviewed their collected force; it consisted of two ships, one caravel, and five caraveloens; the united troops did not exceed three hundred; of Indians there were only two hundred and thirty four, under twelve Chiefs, though it was known that there were not less than five hundred archers in the dependancy of the fort at Rio Grande. Camaram11, a native Chief whose name will often appear hereafter, was to join them with about forty more, marching by land. The women and children of the allies were above three hundred. When they were ready to embark, it suddenly occurred to Jeronymo that the vessels were too small, that there would be great danger of their sinking, and that if they should fall in with any of the Pirates who continually infested the coast, their destruction was certain; because the ships were not fitted for battle, and the three small pieces of cannon which were all they had, could not be got at. For these reasons he resolved to march by land, with the greater part of the troops. Diogo de Campos admitted the force of his reasons, but he observed, that as the most important objection related to the incapacity of the vessels, proof ought to be made of that, by embarking the men; for otherwise a satisfactory account could not be rendered to the Governor. He observed also, that by this new arrangement, Jeronymo would make himself responsible for the safety of both parts of the expedition, each exposed to danger; the land party liable to suffer the want both of food

11 I know not whether this be his Tupi name, or a translation of it, meaning the Prawn; or, which is more probable, a nickname given him by the Portugueze.

[page] 405

CHAP. XIII. 1614.

and water before they could reach the fort at Seara, which was the place appointed for their junction; and they who went by sea, sure to become a prey to the pirates, if they fell in with them, being deprived of their main force.

They reach the Presidio das Tartarugas.

Berredo. § 226—34.

The Commander yielded to these reasons, after two days had been lost in vacillation. Two days after their departure from Rio Grande, they put into Bahia do Iguape; by that time, sea-sickness had come in aid of Jeronymo's opinion: he and the Indians landed, and after two days march joined the fleet at N. Senhora do Amparo; from thence a vessel was dispatched to the Fort das Tartarugas, with news of their arrival. The Captain of the Presidio do Seara had been fourteen months expecting them; he and some of his best men joined the expedition, and their places were supplied by others who were glad to be released from crowded ships. Camaram also arrived, having marched from Rio Grande, and suffered so much upon the way, that he made it a pretext for obtaining leave to remain there with his brother Jacauna, the friend of Martim Soares. But all Jacauna's persuasions could not make him send more than twenty Indians under one of his sons, .. a poor supply for forty deserters, who had taken refuge in his territories. This was found a bad station; the neighbourhood of Indian villages occasioned a relaxation of discipline, the place was unhealthy, and the cables were gnawn by rats. Diogo de Campos therefore removed to Bahia de Paramerim, three degrees South of the Line, and there landed his men, and waited for the Commander. Five days were expended after Jeronymo himself arrived, before the allies could be again collected; they then doubled the great point of the Parcel de Jericoácoára, (which is of the finest jaspar of many colours) and landed at the Fort, or Presidio das Tartarugas. This was a bad place for the ships, though the French frequented it, for there was no shelter. Jeronymo thought the river

[page] 406

CHAP. XIII. 1614.

Disappointed of the Great Devil's aid.

Camussy might be a safer station; but on examination, the entrance was found so difficult, and the land so poor, that it was judged better to remain where they were.

Berredo. § 335—7.

Before they advanded farther, it was expedient to secure the good will of the Tapuyas of the Serra de Ibiapaba, with whom a friendly communication had again been opened, .. and the Taramambezes of Titoya, whom Martim Soares had conciliated, when he went to inspect the state of Isle Maranham. Much was not expected from their friendship, but their enmity would be highly dangerous in case the Portugueze should be obliged to proceed by land. The powerful Chief, Juripariguazu, the Great Devil, was sent for, Jeronymo thinking to persuade him that this enterprize was equally for the interest of both, and to obtain from him the succours which he had already offered, .. when he did not expect they would be required. But they who had been in garrison there, assured the Commander, that such hopes were altogether vain, and that the Great Devil had not chosen a worse appellation than was fit for him. It was not long since he had by pressing intreaties, obtained from them two soldiers, to assist him against some other Tapuyas; and, after he had won the victory by their help, and eaten the prisoners, he would have eaten them also, if the supplications of his wife had not, by good hap, been persuasive enough to save their lives. When Jeronymo heard this, he was prepared to receive an evasive answer, and to be satisfied with it. Accordingly, when two of the Great Devil's Ambassadors came to say that a contagious sickness prevailed among his people, but whenever it should cease, he would immediately fulfil his promise, the Commander thought it politick to appear well pleased, and dismiss them with presents.

They reach the island of Peria.

The failure of this succour made the expedition much weaker than had been calculated: the Indians in the vicinity of Maranham would doubtless be in alliance with the French, and no

[page] 407

CHAP. XIII. 1614.

Oct. 12.

Berredo. § 238—42.

cooperation could be expected as they advanced. If, on the other hand, they retired, it would be with loss of reputation, and the forts would be exposed. They held a council, and the unanimous determination was, to take possession of, and fortify, the river Titoya, the first place marked in their instructions. The Pilots were called in, and it was discovered that not one among them knew the entrance of this river. This had never been thought of. One Sebastian Martins affirmed that he knew the port of Peria, a little island which was also named in their instructions, and to Peria therefore they resolved to proceed. Early in the morning after their departure, Sebastian Martins said the land which they saw was three leagues from Peria; the other Pilots declared they did not know it, and he himself, after awhile, acknowledged that he had been mistaken; but had the wind been fresh, that mistake would probably have occasioned the destruction of the fleet. They stood off the coast again, making all sail, for he now supposed the port to be more than sixteen leagues off. They could not possibly reach it till an hour after night; still nothing could be done but to stand for it, and enter in the dark, for he knew no other road-stead where they could lie to and wait for day: the coast was a labyrinth of shoals, and if they stood out, their vessels were too heavily laden to live in a rough sea, and indeed too crazy, even if their lading had been taken out. The wind was favourable; they hit the channel in the dark, and entered it safely12, though often

12 Their good fortune may be estimated from the directions given by Pimentel for this perilous navigation. "With all hands on deck and aloft, enter from N. E. to S. W. between reef and reef, avoiding every thing you see, and as soon as you are within the reefs, have your lead in hand, and fear not, but steer for the Cabedelo, (a spit of sand) and drop your anchor opposite it." Brazil Pilot, . 32.

[page] 408

CHAP. XIII. 1614.

Irresolution of Jeronymo.

touching upon sand banks, and at ten o'clock they anchored about three leagues up.

The two Commanders landed immediately with part of the troops, to secure a landing for the rest, on the morrow, in case they should meet with any opposition. When day broke, it appeared that the Island was uninhabited; they took possession of it with the customary forms, and Francisco de Frias, the Chief Engineer, began to search for a spot on which to erect a fort. He found many good situations, except that they all wanted water. This might be obtained, by digging pits in the beach; but the soldiers who had been in garrison at N. Senhora do Rosario, attributed all the sickness which they had suffered there to the use of such water: the account which they now gave of their sufferings spread from man to man; this island of Peria became immediately hateful to them: they looked upon it as a place that must needs be deadly, and qualifying their fear with a show of bravery, they raised a cry, that some other situation ought to be looked for nearer the enemy, .. here they had no enemies to combat, except wild beasts, and nothing to do but to die for thirst. The Alferes, Sebastian Pereira, was at the head of these clamourers, emboldened perhaps by perceiving that Jeronymo inclined to the same opinion. That Commander had persuaded himself that he could soon win over the Tupinambas of Maranham from the French interest; and being undecided what to do, he took no measures whatever for defending his present position. Diogo de Campos, an older soldier, and taught by experience always to provide against danger, besought him to let the lines which were already drawn, be compleated. To this Jeronymo replied, that there was no enemy to guard against; for, as for the French of Maranham, either the whole story was only an invention of the Tapuyas, to deceive Martim Soares, or if there were any there, they were so

[page] 409

CHAP. XIII. 1614.

Berredo. § 243—6.

few, that they did not dare stir out of their forts. It was utterly impossible, he said, that a people skilled in war, like the French, should have left this port open, so near them, and so important as it was, if they had strength to take possession of it. He was resolved therefore, to make at once for Maranham, that being the ultimate object of the Governor, and of the Court of Madrid; and if the navigation was thought too dangerous for the ships, he would go with only the caraveloens.

Diogo advises that they fortify themselves on the Island.

Berredo. § 247.

This language was as unexpected by Diogo de Campos, as it was unwelcome to him. He replied, that the project of attempting Isle Maranham was rash, if they abandoned their present station, which secured them free access to it. At all events, whether the intelligence which had been received from Martim Soares were accurate or not, it would not be losing time to fortify this place, which, even according to his own arguments, was essential to the security of Maranham. It ought to be remembered, that the large ship which had attempted the Presidto or Station of Tartarugas, would be at this time anchored by the French settlement, with many other vessels of more or less force, and that their own fleet, not being fitted out for action, was in ill plight for encountering them. The best thing which could be done, was to fortify themselves where they were, and dispatch advices both to Portugal and to the Governor. The French, however powerful, could not prevent them from receiving reinforcements while they held this post; and the Tupinambas in the French interest, hearing that they were allied with their mortal and terrible enemies, the Taramambazes, would be dismayed at that alliance, even more than at their force.

Rangel sent to reconnoitre.

This remonstrance seemed to produce some effect upon Jeronymo, and he sent six soldiers in a six-oared boat, to reconnoitre Isle Maranham, examine its bar, and if possible bring off a

3 G

[page] 410

CHAP. XIII. 1614.

Berredo. § 248—252.

prisoner. Belchior Rangel had the command of this party, a native of Rio de Janeiro, who was a young man of great promise, and excellently versed in many of the Brazilian languages. On the following morning the Commander began to look out a place for his encampment, taking Diogo with him; but Diogo's patience was well nigh exhausted, when four days were wasted in these unavailing and frivolous delays, and not a spade set to the trenches. His exclamations against this utter imprudence were of no avail, till Jeronymo himself began to be alarmed at the long absence of Rangel; and sending for Diogo to his tent, he told him, he feared the boat had been taken, but whether that were the case or not, they ought to provide for their own security. The Collateral Commander, hoping that Jeronymo might not have time to change his mind again, called for the Chief Engineer, and they set out, though it was night, to look for a situation nearer the bar. They found one with a lake of fresh water adjoining: orders were given to begin the works in the morning; but just at this time, a light appeared at the entrance of the bay, and Rangel arrived in the boat. His report was, that he had explored all the channels near Maranham, without seeing either French man or French vessel; but that opposite to that Island, there was a place called Guaxenduba, which was well adapted both for encamping the troops and subsisting them, being watered by a delightful river, which made the country fit for any kind of cultivation. The way to it was perfectly safe from the enemy, lying among a number of islands which effectually covered the passage from sight. While Rangel was making this report to the Commander, the soldiers learnt all this from his men; they renewed their outcry against the plan of entrenching themselves where they were; regardless of all discipline, they insisted upon being led nearer the enemy, and Jeronymo, without making the slightest attempt to suppress their clamours, retired to his tent.

[page] 411

CHAP. XIII. 1614.

They remove to Guaxenduba.

Oct. 28

Berredo. § 253—6.

Diogo de Campos still understood that the works were to be commenced in the morning, according to the last resolution. But the weathercock of Jeronymo's opinion had veered again, and after two days more of irresolution and idleness, he gave orders to re-embark, and set off for Guaxenduba, in spite of all the dissuasions of the Collateral Commander. They were four days in effecting this troublesome passage, the vessels frequently touching, and sometimes sticking in the mud. At length, however, they reached the port, making such a show with their pavaises and streamers, that it was seen in Maranham, and the alarm immediately communicated to Fort St. Louis, by a line of smoke along the coast. Here the Portugueze landed without opposition, and here they resolved to fortify themselves. Before the Engineer could begin his work, Jeronymo's resolution was again unsettled. Some of the Tapuyas had told him of another station on the river Mony, near the mouth of the Itapicuru, which has sometimes erroneously been called the Maranham, and there he was inclined to go. Diogo and the Engineer made him at length relinquish this new project, and remain where he was; and two days after their arrival, he ordered lots to be drawn during mass, to determine under what invocation the Fort should be built. The Nativity of Our Lady was drawn, and the works were begun that evening, according to their belief, under her sovereign protection.

Presumption of Jeronymo.

A Tupinamba Chief soon came over from the Island, who complained of the treatment which he had received from the French, and gave an account of their force. The account which his companions gave did not agree with his, but Jeronymo was of a temper to believe whatever accorded with his own views, and not to listen to anything which thwarted them. This savage offered to bring over some of the hordes in Maranham to the Portugueze party, and the Commander, in full

[page] 412

CHAP. XIII. 1614.

True information obtained from a Tupinamba prisoner.

reliance upon his veracity, sent five of the trustiest allies back with him, retaining as hostages two of his party, who were said to be sons of another of the Island Chiefs. He was now persuaded, that merely by thus treating with the natives, he should get possession of the Island, and all the warnings of Diogo could not shake this absurd confidence. Luckily his infatuation did not impede the works; the few cannon which they had, were mounted, and the outworks were thrown up. While they were thus employed, some of the Indian women and children ventured incautiously out of the camp, and though they were but little distant, a party of the Island savages landed, and fell upon them. They began by killing four girls; a Tapuya who happened to be near, and attempted to defend them, shared the same fate, but the alarm was given, and they hastened away with their prisoners,. Among these were the wife and son of Mandiocapúa, a Chief of the allies, and he exerted himself so strenuously for their deliverance, that all the prisoners were recovered, and a canoe full of the enemy taken, in which was one of their Leaders. This man had preserved the lives of Mandiocapúa's wife and son, and his own was saved in return. He was put in confinement, but treated so well in consequence of the humanity which he himself had shown, that of his own free accord, he told the Portugueze all he knew concerning the strength of the French, and the measures which they were taking. All the passes, he said, both by sea and land, had been taken possession of by these enemies, to cut off their retreat: the Tupinambas who had visited them, and the five Indians who returned in their company, were in irons in Fort St. Louis, having been put to the torture, and made to confess all they knew. He added, that on the following morning, two armed launches would come to reconnoitre their quarters, which it was determined shortly to attack; and that the

[page] 413

CHAP. XIII. 1614.

Berredo. § 257—262.

appearance of these launches would confirm the truth of his intelligence. Jeronymo's hopes were not so easily shaken as his resolutions; he was still persuaded that the Islanders would come over to him, and believed, it was only because the French had taken the precaution of blocking up the ports, that they had not already declared in his favour. So far, however, he acknowledged the peril of his situation, as to order two caraveloens to make ready for carrying dispatches to Pernambuco.

Treachery of the French.

In the morning the armed launches appeared, as the prisoner had said, and the French from a fort called St. Joseph, at Itapary, on the opposite shore, fired two guns in sign of war, to which the Portugueze replied with a like discharge, and at the same time hoisted all their flags. With the evening tide, one of the launches drew near, to reconnoitre, having on board five and twenty men, under the Sieur de Pratz, a distinguished officer, and Gentilhomme de la Chambre to the King of France. Jeronymo sent to attack them; but as the launch drew little water, the French got among shoals, where they could not be pursued. Three days afterwards, the caraveloens under orders for Pernambuco, were convoyed out by three others; a large French ship lay at anchor in Arassagi Bay, but could not intercept the return of the convoy, which passed to windward of her. Shortly after, a white flag was hoisted upon a sand bank in the midst of the channel of Guaxenduba. The Commander supposing this to be done by the native Islanders, sent Rangel in one of the caraveloens with a jangada, a sort of raft or catamaran, with which to reach the bank, when the vessel could proceed no farther. He and his soldiers were already on the jangada, when the men refused to land, till they had some better proof of fair dealing, than the white flag of the French, .. for they could now distinguish many French in disguise, among the Indians who were waiting to receive them; presently a sharp discharge of

[page] 414

CHAP. XIII. 1614.

Jeronymo duped by his prisoners.

Berredo. § 263—9.

musketry was opened upon them, and if the launch had not come speedily to their assistance, they must all have been made prisoners, .. which was the sole object of the French in this base proceeding. Indignant as Jeronymo was at such a breach of those common laws of war, which it is the common interest of all nations to observe, he imputed it wholly to the French, and still believed that the Tupinambas were secretly in his favour. A large canoe full of these islanders soon landed at Mamuna, not far from the Fort; they were surprised, two of them ran into the sea, and swam the channel, which is two leagues wide; the rest put themselves into the hands of the Portugueze, and with dissimulation, which the flight of their companions had nothing daunted, feigned that they came as friends, not prisoners. Jeronymo was duped by this bold artifice; he treated them handsomely, and let them return in their own canoe. But one of these men had a mother living at Pernambuco, .. probably a slave there, and for the hope of recovering her, he refused to go back with his companions: this man confessed to the Capuchin F. Manoel da Piedade, that the canoe was sent to reconnoitre; that on the next morning, the French meant to attempt the ships, and that if they succeeded, as they fully expected to do, they would forthwith attack the Fort both by sea and by land.

Diogo would have defended the ships.

The Friar immediately hastened with this intelligence to Diogo de Campos. Night was closing in, but Diogo hastily collected a good part of the soldiers, and sent word to the Commander, that he was going on board the ships, to defend them to the last drop of his blood. Just as he was about to embark, Jeronymo came down to the beach and stopt him, saying, the soldiers were not to be sacrificed for the defence of four rotten planks; they were to be spared for the purpose of defending that country, of which he had taken possession in

[page] 415

CHAP. XIII. 1614.

Berredo. § 270—1.

the King's name. Diogo angrily asked him in reply, what account he could give to the King of such a loss, and of the honour which the Portugueze arms would lose, especially among the Tapuyas? To this the Commander made answer, that as for rendering account to the King, he would take that upon himself, and the honour of the Portugueze arms needed no new proof; but he trusted to establish it by ultimately rooting out these French. He then ordered the vessels to be hauled up with their heads ashore.

Three of the ships taken by the French.

Berredo. § 272—7.

Ravardiere, since the first appearance of the Portugueze at Guaxenduba, had been meditating this attack, but he was in want of information concerning their force, and means of defence. Some he obtained from the five Tapuyas whom he put to the torture; the Tupinambas whom Jeronymo had imprudently set at liberty brought him all the farther intelligence that he wanted: boats of all kinds had been previously made ready, and without delay he now dispatched M. de Pizieu, his Lieutenant General, the Sieur de Pratz, and the Chevalier de Rasilly. They came upon the Portugueze by break of day: the sailors, who were still busy in mooring the vessels, leaped overboard; two of the larger ships, and one small one were taken; the remaining three had been secured. With this cheap victory the French returned. Frequent skirmishes now took place both by sea and land, but the Portugueze immediately were straightened for provisions; their allies could not go into the country to procure food, for fear of ambushes; and the general cry was, "Let us put an end to the war by victory, or to our sufferings by death."

Plan for desertion communicated to Diogo.

Diogo de Campos meantime, like an old soldier, was devising how to secure the supplies from Pernambuco, when they should arrive: he laid his plans before the Commander, and they agreed, that the best means would be to erect a redoubt at the

[page] 416

CHAP. XIII. 1614.

Nov. 16.

Berredo. § 278—280.

bar of Isle Peria, an important post, which the French had still overlooked, and which the supplies must needs make for, because it was the only port with which the Portugueze pilots were acquainted; and that to keep open a correspondence between that place and Guaxenduba, some channel should be sought, which communicated with the neighbouring Isle das Guayabas, unknown to the French, .. a thing not difficult to be discovered, by help of the Indians. The next day was appointed for this service; but this very evening, a soldier came to Diogo, and told him in secret, that their present miseries were not to be borne, and he and seventy others were determined to make their way back by land; their respect for him, he said, induced them to let him know this, and to enquire of him whether they had any good reason to expect speedy relief, for if not, they would blow up the powder, and thus compel the rest of the army to follow their plans. Diogo assured this man that every means had been taken to secure immediate supplies, and told him, he hoped they would not set fire to the powder till the enemy were upon it, in case they should arrive before the stores. He thanked him and his friends for the confidence with which they had trusted him, and promised not to betray their secret. Jeronymo approved this prudent answer of Diogo, and precautions were privately taken to secure the magazine.

Rangel sent again to reconnoitre.

Rangel was now sent with threescore soldiers, and thirty of the best Indian bowmen, to examine all the entrances of Isle das Guayabas, that being the first step towards effecting Diogo's plans. They took with them guides to the shore from which they were to embark, and which was four leagues distant: nevertheless they lost their way, and after the incessant labour of four and twenty hours, wading sometimes through brooks, and sometimes through mud breast-high, they came back to the camp. Diogo, vexed at this delay, offered to go himself with

[page] 417

CHAP. XIII. 1614.

Berredo. § 281—3.

the Chief Engineer, by water, the whole way; .. while they were waiting for the tide, the enemy appeared at the mouth of the harbour, and the Portugueze then perceived what reason they had to rejoice, that Rangel and his company had missed their way, and that their whole strength, such as it was, was concentered.

The French invest the Portugueze.

Berredo. § 284—9.

Ravardiere was come in person with seven ships and forty-six canoes, four hundred French, and four thousand Tupinambas. This Commander saw that the Portugueze were irregularly encamped, and that their fort was unskilfully erected near an eminence which compleatly commanded it. Immediately he ordered half his force to take possession of this important post. They were divided into two detachments, the one under De Pratz, the other under Pizieu, and with the usual ardour of Frenchmen, they leapt into the water, each impatient to be first at landing. Jeronymo had no force which could prevent them from winning their object; every Tupinamba carried a bundle of fascines, and they began to fortify themselves there, while Pizieu opened trenches from thence to the shore, to keep up a communication with the fleet. These works cut off the Portugueze from their water, and Jeronymo perceiving that he had no other possible means of escape but by a general action, resolved to fight. This resolution was applauded by all his officers, and he marched out, leaving only thirty invalids in the fort.

Diogo encourages his troops.

He divided the chief part of his little force into two corps, of seventy Portugueze and forty Tapuyas each, himself lead-the one, Diogo the other; most of the allies were added to a small body of reserve under Gregorio Fragoso. Diogo was to attack the enemy on the beach. Jeronymo undertook to force the hill. The former advanced under cover of the thicket; some of his men moved forward with so slow and unwilling

3 H

[page] 418

CHAP. XIII. 1614.

Berredo. § 290—4.

a step, that it was evident they would rather have been running the other way; .. he turned to them, and asking sternly if they were not the same men who had mutinied at Peria, because they were not near enough to the enemy, swore he would shoot the first who dared attempt to fly. This threat from a man of such well known resolution, with a pistol in his hand, had its desired effect. He cheered them too by saying, that the courage of the French never lasted longer than the first spirt. The men took heart, and he ordered the body of reserve to attack the enemy in flank, at the same moment that he charged them in front.

Berredo. § 295—7.

Just as they were expecting the signal, a trumpet landed with a letter from Ravardiere to the Commander. Diogo opened it, for Jeronymo did not understand French, and moreover there was no time to be lost. It was a long summons for the Portugueze to lay down their arms. He sent word to the Commander of its contents as briefly as possible, told him it was one of Ravardiere's maxims to go forward with his preparations while he was treating, and besought him not to allow the enemy the advantage of any delay, but to give the signal. Jeronymo had no weakness when he came into the field of battle, and the attack was begun on the beach.

Defeat of the French.

Diogo forced the first trenches; the French on the hill (not aware of their own danger, for the Commander had taken a sweep round through the wood,) came to succour their countrymen below, and for a short time he was exposed to two fires; but Fragoso with the Tapuyas charged them in flank, and Jeronymo also perceiving Diogo's situation, changed his march and fell unexpectedly upon them. After a short but bloody struggle Pizieu fell, and the French and their allies abandoned the beach and retired to their works on the hill. The Portugueze followed up their victory, stormed these works also, and compleatly

[page] 419

CHAP. XIII. 1614.

Berredo. § 298—314.

routed the enemy. Ravardiere made no attempt at first to succour that half of his force which was engaged, so great was his confidence in their numbers, and such his contempt of those to whom they were opposed; when he saw their danger, it was too late. He could not reach them in his launches, because now that the tide had fallen there was not sufficient depth of water; his canoes were left dry and out of reach, and a muddy shore intervened. He attempted to effect a diversion by attacking the fort; but there also the shoal water impeded his approach, and the invalids kept up a brisk fire with their poor artillery. An hundred and fifteen of the French were left dead upon the field, nine were made prisoners. From them Jeronymo learnt that six or seven hundred Indians from Cuma on the main land were every hour expected to join the armament. Such a junction would have rendered it still formidable to the conquerors, and they made ready against a second attack. In the morning these expected succours appeared in sixteen large canoes, making for the river Mony, where they meant to land; .. the shore for which they made was occupied in time by a hundred musqueteers; .. being thus prevented, they crost to the other bank; there many of them landed, but they met fugitives from the defeat of yesterday, and as soon as they learnt the ill fortune of their friends, they re-embarked and returned more hastily than they came.

Ravardiere opens a correspondence with Jeronymo.

Ravardiere's anger broke out in a letter to the Portugueze Commander, wherein he accused him of having violated the laws of war by detaining his Trumpet, and reproached him for the cruelty of the Tapuyas. Jeronymo's reply was written with more temper; he insisted upon the right of the King of Spain and Portugal to all those countries, and complained of unprovoked aggression on the part of the French, and especially of the treacherous flag of truce. As for the barbarity which was

[page] 420

CHAP. XIII. 1614.

Berredo. § 315—19.

imputed to his allies, he said, he had buried the French who had fallen as well as he could, and it was not true that any of their bodies had been mutilated, though one of the Portugueze who was slain within the trenches had an arm cut off by Ravardiere's Tupinambas, and went without it to the grave: but I do not wonder at this, he added, for I am an old man, and have for many years been used to these things. One of the vessels which the French had captured was about to sail for Portugal, and letters had been found on board in which the men related, and perhaps exaggerated their difficulties and dangers. Ravardiere sent these letters to the Commander, thinking this a likely means of doing mischief; but Jeronymo sent them back with an ambiguous answer, saying, the letters contained what was true; yet some persons might be deceived by them, and therefore he returned them that they might be inspected more leisurely.

Terms made greatly to the advantage of the Portugueze.

This produced a more temperate letter from the French Commander, in which he requested Jeronymo would let him know the names of the prisoners, and invited him to open a negociation; he desired him also to write either in French or Spanish. Jeronymo in his reply regretted that more of the French had not trusted to him, and thus preserved their lives. "I have buried the slain," said he, "like my own people, to whom the forest is an honourable and goodly monument. The Trumpeter will tell you of our plight; we should have treated him better had we been in our own country, but here we are men who live upon a handful of flour, and a piece of a snake when it is to be had, and they who do not like such fare, must not seek our company." The correspondence became more and more courteous. Ravardiere complimented Jeronymo upon his bearing the name of the great Alboquerque, removed his fleet to the Island das Guayabas, and expressed a wish that Diogo de Campos

[page] 421

CHAP. XIII. 1614.

might be deputed to confer with him, because he spoke French, and they had formerly fought against each other, when Diogo served under the Prince of Parma. Accordingly the Collateral Commander and Gregorio Fragoso de Albuquerque went on board Ravardiere's ship, two French officers putting themselves into the hands of Jeronymo as hostages. This interview, which was rather a visit than a conference, was taken up with mutual exculpations and mutual civilities; on the following day however Ravardiere proposed these terms: That there should be peace till the end of the ensuing year, during which time all those acts of hostility should cease, which had been commenced between the two parties for want of understanding each other's intention, and to the great loss of christian blood: That two Cavaliers, one French the other Portugueze, should go to France, and two other such to Spain, to lay the matter before their most Christian and most Catholick Majesties: That none of the Portugueze or their allies should set foot within ten leagues of the French forts or ports, unless they had permission; the Commanders and their servants however having full liberty to pass and repass: That when the final determination of the two Courts arrived, that party which then received orders to remove, should immediately prepare for its departure, and evacuate the country within three months: Finally, that the prisoners on both sides should be released. Ravardiere bound himself to withdraw his ships immediately, and allow free ingress to the supplies which the Portugueze expected; and he required from them a promise, that if they received reinforcements they should not renew hostilities. Highly advantageous as these terms were to the Portugueze, yet when Jeronymo laid them before his officers they observed, that as a necessary preliminary, Ravardiere must be called upon to produce his commission from the King of France, otherwise he was to be regarded as a pirate,

[page] 422

CHAP. XIII. 1614.

Nov. 29.

Berredo. § 320—351.

outlawed from France for heresy, and one with whom no Catholick could treat. This formality was soon performed, Jeronymo first producing his own commission, and thereby palliating the insolent bigotry of such a demand. The articles were then signed, and on the following day the French broke up the blockade.

Tumult among the Tupinambas.

Berredo. § 352—360.

As soon as the Portugueze saw themselves thus delivered, they made a procession in thanksgiving, and began a church to their divine protectress under the invocation of N. Senhora da Ajuda, Our Lady of Help. The French surgeon was sent to assist the wounded Portugueze, and Ravardiere requested that Diogo de Campos, and Fr. Manoel da Piedade would come over to Maranham and appease the Tupinambas, who were in a state of tumult, supposing that by the treaty they were to be divided between the two contracting powers and sold for slaves, as Pedro Coelho had sold the Tapuyas after his expedition to Ibiapaba: .. for that detestable action was still fresh in their remembrance. Diogo and the Friar succeeded in appeasing them, and having done this they went to the Capuchin Convent, which though unfinished was large enough to hold twenty missionaries, under F. Arcangel de Pembroch, who had arrived with seventeen brethren a few months ago. From him they learnt that the Queen Regent had recalled Ravardiere, whose conduct, the Franciscan said, was not to be borne in a Catholick colony among savages; for though he was adorned with many virtues, the abominable errors of his heresy rendered them all of no avail. M. de Pizieu was to have succeeded him in the command. Perhaps this had disgusted Ravardiere, and the little interest he now felt for the colony may in some degree account for his having proposed terms to the Portugueze so much more advantageous than they were entitled to demand, or had any reason to expect.

[page] 423

CHAP. XIII. 1614.

Instructions to the Portugueze Commissioners.

Gregorio Fragoso was chosen for the embassy to Paris, in company with the Sieur de Pratz. His instructions contain some curious facts, which he was to lay before the Spanish Ambassador. He was to insist upon the long-known and long asserted right of the Portugueze to these countries, of which their various expeditions to this very part of the coast were good proof. Brazil could not be said to be unoccupied, for it had above three thousand Portugueze inhabitants, and many towns and cities, which were well known; and indeed, if lack of inhabitants could render any place liable to be taken possession of and held by right of occupancy, Silves in Algarve, and Algeziras near Gibraltar, might as well be taken by that title. He was to represent the flourishing state of the French colony; they had found new woods and new dies, a pearl fishery, precious stones concerning which they were already at litigation with each other, and by their own account, mines of lapislazuli. Nor was he to forget the mischief which arose from their having formed a port, where the Pirates who came to infest Brazil and the opposite coast of Africa, were sure at all times to be welcomed and to find provisions. Many Portugueze had been found there in irons, who with their fetters on had been compelled to work a-field like slaves, .. a worse tyranny, it was stated, than even that of the Barbary Moors. These unfortunate people had been taken by Pirates, and carried in there, and they were kept in this cruel captivity that they might not carry news to the Brazilian settlements, for the French were desirous of remaining undisturbed as long as they possibly could, that they might root themselves the firmer. It was added, that the colonists were certainly soliciting protection from England, in case France should neglect them, and this was imputed to Ravardiere's religion, and his connection with Count Montgomery, who had a thousand kinsmen in England. These instruc-

[page] 424

CHAP. XIII. 1614.

Berredo. § 364—372.

tions were drawn up with the certain knowledge that Spain never would desist from its claims to Maranham, and Jeronymo calculating upon the expulsion of the French as an event which must take place, explained to the Ambassador how desirable it would be to retain as many of them as could be induced to transfer their allegiance, because they were settled there, familiar with the country, and connected with the natives; and he urged him to use all his endeavours that the prohibition against foreign colonists might be suspended in their favour. If this measure were adopted, he said, there would be less difficulty in settling the country; the Tupinambas would remain quiet, and they might proceed to expel the Dutch from the Cabo do Norte, where they were then fortifying themselves at the mouth of the Orellana.

Berredo. § 373—4.

With these instructions, Fragoso and De Pratz embarked for France in a French vessel. Diogo de Campos offered to go to Spain, and this offer was so willingly accepted by Jeronymo, that malicious men thought he wished to be rid of him. The Commander did not deserve this imputation; Diogo went because he thought he could most effectually serve the expedition by going, and the other gladly let him go, because he knew the negociation could not be entrusted to any one more zealous for its success, nor more able to forward it. The Portugueze were obliged to purchase of the French for the voyage, at the price of two hundred milreis, the caravel which had been taken in Guaxenduba bay13.

13 Here ends the excellent journal of this expedition, which Berredo has incorporated in his history. From its ending here, it appears not improbable that it was written by Diogo de Campos himself, his departure being the last circumstance which is mentioned. It begins August 23, 1614, and ends Jannary 4, 1615. When it is remembered that the account of the conspiracy, which could at that time have been known only to the two Commanders, is related in this diary, this suspicion amounts almost to certainty.

[page] 425

CHAP. XIII. 1615.

The treaty broken by the Portugueze ..

July 31.

Berredo. § 376—380.

The terms of the treaty were not long observed; little infractions, if not openly countenanced, were at least permitted on both sides. After awhile succours poured in to Jeronymo, some from Bahia and Pernambuco under Francisco Caldeira de Castello Branco, others from Portugal under Miguel de Sequeira Sanhudo. Upon receiving these reinforcements, he informed Ravardiere that instructions were come out to him from his Court, declaring those countries to be the lawful patrimony of the Crown of Portugal, and therefore he found himself under the necessity of saying, that the treaty between them must be at an end: he hoped nevertheless that their friendship was not so, and that Ravardiere would still preserve it by delivering up the Island, in which case he promised good treatment and good conveyance for his soldiers. The French Commander had made too sure of victory at first, and been too lightly cast down by one defeat. He desired to treat for farther terms. Caldeira was sent to him, and he agreed to evacuate the Island of Maranham with all its forts within five months, on condition that the Portugueze should pay for the artillery which was left there, and supply transports for all his people. The Portugueze historian says he was not without hopes of receiving such reinforcements in the mean time as would enable him to break the terms; but as security for his good faith, he surrendered the fort of Itapary, and Jeronymo immediately took possession of it.

French forces sent out from Lisbon.

Meantime Diogo de Campos had reached Lisbon, and leaving his companion M. Malhart to make representations and complaints as loudly as he pleased, he prest upon the Government the necessity of sending out strong reinforcements without loss of

3 I

[page] 426

CHAP. XIII. 1615.

Berredo. § 381—7.

time. D. Aleixo de Menezes, that Archbishop whose name is so memorable in the history of the Malabar Christians, was at this time Viceroy of Portugal, and he, reputing the French in Maranham as pirates, affected to be indignant that any treaty should have been made with them, though that treaty had in fact delivered over the colony into the hands of the Portugueze as effectually as if they had won it in fair and open war. No time however was lost. Diogo had left Maranham in January, and arrived at Lisbon in March. He returned with his nephew Martim Soares and with adequate succours to Pernambuco, where he found the Governor Gaspar de Sousa equally forward with his preparations, in consequence of the advices which he had received from Guaxenduba. The whole force amounted to nine hundred men in seven ships, and two caravels. Alexandre de Moura, the late Chief Captain of Pernambuco, was appointed to the command; Diogo had the charge of Admiral, and on the fifth of October they entered that same port in the Isle of Peria, where the French had anchored on their first arrival, but which by their neglect, and to their own ruin, was thus twice left open to their enemies. Jeronymo went on board; he found that Moura was come with supreme powers as General, and that express orders were sent to break the existing terms, and compleat the conquest without delay.

St. Louis surrendered .

Berredo. § 419—427.

Jeronymo submitted to this impolitic curtailment of his own authority without a murmur, and he proceeded to obey the orders of the Governor as complacently as if no breach of his own word and honour were committed in obeying them. He invested Fort St. Louis, whither all the French had retired. Ravardiere, who was now in the habit of submitting to whatever terms were imposed upon him, consented to surrender the fort immediately and unconditionally. It was accordingly delivered up. The command was given to Diogo, and the French General, with more than four hundred of his

[page] 427

CHAP. XIII. 1615.

Berredo. § 338—400.

countrymen, sailed for France. A few others who had intermarried with the natives remained on the island. Thus was Maranham lost to France by the misconduct of Ravardiere: had he contented himself at first with cutting off supplies from the Portugueze, which his superiority at sea enabled him effectually to do, they would either have attempted to march back overland, in which case most of them would have perished by the way, or they must have capitulated without a blow.

Expedition of Caldeira to Para.

Berredo. § 401—3.

The Friars who accompanied the expedition took possession of the Capuchine Convent. Moura, by virtue of the authority which had been vested in him, appointed Jeronymo Capitam Mor of the conquests of Maranham, and Caldeira Capitam Mor of the Discovery and Conquest of Gram Para, by which name, half Portugueze, half Tupi, they designated the great river Orellana. They were in possession of all the information which Ravardiere had collected concerning this discovery, and before the end of the month, Caldeira began his expedition with two hundred men in three vessels.

Foundation of Belem.

Berredo. § 408

De. § 26.

They entered the dangerous bar of Seperará, now that of the city of Belem, and after landing at many places in spite of the Indians, Caldeira fixed upon a spot for his new settlement, and gave these conquests the name of Gram Para, thinking that he was on the banks of the great river; but he was mistaken, for he was in a great bay formed by the mouths of the Moju, the Acará, and the Guamá. Here he landed on the third of December, St. Francisco Xavier's day; he set up the image of that Saint, and began to build a city under the name and invocation of N. Senhora de Belem, Our Lady of Bethlehem. The spot was ill chosen: seven or eight leagues behind him he had left an Island called Ilha do Sol, which is said by Berredo to be the best situation for a colony in all those parts; but Belem is seated among marshes, and in a place so indefensible,

[page] 428

CHAP. XIII. 1616.

Berredo. § 407. 417—18.

that according to the same competent authority, its best protection, notwithstanding all its outworks and fortifications, consists in the difficulty of the bar, which is six leagues from the city. What resistance Caldeira met with from the natives was soon overcome, and he won them to his wishes so well, that they assisted him in building the fortress. The tidings of his success he resolved to communicate by land, and the Alferes Pedro Teixeira was sent to Maranham, on this difficult but important service. The natives of Cayte attempted to cut off him and his party, but he reduced them to obedience, and took possession of that district, which is now one of the subordinate Captaincies of Para. At St. Luiz (for so that place must be called now that it became Portugueze,) he was received with as much wonder as joy, being the first person who had performed this journey; and he returned by sea, taking with him supplies of artillery and ammunition, and pay for the troops.

Teixeira burns a Dutch ves. sel.

Berredo. § 419—27.

Teixeira was soon dispatched upon a different service. The Dutch had begun to trade on the North side of the Orellana, and had established factories in many of the islands at its mouth. The trade was prosperous, and they assured the natives that a great fleet would speedily arrive and form a permanent colony there. These reports reached Caldeira: and at the same time he learnt that a large Dutch ship was at anchor on the coast, about forty leagues from Belem, and he sent Teixeira with twenty men in two canoes to board her. The Dutch defended themselves like men who knew they had little mercy to expect, and the Portugueze had no other means of conquering than by setting fire to the ship while they themselves were on board, and then retiring to their canoes. Only one of the Dutch escaped. The hulk went down in shallow water, and Teixeira, as soon as the wounds which he received in the action were healed, returned and got up the guns, .. an addition to the

[page] 429

CHAP. XIII. 1616.

strength of the new colony which will be thought important, when it is recollected with how little artillery Jeronymo had been supplied.

Insurrection of the Tupinambas.

Berredo. § 428—442.

Moura meantime having garrisoned all the forts in the Island of Maranham, and on the adjacent main, returned to Pernambuco, and Jeronymo began to build a city round Fort St. Luiz, retaining the same name, and the same tutelary Saint. Every thing went on well for the first year; but the natives of this part of the country consisted chiefly of tribes who had fled hither from Brazil, to escape the tyranny of the Portugueze; they remembered what their fathers had told them, and the more recent atrocities of Pedro Coelho, and little instigation was needed to make them throw off their forced obedience. Mathias de Albuquerque, son of Jeronymo, commanded at Cuma, a populous district near the island; the savages appeared to be well contented, and even gave hopes of their conversion, and he left every thing in appearance safe, when he was called over to St. Luiz by his father. During his absence some Tupinambas of Para came there on their way with letters from Caldeira to Jeronymo. There was an Indian of Cuma, by name Amaro, who had been bred up by the Jesuits in Brazil, but who was greatly attached to the French, and remembered his old masters with an evil will. He took the letters, and affecting to read them before the Chiefs who could not convict him of falsehood because they themselves could not read, made them believe that all the Tupinambas were to be declared slaves as soon as those dispatches were received. No farther instigation was needed. That very night they fell upon the garrison, which consisted of thirty men, and killed them in their sleep; .. then they dispatched messengers to all their hordes, to excite a general insurrection. But Mathias de Albuquerque checked their attack on one side, and Caldeira anticipated it on the other; being

[page] 430

CHAP. XIII. 1618.

informed that they meant to attack his new city, or feigning such information, he spread fire and sword among the Tupinambas of Para, and the punishment taken was heavier than the offence.

Death of Jeronymo.

Berredo. § 446—450.

At this time Jeronymo de Albuquerque died; he was seventy years of age, and the cares of government, and his anxiety about supplies which came less regularly than they were expected and wanted, are supposed to have accelerated his death. He appointed Antonio his eldest son to succeed him, with Bento Maciel Parente, and Domingos da Costa Machado, as his assistants: Antonio thought he needed none. Domingos da Costa was not disposed to force upon him the presence of an unwelcome adviser; Maciel was of a different temper, and expressed his resentment at the neglect with which his authority was treated, in such language that Antonio first put him in confinement, and then sent him to Pernambuco in company with Domingos, who was going there to embark for Portugal and claim the reward of his services.

Disturbances at Belem.

The new Captaincy of Para was disturbed with more serious dissentions. Antonio Cabral, Caldeira's nephew, was at enmity with a Captain called Alvaro Neto, a good soldier, and in general estimation; and one day in the most public part of the settlement, he fell upon him unawares and assassinated him. At the outcry which was raised, Paulo da Rocha, and Thadeu de Passos, great friends of the deceased, came up, and seeing Caldeira in the crowd they called upon him for justice; but Caldeira had been no friend of Neto's, and was not disposed to take any due measures for punishing the murderer. These Captains could not but see this, and they gave loose to their just indignation so freely, that perceiving they had thereby put their own persons in danger, they retired into the Convent of the Friars of St. Antonio. Caldeira suppressed his resentment for the present, and ordered his nephew into custody; in a few days

[page] 431

CHAP. XIII. 1618.

he suffered solicitations to be made for suspending the process against him, listened to entreaties in his behalf upon the plea that his services were wanted against the rebellious Indians, and set him at liberty. He then gave way to his anger against the two Captains who had taken sanctuary, and sent a party of soldiers to seize them there.

Caldeira deposed by the people.

1619.

Berredo. § 454. 461—468.

The Portugueze think little of murder: a bad police and a worse religion have removed all fears of vengeance, human or divine; .. but any thing like sacrilege shocks them. The soldiers went reluctantly upon their errand, and returned without performing it; one of the Friars received an accidental hurt from them, and this increased their horror. The Commander then sent seventy men to break open the Convent; they contrived to employ themselves upon an outward palisade till night closed in, and then returned, saying, it would be rash to enter in the dark. Caldeira waited impatiently for the morning, that he might have his enemies in his power; at day-break he heard the whole garrison in mutiny; they seized him and put him in irons, and nominated in his place Balthazar Rodriguez de Mello, the officer whom he had sent to force the Convent. Balthazar accepted the command under the plea of necessity, restored order, and dispatched intelligence of what had happened to D. Luiz de Sousa, now Governor of Brazil, and to the Court of Madrid. The war with the rebellious Indians, as they were called, still continued, nor were these brave and injured people dismayed by repeated defeats. Amaro, who had by his artifice occasioned the insurrection, was taken prisoner, and blown from the mouth of a cannon. They attacked the fort of Belem, and all the efforts of the Portugueze were necessary for its defence; but a lucky shot killed the leader of the assailants, and they then retired.

Meantime Domingos da Costa had delivered Maciel into the

[page] 432

CHAP. XIII. 1619.

Domingos da Costa Captain of Maranham.

Berredo. § 469—471.

hands of the new Governor, D. Luiz de Sousa, at Olinda, that being still the residence of the Governor General, because of its vicinity to Maranham, now the scene of action. But the charges which Antonio de Albuquerque made in writing, were less efficacious than the personal defence of the accused; Maciel was acquitted of any fault, and sent to take the command against the Tupinambas, and D. Luiz confirming by patent the nomination of Antonio to the Captaincy, appointed Domingos da Costa to be his coadjutor, giving a casting vote in case their opinions upon any important point should not agree, to the Ouvidor Geral, or Auditor General, Luiz de Madureira. He suspected that Antonio would not hold the Captaincy upon these terms, and therefore named Domingos to succeed him in case of his resignation. This expectation was well-founded; Antonio pleaded that it was necessary for him to go to Madrid in consequence of his father's death, and he resigned the government.

The mutineers of Belem sent to Portugal.

Cruelty of Bento Maciel.

The same vessel which carried Domingos to St. Luiz, carried also Jeronymo Fragoso de Albuquerque, Antonio's cousin, who was appointed to the Captaincy of Para. His orders were to send prisoners to Portugal, the assassin Cabral, his uncle Caldeira, Balthazar Rodriguez who had accepted the government from the hands of the mutineers, and the two officers who had headed the mutiny. As soon as this was done the new Capitam Mor began to prosecute the war against the unhappy Tupinambas on one side, while Maciel, who brought eighty soldiers and four hundred native archers from Pernambuco, began his career of devastation from the shore opposite St. Luiz, and continued it to Belem, killing or dragging into captivity all upon his way. He brought with him instructions to enquire farther into the mutiny; and though all the most culpable were either sent to Portugal, or had fled, a few poor wretches, who had

[page] 433

CHAP. XIII. 1619.

1620.

Berredo. § 472—484.

unluckily remained, thinking the part which they had borne was too insignificant to deserve notice, were apprehended for want of any of more importance, and shipt off for Portugal, there to remain years and years in prison, with little probability of ever being brought to trial. Having executed this part of his commission, Maciel fell again upon the natives. The Capitam Mor remonstrated against this, saying, that vengeance enough had been taken, and it was time to grant them peace; but Maciel replied, that as he was appointed to the command in this war, it belonged to him to say when it should end. Jeronymo Fragoso felt the whole insolence of such an answer; he had however no time to procure the recall of this mischievous and bloody man, for in a few weeks he died, having nominated his cousin Mathias de Albuquerque to succeed him. They deposed him, pretending that no Captain had power to dispose of the succession, and they elected Custodio Valente, and a Friar, as joint Commanders. Teixeira exclaimed against these measures, but was reconciled to them by being admitted as a third. Maciel pretended a light to the authority; this claim was denied, and he went on in his detestable trade of hunting down the Indians and selling them for slaves. It was not long before Valente embarked for Portugal; the Friar finding himself not popular in his new capacity, returned to his convent, and the government remained in Teixeira's hands. Maciel then came to Belem and attempted to raise an insurrection against him; he was again foiled, .. the new Commander was as active and vigilant as himself; and finding all his plans frustrated, he returned to Maranham, and founded a fort at the mouth of the Itapycuru.

Colonists from the Azores arrive at Maranham.

Maranham went on prosperously under the administration of Domingos da Costa. The Government of Madrid seems to have thought these new settlements worthy of more attention

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[page] 434

CHAP. XIII. 1621.

Berredo. § 485—88.

than Brazil had ever experienced since the death of Joam III. Jorge de Lemos Bitancourt, upon the promise of a Commenda worth four hundred milreas, carried over two hundred colonists from the Azores, and forty more soon followed, whom the Provedor Mor of those islands, one of the same family, contracted also with the crown to supply. These reinforcements arrived seasonably to supply the ravages which the small pox had made in the colony. The Indians suffered dreadfully, few of them surviving the third day after the appearance of the disorder. But it does not appear that the disease extended to those natives who were at enmity with the Portugueze, .. so wide an interval of desolation had been made between them.

1622.

Barreiros Captain of Maranham.

In the following year Diogo de Mendoza Furtado came out as Governor General. He brought out with him Antonio Moniz Barreiros, a wealthy inhabitant of Pernambuco, who had bargained with government for the office of Provedor Mor da Fazenda Real, stipulating to erect two sugar works in the Conquests of Maranham. To make this bargain more advantageous in every way to himself, he found means of persuading the Governor to give his son the Captainship of St. Luiz, though there were many other claimants, every one of whom must have had better pretensions, and though the young Barreiros was manifestly not old enough to be entrusted with such a charge. This objection was obviated by enjoining him to consult upon all important affairs with F. Luiz Figueira, a Jesuit, who, with another of the society, accompanied him. These Jesuits had no sooner set foot in Maranham, than a tumult was excited against them. The Company had so resolutely and perseveringly opposed the iniquitous conduct of the Portugueze toward the natives, and the wicked system of slavery, that they were necessarily both feared and hated by the slave-holders. Their religious character was not sufficient to protect them, and the Senado

[page] 435

CHAP. XIII. 1622.

Berredo. § 492—96.

da Camara, or municipality of St. Luiz, was compelled to require the Capitam Mor to turn them out of the Captaincy as speedily as possible; but Figueira, who was present when this demand was made, replied that he must be cut in pieces before he would abandon the exercise of his duty in that place. Both the new Captain and his predecessor Domingos exerted all their authority and influence to pacify the people. Their clamours were quieted by a concession on the part of the two Jesuits, who signed a paper, purporting that they would never interfere with the domestic Indians on pain of immediate banishment, and the loss of all the possessions with which their order might then be endowed there.

Maciel Captain of Para.

Berredo. § 489—90.

1623.

Berredo. § 499—501.

Maciel about this time, after having twice attempted to make himself Capitam Mor of Para by illegal means, was duly appointed to the office. The people dreaded his well-known cruelty; he however found vent for it upon the unhappy Indians, among whom Teixeira, by his orders, made dreadful destruction. In the spring of the ensuing year, Luiz Aranha de Vasconcellos arrived on an especial commission from Madrid, to explore the Orellana, and reconnoitre all the places which were occupied by the Dutch or by any other interlopers. His instructions were to repair to Belem and communicate with Maciel, and there decide in council with him, the master of his caravel, and the two pilots, on which side to begin the survey, whether from the side of Belem, or from the north, where these interlopers were supposed to be. It was resolved that he should begin with the south-side.

Expedition to the Curupa, and the mouth of the Orellana.

Repeated reports soon came to Belem that Aranha was surrounded by enemies in the river Curupa, and Maciel immediately set out to succour him with seventy soldiers and a thousand native bowmen in one caravel, and two and twenty canoes. They met Aranha on his return; the news that he had

[page] 436

CHAP. XIII. 1623.

Berredo. § 501—13.

been surrounded was false, but he had found settlers on the Curupa, and on the other branches of the great river, and had not been able to effect his survey for want of sufficient strength. They then determined that he should turn back, and Teixeira in the vessel with him, while Maciel coasted along with the canoes and sounded all the rivers as far as the Curupa, which was to be the place of junction. The junction was effected, after Teixeira, having parted company, had been in great danger from shoals, currents, storms, the want of a pilot, and the numerous vessels of the enemy which frequented these parts. At the same time another detachment which Maciel had directed to follow him, arrived from Belem. They found Dutch, English, and French adventurers in the Curupa, with trenches to defend the port, and a great body of natives to assist them. Maciel drove them from this post, attacked many of their other factories and burnt them, and then proceeded to the Ilha dos Tocujuz, one of the islands in the mouth of the Orellana. Here there were many well-fortified factories, but they had all been abandoned at the approach of the Portugueze. While Maciel was preparing to hunt out the fugitives in the interior of the island, he was informed that a ship of considerable force was coming to their assistance; he attacked the ship and burnt her, .. all the crew perished except one boy, .. with such atrocious cruelty was maritime war at this time carried on! It had been his intention to establish a settlement on the Ilha dos Tocujuz; but relinquishing this project he returned to the Curupa, and there, at a place called Mariocay, erected a fort which still retains the name of St. Antonio, under whose tutelage it was built. Having thus effected the objects of his expedition, he returned to Belem. From this time Maciel assumed the title of First Discoverer and Conqueror of the Rivers of Amazons and Curupa; Luiz Aranha, because he had entered the Curupa before him, took the same boastful and

[page] 437

CHAP. XIII. 1623.

false appellation; both chusing to forget that they had found Europeans in the latter river, that the great stream had been navigated from the other side of the continent by Orellana, and the desperate adventurer Lope de Aguirre; and that this very labyrinth of islands and channels which was all that they had entered, had been explored above half a century before by one of their own nation, a pilot of the coast, whose name was Meirinho, and whose directions for such as should attempt the same difficult navigation were still preserved.

Net. MSS. 1. 5.

1624.

Maranham and Para formed into a state independent of Brazil.

Berredo. § 515—16.

These new Conquests were rightly considered at Madrid as of great importance, and because the old Captaincies were sufficiently extensive for one Governor, and the communication from Maranham to Pernambuco was so difficult because of the regular wind from the Eastward, the Conquests of Maranham and Para were separated from the general government of Brazil with the title of Estado or State, and Francisco Coelho de Carvalho was appointed the first Governor. But the evil days of Brazil were now drawing on, and the Portugueze, instead of extending their settlements in that country, were on the point of losing all that they possessed there.

[page 438]

CHAPTER XIV.

Establishment of a West Indian Company in Holland.—St. Salvador taken by the Dutch, and recovered by the Spaniards and Portugueze under D. Fadrique de Toledo.—Affairs of Maranham.—The Dutch send out a second expedition, and obtain possession of Olinda and Recife.

CHAP. XIV.

Had Felipe IV. fallen into the hands of a wise minister, the twelve years truce with Holland would have been terminated by a peace, the Palatinate restored, the marriage of the Infanta with the English prince effected; Europe would have been saved from many years of misery, and Spain might have had time to recover its exhausted strength. But the pacific dispositions of Felipe and of James I. were counteracted by their favourites, and Olivares and Buckingham are the authors of the crimes and sufferings which ensued.

Establishment of the Dutch West Indian Company.

The Dutch rightly regarded liberty as the best thing; next to liberty they valued profit. By attacking the Spanish colonies, they at the same time cut off the supplies of their enemy, and enriched themselves; this they had done so successfully in the East, that they now turned their attention towards America, and the establishment of a West Indian Company was proposed,

[page] 439

CHAP. XIV. 1622.

of which the chief object should be, to make conquests in Brazil. There were weighty objections against this proposal. It was urged that Holland was not large enough for such ambitious projects; that if two Companies existed it would be difficult to raise men for both; and that the produce of Brazil and of their Asiatic possessions were so much alike, that one Company would injure the other by bringing similar commodities to market. Success, if indeed they succeeded, would excite the envy of those European powers who were now their friends, and envy would soon produce hostility. But success was not to be expected. The Portugueze settlements in Brazil were not like those in India; the Brazilian colonists had in the course of a century connected themselves with the natives who would afford them a powerful support against any invaders; and it was to be remembered, that conquests upon a continent could not be defended so easily as captured islands. In reply to these objections it was asserted, that the natives would eagerly throw off the yoke of the Portugueze, and that the Portugueze themselves, some from their hatred to Castille, others because of their intermarriage with the New Christians, and their consequent dread of the Inquisition, would either willingly join or feebly oppose them; and all that was needful was to treat them well, and grant full liberty of conscience. St. Salvador and Olinda, the two places which it was of most importance to win, were accessible by sea; having won them, the way to the Pacific became easy, and the treasures of Peru were at their mercy. Thus might they deprive Spain of the very means of war. And what, they asked, was hazarded by the attempt? for nothing was required from the States except men, who were to be raised and maintained at the Company's expence, and who, if they were not thus usefully employed abroad, would probably be dangerous at home. Christianity, as usual, was perverted to serve

[page] 440

CHAP. XIV. 1623.

Barlæus. p. 10.

G. Giuseppe p. 5.

Cespedes. l. 5. c. 14.

the purposes of avarice and ambition, and it was pleaded as one motive for invading Brazil, that a pure religion would thus be introduced into America. These arguments prevailed; the Company was formed, full powers were given them, and all other subjects of the United States were prohibited during a term of twenty four years from trading to America, or to the opposite coast of Africa between the Cape of Good Hope and the Tropic of Cancer. The Company were to render an account of their proceedings every sixth year.

A fleet equipped against Brazil.

G. Giuseppe p. 57.

Cespedes. l. 5. c. 14. c. 19

A fleet was speedily fitted out under the command of Jacob Willekens; his Admiral was the famous Pieter Heyne, who from being a common sailor had risen to that rank; Hans Vandort was to be General on shore. By means of the Jews in Brazil every kind of necessary information was obtained, for Holland was in those days the only part of Christendom where this much injured people were at rest: and Dutch Masters were of all things what they had most reason to hope for. But as the Dutch bought intelligence, so also did they sell it; and there were merchants of Amsterdam who sent intelligence to Lisbon warning the Government there, that though the threat was against India, the blow was for Brazil. The Infanta Isabel sent the same warning from Flanders to Madrid. But nothing could rouse Olivares; it was the system of the Spanish Court to weaken Portugal in every way, and they either did not believe the intelligence, or did not yet consider what would be the consequence to their own colonies, if those of the Portugueze should fall.

The fleet separated.

The fleet sailed in December, was scattered when in sight of Plymouth by a storm, and did not join company till they had reached the Cape de Verds. When they had crossed the Line they opened their sealed instructions, and found orders to attack St. Salvador, the capital of Brazil. No service could have

[page] 441

CHAP. XIV. 1623.

been more welcome; but another storm interrupted their hopes, and the fleet was again separated. Vandort was driven back to Serra Leoa; Willekens beat on against the wind, and made the Morro de St. Paulo, twelve leagues from Bahia, where he remained off the coast waiting for Vandort: he expected that this delay would lessen the alarm which his appearance occasioned, and that the Portugueze would suppose he had been driven there by stress of weather.

St. Salvador taken.

The Brazilians were almost as negligent for themselves, as the Court of Madrid was for them. The Dutch had been three days hovering about the coast within twelve leagues of the Capital, before the Governor received any intelligence, and the first account spoke of only a single ship. Truer tidings soon followed; he then began to strengthen posts which had been too long neglected, and he assembled all in the vicinity who were capable of bearing arms. These men would have fought if an enemy had immediately appeared; a few days exhausted their ardour and their patience; they began to think of their farms, argued that the Dutch were only come to pirate as usual upon their ships, became mutinous, and finally deserted the city1. Thus what Willekens had hoped came to pass, and when, having once more collected his fleet he came before St. Salvador, he found little preparations, and little means of defence. The Governor's son made a slight resistance at an un-

1 Brito Freire (2. § 120.) imputes this desertion to the Bishop, who according to him inveighed both in conversation and from the pulpit against the conduct of the Governor, for calling in the force of the Reconcave. G. Giuseppe, on the contrary, says that the Bishop offered to take arms and head the clergy himself; that his services were not accepted, and therefore he and all the clergy returned into the country.

3 L

[page] 442

CHAP. XIV. 1624.

G. Giuseppe 60.

Cespedes. 5. 19.

tenable post: it was presently forced, and the Dutch lodged themselves in the suburbs. During the night the city was deserted, and on the following morning they entered without opposition. The Governor attempted to maintain his own house, as if this idle ostentation of personal courage could excuse or atone for the inertness of his previous conduct. The Dutch however were not provoked to kill him2; and thus almost without a struggle, or even show of resistance, the capital of Brazil fell into their hands; nor did their good fortune end here, for twelve ships sailed into the port, before it could be known that it was conquered.

The Dutch strengthen the city.

Vandort took the command, according to his instructions, and began to strengthen the place; he had learnt the art of war in Flanders, and was a soldier of great reputation. He repaired the old fortifications, and added new ones, on which two able engineers were employed. It was even designed to make a cut across the point of land on which the city stands, and thus insulate it, but the distance was found to be too great. Proclamations were dispersed offering liberty, free possession of their property, and free enjoyment of religion to all who would submit; this brought over many negroes, many natives, and about two hundred Jews, who exerted themselves to make others follow their example. Exposed as they were to the insults of a bigoted people, and having the fear of the Inquisition before their eyes, nothing could be more desirable for them than such a change of masters.

The Portugueze had at first supposed that this expedition of

2 G. Giuseppe says, he would not surrender till it had been promised him, that he should be set at liberty; .. in spite of which, Willekens, with brutal infidelity, kept him prisoner. This accusation is refuted by its own absurdity.

[page] 443

CHAP. XIV. 1624.

The Portugueze rally.

Cespedes. 5. 20.

R. Pitta. 4. § 33.

the Dutch was designed merely to plunder, not to make conquests; and this perhaps was one reason why they abandoned the city with so little resistance. But now that they found themselves in the woods, without home or shelter, and with their wives and children round them, shame came upon them; and when they saw that the enemy instead of loading ships and embarking with their booty, were strengthening the walls and making preparations to settle as masters in Brazil, their national spirit revived, and they began to take measures for recovering their own and their country's honour. The Bishop and the chief persons civil and religious, met together in one of the Indian villages of the Reconcave, and considering Mendoza as dead to all purposes of state, opened the succession-papers, which they had taken the precaution of securing when they fled. Mathias de Albuquerque, who was at that time Governor of Pernambuco, was the person named. They dispatched advice to him of his appointment, and proceeded to nominate a Commander during the time that must elapse before he could arrive. Antam de Mesquita de Oliveira, the Ouvidor Geral, was first chosen; his advanced age rendered him unequal to the office. The two colonels Lourenço Cavalcante de Albuquerque, and Joam de Barros Cardoso, were next appointed: two heads were found not to agree; this election was therefore soon afterward set aside, and the command vested in the Bishop D. Marcos Teixeira.

The Bishop appointed to the command.

This Prelate did not pass abruptly from the episcopal to the military character. He put on the garb of a penitent, and performed public ceremonies of supplication, then took arms, and hoisted the crucifix for his standard. His first measure was to prohibit the cultivation of sugar and tobacco, .. for which the Dutch, before a week had elapsed, were begining to trade. His force consisted of fourteen hundred Portugueze, and two

[page] 444

CHAP. XIV. 1624.

Vandort slain.

Jornada da Bahia. c. 23.

Cespedes. 5. 28.

hundred and fifty Indians3; he took post upon the Rio Vermelho, about a league from the city, and fortified his camp with the guns of a ship which had escaped capture by striking up one of the rivers of the Reconcave. His people had taken heart, and the first skirmishes were in their favour. Vandort went out with a reconnoitering party; he fell into an ambush, and Francisco de Padilha slew him hand to hand. Albert Schoutens, who succeeded to the command, had no better fortune, being soon killed by a musket shot. His brother Willem, upon whom it then devolved, did not possess sufficient talents for his situation, and every day added to the reputation of the Portugueze arms, and diminished that of the Dutch. The Bishop omitted no means spiritual or temporal which might spur on the courage of his people; and by virtue of his office as Commander in Chief, he knighted Padilha and three other officers who had distinguished themselves.

Expedition of Heyne against Angola.

Cespedes. 5, 20.

Yet notwithstanding these reverses, which ought to have repressed their confidence, the Dutch conceived themselves to be so strong, the Brazilians so weak, and Spain so supine, that Willekens sailed for Holland with eleven ships, leaving the rest under the famous Admiral Heyne, who a few days afterwards departed upon a fruitless expedition against Angola. The schemes of the West India Company were on a great scale; they thought to make themselves masters of Loanda, and thus at once secure negroes for their own conquests in Brazil, and cut off the Portugueze from their accustomed market. But Loanda had received timely succours, and the vigilance of the Governor Fernam de Sousa, baffled all the enemies projects. Heyne was

3 Cespedes says about 1200 in all; but this statement is given in the Jornada, da Bahia, upon the authority of the Bishop's own dispatches.

[page] 445

CHAP. XIV. 1624.

Espirito Santo attacked.

Jornada da Bahia c. 21.

not more fortunate in an attempt which on his return to Bahia he made upon Espirito Santo, instigated by a Fleming, who having formerly resided there and received sentence of death for some criminal offence, had been pardoned, returned into his country, and entered the Dutch service. Salvador de Sa, son to the Governor of Rio de Janeiro, happened to be in that town on his way with succours to the Reconcave, and Heyne having lost above threescore men in two unsuccessful attacks, abandoned the enterprize and proceeded to Bahia. He found the fleets of Spain and Portugal in possession of the Bay, and not being strong enough to oppose them, made sail for Europe.

Measures of the Spanish Government.

Brito Freire. § 233.

Cespedes. 5. 20.

Jornada da Bahia. c. 5.

The news of the loss of Bahia excited great alarm at Madrid. That Court, which when forewarned of the blow had taken no measures to prevent it, perceived its whole consequences after it was struck, and was probably the more alarmed because there prevailed a rumour that the English were to unite their forces with the Dutch, and establish the Elector Palatine as King in Brazil. The measures which the Spanish Court adopted were worthy of its superstition, and of its power. Instructions were dispatched to the Governors of Portugal that they should examine into the crimes which had drawn on this visitation of divine vengeance, and punish them accordingly. Prayers, which from their repetition on nine successive days were called novenas, were ordered over the whole kingdom, and a litany and prayers, framed for the occasion, were to be said after the mass. On one of the nine days there was to be a solemn procession of the people in every town and village, and the Religioners in every cloister. The sacrament was exposed in all the churches of Lisbon. The great ocean-fleet, as the Spaniards called it, was equipped to recover the city which had been lost, and four squadrons sailed from the Tagus with immediate succours to those places which were considered to be most in danger. D.

[page] 446

CHAP. XIV. 1624.

Zeal of the Portugueze.

Jornada da Bahia c. 9.

G. Giuseppe p. 64.

Jornada da Bahia c. 4.

Franscisco de Moura went in one to take the command in Bahia, another was destined to Pernambuco, the third to Rio de Janeiro, the fourth to Angola. The Portugueze were aware of the value of their colonies; a hundred thousand crowns were given by the city of Lisbon towards the expences of government for the deliverance of St. Salvador; the Duke of Braganza made a voluntary contribution of twenty thousand, the Duke of Caminha of sixteen thousand five hundred. The nobles, perceiving that for the first time the Court of Madrid was zealous for the welfare of Portugal, and flattered in that the King had written to them with his own hand requesting their exertions, offered with unexampled readiness their persons and property to the public service. Men who had held the highest offices embarked as volunteers, among others Affonso de Noronha, who had been viceroy in India. There was not a noble family in Portugal but had some of its sons in this armament, and in many instances brethren decided it by lot between themselves which should be the adventurer, each being too ambitious of the service to resign his claims to it by any other means. The utmost dispatch was used at Lisbon; persons were appointed to relieve each other in superintending the equipment night and day. D. Manoel de Menezes was appointed to the command of the Portugueze force, consisting of four thousand men in six and twenty ships4; they were to join the Spaniards at the Cape de Verds.

4 F. Bertolameu Guerreiro enumerates the stores of this armanent: 7500 quintaes of biscuit, 84 pipes of wine, 1378 of water, 4190 arrobas of meat, 3739 of fish, 1782 of rice, 122 quartos of oil, 93 pipes of vinegar. Cheese, raisins, figs, pulse, almonds, dried plumbs, sugar, sweetmeats, spices and salt in abundance; 22 medicine chests, 2 physicians, a surgeon in almost every ship, 200 beds for the sick, and store of stockings, shoes, and shirts; 310 pieces of artillery, 2504 round and chain-shot, 2710 musquets and harquebusses, 209 quintaes of lead in bullets, 1355 pikes and half pikes, 202 quintaes of matches, 500 of powder, and 300 more the Spanish fleet was to bring out to them from Cadiz and Seville. The money which they took out for contingencies was 20,000 cruzados in reales. Jornada da Bahia, C. 17.

[page] 447

CHAP. XIV. 1624.

Relaçam que fez hum. Emb. de Veneza Disc. 5. § 24.

1625.

Cespedes. 5. 20.

Olivares for once had the interest of both countries at heart, and when an astrologer, at that time in high reputation, told him he was afraid the January Moon would find the fleet out of harbour, the favourite replied, I am more afraid it will find them in. He hastened the expedition, but it was equipped with less activity than had been exerted at Lisbon, and the Portugueze waited nearly nine weeks, at a heavy expence of men, in the fatal climate of the Cape de Verds, before the Spanish fleet joined them. It consisted of forty sail and eight thousand soldiers under D. Fadrique de Toledo. So powerful a fleet had never before crossed the line.

The Bishop is superseded, and dies.

Jornada da Bahia. c. 24.

Cespedes. 5. 20.

Meantime Mathias de Albuquerque received tidings of his nomination to the government in consequence of the succession-papers, and also by a direct appointment from the mother country. To have repaired in person to the scene of action would not have been prudent; troops enough could not have been collected to expel the Dutch; the present system of harrassing them, attacking their out-posts and cutting off their foragers, had the sure effect of weakening and disheartening them; a more regular force would have been less serviceable, and exposed to greater loss. He therefore contented himself with sending Francisco Nunez Marinho de Sa to take the command, that the Bishop might give his whole attention to spiritual concerns, and in particular prevent the enemy from disseminating their heretical opinions, of which the Portugueze were in more dread than of their arms. Orders were sent from Madrid to be especially vigilant against this danger. The Bishop had now been

[page] 448

CHAP. XIV. 1624.

Rocha Pitta. 4. § 35—37.

six months in the field, during three of which he held the command; the unusual fatigues of a military life, and of such service, were more than he could bear, and he died soon after the arrival of Francisco Nunez. As he died in the field they buried him in a little chapel at Tapagipe, from which he had driven the Dutch; no stone was placed to mark his grave in those times of confusion, and afterwards when the Portugueze would have shown due honour to his remains, the spot was forgotten.

Arrival of the Spanish and Portugueze fleet.

1625.

G. Giuseppe p. 68.

The same system of warfare was carried on with the same success by Francisco Nunez, and afterwards by D. Francisco de Moura when he arrived from Lisbon to take the command. On the 28th of March the united fleets of Spain and Portugal appeared off the Bay. The sight animated and intoxicated the Brazilians; they fancied that it would intimidate the Dutch as greatly as it had encouraged them, and thinking to have the whole glory of recovering the city themselves, they precipitately attacked it, and were beaten off with great loss. The fleet advanced more cautiously; D. Fadrique knew that powerful reinforcements had been raised in Holland, and was apprehensive that they might have arrived before him. Having ascertained that this was not the case, he entered the Bay with trumpets sounding, colours flying, the ships pavaised and ready for action. The Dutch vessels also, and the walls and forts, were drest with all their banners and streamers, hoisted either to welcome friends or defy enemies, whichever these new comers might prove to be. The city had been fortified with great care according to the best principles of engineering, a science in which no people had had such experience as the Dutch; it was defended with ninety-two pieces of artillery, and from the New Fort upon the beach they fired red-hot shot. There were ten ships of war and eighteen merchantmen in the harbour. D. Fadrique, who saw the strength of the place, and knew that the fleet

[page] 449

CHAP. XIV. 1625.

Jornada da Bahia. c. .

Cespedes. 6. 11.

G. Giuseppe p. 68.

from Holland must soon arrive, called a council of war, and proposed to land three thousand men, and leave the main force of the expedition on board to intercept the enemy's succours. It was objected, that only one encampment could be formed with that number of troops, and then it would be impossible to harrass the besieged by keeping them on the alarm at different points. The conclusion was, that half the army should be landed, and that the fleet should stretch over from Tapagipe to St. Antonio, thus at once blockading the ships in port, and cutting off all supplies. They effected their landing without opposition; for the garrison, which consisted of from two to three thousand men of all nations, besides a great number of negroes, were divided among themselves and in want of an able leader.

The Dutch make a successful sally.

Cespedes. 6. 12.

G. Giuseppe p. 69.

One part of the fortifications had been left imperfect, partly because Willem Schoutens relied upon the depth of the ditch, and still more, because he calculated with too much confidence upon the activity of his own government, and the supineness of Spain. He was wont to say that all they had to do was to quell the natives, for it was impossible the Spanish fleet should arrive before the Dutch; and when the fleet entered the bay he affirmed it was Dutch, till the truth became so manifest that he could no longer delude himself with this obstinate prepossession. Immediate exertions were then made to strengthen this post. Its weakness did not escape notice, and the General was advised to storm it: to this advice he inclined at first, but reflecting that in such attempts, the loss always falls upon the flower of the army, and that the enemy, aware of their vulnerable point, were then fortifying it and would be ready to defend it, he determined upon slower and safer advances. The troops held the enemy in less respect than their Commander did: their camp was in confusion, and little or no watch kept. The besieged discovered this, and one morning Jan Quif sallied with two

3 M

[page] 450

CHAP. XIV. 1625.

bodies of three hundred men each, surprised the camp, and made considerable slaughter before he thought it prudent to retire. The Camp-Master D. Pedro Osorio fell in this affair.

Mutiny of the Dutch troops.

The Dutch capitulate.

The next attempt of the besieged was to burn the blockading fleet. They sent out two fire ships by night; the Spanish guard-boats gave the alarm, that the enemy were flying by sea; the fleet in this belief got under weigh to pursue them, and thus escaped the danger. Having however discovered from what a danger they had been thus preserved, they resolved without farther delay to destroy the Dutch ships. The Dutch to avoid this drew near the forts; but by obtaining this protection they exposed themselves towards the shore; a way was hewn through the rocks to bring down artillery against them, and the greater number were sunk. Meantime the garrison grew discontented; they became clamorous against the misconduct of their Commander, and at length displaced and put him in confinement, appointing Quif to be his successor. This mutiny only served to make the factious spirit of the soldiers more violent. Schoutens had still a powerful party; the French and English mercenaries were tired of the siege; they were sure of quarter, and having no character either of their own or of their country at stake, weary of waiting for succour, and worst of all being convinced that without unanimity resistance must be ineffectual, they declared they would fight no longer. Under these circumstances Quif's courage was of no avail, and deputies were sent to capitulate. The terms were that D. Fadrique should give them shipping and stores to carry them to Holland, safe conduct, and sufficient arms for their defence upon the way. There was a register in which those persons entered their names, who were willing to retain their property by submitting to the Conquerors: the General demanded this, that he might punish the offenders; but the Dutch either concealed or destroyed it, for which

[page] 451

CHAP. XIV. 1625.

Brito Freire. § 161.

Cespedes. 6. 13.

Ereceyra. l. 2. p. 50.

honourable as well as politick conduct they are deservedly praised by the Portugueze themselves. But the Negroes and New Christians, that is to say the Jews, who had been compelled to profess Christianity, who trusted to the Hollanders proclamation were abandoned; and five of the latter and some Indians were put to death. On the first of May the gates were thrown open. The city suffered less at its capture than at its recovery. The Dutch came to win the country and to keep it; it had therefore been their endeavour to conciliate the natives, and the long war in which they were engaged at home had not demoralized the nation, because it was sanctified by such a cause. But the Spaniards and Italians of D. Fadrique's army had been trained up in all the excesses of a military life; the Portugueze were not slow in acquiring the vices of their companions, and no place private or public, was safe from their violence.

Difficulty of sending the Dutch to Europe.

There was some difficulty in executing the terms. Time had been when a Spanish General would have had no intention of executing them; but Spain had no longer that confidence in her own strength which promised impunity for any breach of treaty; the nation, though it pertinaciously denied the guilt of Alva, was sensible of the infamy which he had brought upon his country, and its old honourable character had returned. D. Fadrique was anxious to keep his word to the full extent in which he had pledged it, and as solicitous to dismiss the Dutch as they were to feel themselves at liberty. Provisions were scarce; the country round Bahia had been the seat of war; in spite therefore of all its natural abundance, stores were wanting, not merely to victual the prisoners, but also for his own fleet. He lost no time in sending to the other Captaincies for all the supplies which they could afford: old ships were repaired, and the completion of new ones hastened.

[page] 452

CHAP. XIV. 1625.

Cespedes. 6. 13.

The coming of the expected armament from Holland had been so long delayed that various conjectures were afloat to account for its delay; .. it was bound elsewhere, or it had been scattered by storms. Tidings however arrived that it had past the Canaries on the fifth of April, and shortly afterwards a Portugueze which had been taken by the Dutch fleet, and recaptured, brought intelligence of their approach. The two thousand prisoners were immedidiately embarked on board dismantled ships, and anchored under the guns of the fortress. It was more difficult for the General to decide in what manner his own force should be disposed: many of their best ships were laid down, others without water and stores: as many as could be equipped were made ready, and it was determined to wait in port for the enemy.

A Dutch fleet arrives.

Cespedes. 6. 14.

On the twenty second of May, the Dutch fleet of thirty four sail, under Baldwin Henrik, hove in sight, and stood into the bay, supposing that St. Salvador was still in possession of their countrymen. The sight of the Catholick colours soon undeceived him, and in the surprise which was thus occasioned, Henrik let slip an opportunity of obtaining a signal victory, for all was in confusion among the Spaniards and Portugueze. But his own force was not sufficient to retake the city; he had many sick on board, and he thought it of more consequence to seek a port where they might recover, than to inflict unavailing injury upon the enemy, at the risque of crippling his own fleet in the action. He therefore stood off to the North and passed Olinda in a gale of wind, where the people expected to be attacked, and made ready for defence. The gale drove him on till he anchored in Bahia de Traiçam; here the natives5 were disposed to join with

5 Brito Freire, (§ 286) speaks like a good man of the rigour with which these natives were punished for having welcomed the Dutch. "Inasmuch," says he, "as we had failed to give them their reward when they formerly served us, so ought we now to have moderated their chastisement." They were probably Pitagoares.

[page] 453

CHAP. XIV. 1625.

Berredo. § 517—18. 55.

G. Giuseppe p. 76.

Cespedes. 6. 14.

Barlæus. p. 16.

any who appeared as their deliverers; he landed his sick, and fortified their quarters as well as he could. Francisco Coelho de Carvalho, the first Governor of Maranham and Para, since they had been separated from the other Captaincies and formed into a State, was at this time at Recife. He had just arrived there on the way to his new government, when news came of the capture of St. Salvador, upon which he was requested to remain where he was, for the defence of provinces more in danger than his own. No sooner did he hear that Henrik had landed his men, than he collected forces from Pernambuco and Paraiba to dislodge them. The Dutch Commander could have resisted, but the sickness among his people increased, and seeing himself daily weakened, and fearing that the Spanish fleet might pursue him, he re-embarked and sailed away. His ill fortune had only begun in Brazil. Half his fleet attacked Porto Rico, from whence they were driven with great loss; the other half attempted to surprise S. Jorge da Mina, and were in like manner repulsed. Henrik died of the contagion; the survivors being weary of buccaneering, and dispirited, mutinied at last, and compelled their officers to return to Holland.

Disasters of the Portugueze fleet.

This expedition to Bahia proved equally destructive to both parties. D. Fadrique left D. Francisco de Moura Rolim, the new Governor, with a sufficient garrison in the city, and sailed for Europe, taking the Dutch troops with him. He had received advice from the Marques de la Hinojosa, that the English meant to intercept him on his way, and in consequence of this ill-founded intelligence, he steered to the Eastward in latitude 35°,

[page] 454

CHAP. XIV. 1625.

Cespedes. 6. 16.

G. Giuseppe p. 79.

Ereceyra. p. 50.

thinking to avoid an enemy whom he was not in a state to encounter. The result was even more disastrous than if he had fallen in with them. The fleet was scattered by storms; three Spanish and nine Portugueze ships sunk at sea, only a single person escaping from the whole, .. a Trinitarian Friar, who was picked up after clinging two days to a plank. The Admiral's ship reached the Island of St. George, and sunk immediately after the men had left her; they had previously suffered so much from incessant fatigue and want of due sustenance, that very few recovered. Two others of the fleet fell in with a Dutch squadron and were taken. The Almirante de Quatro Villas, with D. Juan de Orellana on board, had a more unhappy fate. This vessel with another in company engaged and captured a rich Hollander from Africa; the prize took fire, and the Almirante was burnt with it, the greater part of her crew perishing. Menezes, who had sailed out of the Tagus with six and twenty ships, returned to it with none but the single one in which he himself escaped. The King of Spain acknowledging the zeal with which the Portugueze had served him in this expedition, gave to all the fidalgos whatever pensions or places they held from the crown for another life, and this with due justice was extended not merely to those who returned, but to all who went in the expedition. The Spanish historian, Cespedes, remarks that this grant exceeded in liberality all that all the former Kings of Portugal had ever made; Ereceyra admits the extent and liberality of the grant, but he observes that it seemed as if Felipe had foreseen the emancipation of Portugal, and was therefore thus liberal at another's expence.

Effect of these losses in Holland.

Barlæus. p. 16.

The Dutch prisoners had parted from the fleet early enough to escape its disasters. In Holland their defeat was imputed to their own dissoluteness and want of obedience, more than to the superiority of the Spaniards, and they were looked upon as men

[page] 455

CHAP. XIV. 1626.

Brazil still neglected by the Spaniards.

Brito Freire. § 301.

who had disgraced their country, and deserved the contempt of their enemies. But the recovery of St. Salvador, and still more the unfortunate expedition of Henrik, discouraged the Dutch: the arguments which had been used against the establishment of the West India Company were revived with new force, and even those who favoured the ambitious projects of the Company, confessed that the farther soldiers were employed from home, the less was their respect for authority, and the more difficult it was to restrain them. The Prince of Grange, steady in his views, opposed the pacific party, and as war to a strong maritime power is a lottery which will always tempt adventurers, his politicks prevailed. The Spaniards having recovered Bahia, relapsed into their wonted supineness, and no means were taken for securing Brazil, lamentably as its insecurity had now been made manifest. Repeated losses by sea made them at length consult concerning some remedy, and it was agreed that the best plan would be to keep up a powerful naval force in America; the next question was, where should this fleet be built and equipped, .. in Europe where stores were at hand, or in Brazil and the Spanish Indies, where there was abundance of better timber? .. This question was not decided, and the ministry, satisfied that they had done their duty by taking the matter into consideration, left it as they found it, and suffered things to take their course.

Oliveira. Governor.

1627.

Francisco de Moura held the government without molestation, till in the ensuing year he was superseded by Diogo Luiz de Oliveira. This new Governor had served many years in the Low Countries, and held various important situations, in all which he had acquired great reputation, and much experience, both as soldier and statesman. But he had now to deal with a maritime enemy, against whose desperate spirit of enterprize, no military skill was of any avail. Heyne once more entered the Bay. It was already known that he was off the coast, and

[page] 456

CHAP. XIV. 1626.

Exploit of Heyne at Bahia.

Brito Freire. § 305.

sixteen ships which were in the harbour were, in fear of this visit, drawn up under the guns of the fort, and four of the largest were manned with troops, and placed outermost as batteries to protect the rest. Oliveira did not even think this sufficient, and planted two and forty large battering pieces in different points to bear upon the Dutch, should they venture to make the attempt. The wind was off shore; Heyne beat up against it, and ran his own ship between the two largest of the enemies floating batteries. None of his fleet could make way to him, but on the other hand neither from the forts nor from the shore could the Portugueze fire at him6, without hurting their countrymen. In the course of half an hour he sent one of these batteries to the bottom; the others immediately struck, and the twelve smaller vessels could make no resistance. The Dutch came in boats, cut their cables, and carried them all out except three of the smallest, which were empty. They could not however get off Heyne's ship; she had suffered greatly in the action, and struck when the tide went out, and they set fire to her: another7 of their vessels was

6 J. de Laet says, they did fire at him, .. evidently exaggerating the wonder of an action sufficiently wonderful. It is good proof to the contrary that some of the Portugueze writers blame Oliveira for not ordering the forts to fire, inexcusable as it would have been, to have thus sacrificed his own people.

7 J. de Laet says nothing of the loss. Brito Freire's authority is however confirmed by a short account of the action, printed in a little tract, with this title. Le Siege de la Ville de Croll, au pays de Frise, par le Prince d'Orange. Ensemble La Deffaitte de la Flotte Espagnolle dans la Baye de Todos los Sanctos, au Bresil, par les Hollandois. 1627. This bulletin, as it may be called, makes the number of ships which Heyne attacked, thirty-two; Laet makes them twenty-six; Brito Freire says they were only sixteen, and accuses Laet of wilful exaggeration: he himself is trust worthy in the highest degree. It was inferred from the stores and artillery which were found in the two wrecks, that the intention of the Dutch was to take the city a second time.

[page] 457

CHAP. XIV. 1627.

J. de Last p. .

Brito Freire. § 310.

blown up; in the two they lost above three hundred men. The next day the Admiral inspected his prizes; the four largest he loaded and sent home to Holland, four others were added to his own fleet, and the rest were burnt. Four and twenty days he remained in the Bay. He returned to it again after a cruise to the Southward, and attempted to cut out four ships from one of the rivers of the Reconcave. This atchievement was more perilous than even the former. The vessels were some miles up the river, and every precaution had been taken both to secure them, and intercept his return. He covered his boats with raw hides out of the prizes which he had taken, made his way up, and though he could not bring all the four out, brought off one of them, and the best part of the lading of all. In this action Padilha, who slew Vandort hand to hand, was killed. After this exploit, Heyne finding that nothing farther was to be done there, sailed away, fell in with the fleet from Mexico, and captured the whole. The West India Company by this capture, the greatest which has ever been made at sea, were amply reimbursed for all their former losses; they were now enabled to lend money to the States, and their plans of conquest were renewed with more ambition than ever. One of their captains8 who infested the coast of Brazil, took possession of the Isle of Fernam Noronha, fortified, and began to colonize it; this, had it been done effectually, would have proved a serious annoyance to the Portugueze; they took the alarm in time, and the Governor immediately sent out an expedition of sufficient force, which made most of the settlers prisoners, burnt their dwellings, and destroyed their plantations.

8 Cornelis Jol, a man of great celebrity in his day. The Portugueze write his name Jolo: they usually call him Pe de Pao, or timber-toe, from his wooden leg. Our sailors are not more addicted to giving nicknames, nor more happy in affixing them, than the Portugueze.

3 N

[page] 458

CHAP. XIV. 1624.

Affairs of Maranham.

Berredo. § 519—522.

Do. 529—533.

A reinforcement of Capuchin Missionaries for Maranham came out with Francisco Coelho, under Frey Christovam de Lisboa, who had the rank of Custodio, or Guardian of his order, equivalent to that of Provincial, in these Conquests. While the Governor was detained at Olinda, Fr. Christovam, thinking his presence more needful at St. Luiz, proceeded with his brethren to their place of destination. He took with him a decree which deprived the settlers of their grants over the allied Indians, who with the name of freedom9, differed in reality little from slaves; the settlers submitted to it, perhaps because they stood in fear of his ecclesiastical powers, for he came out as Visitor and Commissary of the Inquisition. Having accomplished this, he proceeded to Belem, and attempted to put the same decree in execution there. But the people of Belem were even more disposed than those of Maranham to resist whatever it did not suit their immediate interest to obey, and the Senado da Camara, or Chamber of the City, devised an excuse for suspending the royal edict: it was addressed, they said, to the Governor of the State, and therefore nothing could be done towards carrying it into effect till he arrived. Fr. Christovam thought it prudent to submit to this delay, and went meantime on a missionary expedition to explore the River of the Tocantins. On his return he resolved to try whether the settlers could be frightened into obedience, and just as he was about to leave Belem, published a pastoral letter, whereby he excommunicated all persons who still retained their administrations, as these grants were called. The Chamber repeat-

9 Removia todas as merces das administraçoens dus Aldeas dos Indios. These administraçoens must be equivalent to what the Spaniards call encomiendas. The Indians were not given to the holder of such a grant as slaves, .. but their services were, .. it was more like serfage than slavery, with this difference, that the serfs were worked like slaves.

[page] 459

CHAP. XIV. 1625.

Berredo. § 546—548.

Do. § 564.

ed their plea for delay, justly observing, that he himself had admitted its validity by patiently waiting seven months: they added, that as the edict specified only the administrations of St. Luiz, those of Gram Para were not necessarily included; that even if it were so, they appealed to the King against the decree, and that if the Custodio persisted in his excommunication, they appealed against that also, for they had conquered the country themselves, and could not keep it unless they were allowed to make the natives work for them. Fr. Christovam was a Franciscan, and his order was in those days hostile to the Indians, because Las Casas, who first stood forward as the defender of that oppressed race, was a Dominican; this may perhaps account for the facility with which he yielded, and withdrew his denunciation, .. an action which long made his memory popular among the Portugueze of Para. Shortly after his departure the Jesuits applied to the Chamber for permission to found a convent in Belem; the Procurador, on the part of the people refused, alledging that there were already two convents, and as all the ground was now granted away, there was no room for a third. The true cause of the refusal was, their dread of the system which the Jesuits pursued in favour of the natives; .. the impolicy of establishing monastic institutions in a new colony was not considered.

Attempts of the Dutch.

Berredo. § 523.—27.

Do. 530. 542.

After the recovery of St. Salvador, Francisco Coelho, as his services were no longer necessary in those parts, proceeded to take possession of his new government; he was accompanied to St. Luiz by Manoel de Sousa de Eça, the new Capitam Mor of Gram Para. These northern provinces had had their share of the general danger. The Dutch had twice attacked the fort of Seara, and on both occasions Martim Soares repelled them with great loss. A party of two hundred Dutch again entered the Curupa; Teixeira routed them from thence, pursued them into

[page] 460

CHAP. XIV. 1625.

Berredo. 562.

1626.

Cruelty of Maciel.

Berredo. 565.

the Rio de Felipe, destroyed two fortified magazines there, and razed to the ground a third, to which the fugitives had retired. Maciel meantime had made himself deservedly unpopular by his tyrannical temper; but as often as the people were ready to break out in open mutiny, he had art enough to divert them by setting on foot some new expedition against the unhappy Indians, whom he hunted down with unrelenting and indefatigable barbarity. A party of Tupinambas happened at one of their great drinking bouts to fall in talk of their own valour, and how easily they could destroy the Portugueze, if they were so minded; and some of them vauntingly pointed out the manner in which it might be accomplished. This was the mere talk of drunkenness, an idle boast of what could be done, not the betrayal of what they meant to do: but the ferocious Maciel in consequence seized four and twenty of their Chiefs, and had them the same day literally cut to pieces by the hands of some of their old enemies the Tapuyas. Barbarous as the people of Belem were, they were shocked at this barbarity; and had they not been in daily expectation of their new Governor, all the talents and resolution of this wretch could not long have preserved him from the righteous effects of popular indignation.

Oppressive conduct of the Portugueze.

Manoel de Sousa had already served with distinction in these conquests, and was received with universal joy. He too, like his predecessors, believed that the colony could not subsist without slaves; but he was less bloody than Maciel, and preferred the way of trading to that of open violence. It furnished the friends of slavery in Portugal with a better plea, but it was in truth more wicked and even more detestable, for it added treachery to the guilt of war. Teixeira was sent on these expeditions, accompanied by the Capuchin Fr. Christovam de St. Joseph. They advanced some way up the Orellana to a settlement of the Tapuyusus, and learning from them that they traf-

[page] 461

CHAP. XIV. 1626.

Berredo. 566—68.

ficked with a populous nation in the river Tapajos, who took their name from it, they left the great stream, struck up the Tapajos, and found this new tribe of Tapuyas in a situation which had every charm of wood and water to render it delightful. These people were in a state of higher advancement than their neighbours; Teixeira, from what he saw and could learn from them, thought they had been improved by commerce with the Spanish territories, .. this however cannot have been possible. This information was the only result of his voyage; he brought away some mats of nice workmanship, and a few other trifles; they valued their slaves too much to sell them. The prisoner, in fact, who is spared from slaughter, is usually regarded as one of the tribe, and mere inferiority of condition where there is no other real or imaginary inequality, is soon forgotten among savages.

Berredo. 578—81.

1629.

Berredo. 585—592.

This expedition was accomplished without any excesses; but the iniquities which were usually perpetrated became so crying, that the Governor of Maranham absolutely prohibited them; the obstinacy of the people, and the avarice of all the persons in power, soon obtained such modifications of his prohibition as in fact to render it nugatory. Teixeira was next employed to destroy a new establishment which the interlopers had formed upon the Isle dos Tocujos; of what nation they were does not appear, farther than that the Commander was an Irishman, by name James Purcel10. After a long and gallant defence they capitulated, and the conditions which they obtained were unusually favourable, being permitted to remove all their property, and promised a free passage to Portugal. In spite of all these efforts to root them out, the English and Dutch per-

10 Gemes Porcel.

[page] 462

CHAP. XIV. 1629.

sisted in sending ships to these parts, and in forming settlements, for the sake of cultivating tobacco; and the trade of Para was materially injured by this competition.

The Dutch prepare an expedition against Pernambuco.

G. Giuseppe p. 89.

Cast Lus. 2. § 3.

Meantime the West India Company were projecting attemps upon Brazil. It was not advisable to attack Bahia a second time, they had experienced too severely the spirit of the Portugueze in that province, and could never more hope for assistance from the Negroes and Jews whom they had first to revolt, and then abandoned. By the prizes from Olinda, which were frequently sent in, they obtained good proof of the riches of Pernambuco, and good intelligence of its state11. They calculated that a hundred and fifty vessels might annually be freighted with sugar from this Captaincy; its harbours too were so many stations from whence their cruisers might sail to intercept the Indian ships. In order to keep their design as secret as possible, the fleet was equipped at different ports, and dissailed in small squadrons, being to rendezvous at the Cape de Verds. But secrets of this kind can never be concealed if able agents are on the watch for them. The Infanta Isabel a second time warned the Court of Madrid, and assured them that Pernambuco was the place which was aimed at. Intelligence was immediately sent to Oliveira; he was instructed to strengthen the fortifications of Bahia, for it was possible that this might still be the object of the Dutch, and also to provide for the security of Olinda. Accordingly the Governor dispatched Pedro Correa to that city, and the works of defence went on there with a slackness at once attributable to the character of the people, the

11 It is said (Castr. Lus. 1. § 28.) that here also the Jews invited them; this is so little probable, after what had been done at St. Salvador, that it may safely be regarded as a false accusation.

[page] 463

CHAP. XIV. 1629.

dullty with which they received the alarm, and their secret persuasion that if the Dutch should come, there was nothing at Olinda which could resist them.

Mathias de Albuquerque sent out.

G. Giuseppe p. 90.

R. Pitta. 4. § 58.

Mathias de Albuquerque was at this time in Madrid; the Captaincy of Pernambuco was his brother's, .. no man therefore could have such an interest in defending it, and this was one reason for appointing him General, with powers independent of the Governor. Another motive has been ascribed to Olivares, .. the reinforcements which he designed to send were so trifling, that he believed any person less implicated than Albuquerque would refuse the charge. The Portugueze historians load the memory of this wretched minister with supererogatory offences. If sufficient forces were not given, the fault lay at Lisbon, not at Madrid. One of the Governors of Portugal was connected by marriage with the Albuquerques; it may therefore be affirmed that there was neither wanting interest to obtain an adequate force, nor inclination to grant it; but the councils of that government have generally lacked vigour, and now means also were probably deficient, for the heavy loss of the last great armament had not been recovered. Mathias obtained a few men and stores, and sailed for Recife in October12.

Barlæus. p. 65.

State of Olinda.

The town of Olinda was built upon such unequal ground, that it was thought almost impossible to fortify it securely; its strongest defence seems to have been a fortified convent of Benetictines, near the shore. On the South, the river Beberibe forms the port of Varadouro; a narrow isthmus of sand is its Southern bank, and upon this another town had grown up, called St. Antonio de Recife, or of the Reef. This was the place

12 Rocha Pitta says three caravels. G. Giuseppe only one. The former is too careless to be trusted, the latter too malicious.

[page] 464

CHAP. XIV. 1629.

G. Giuseppe p. 91.

R. Pitta. 4. § 62.

which Lancaster had captured, and which from its situation he called the Base Town. It had grown there, because within the sand reef and another which was of rock, there was a safe and commodious harbour. When Mathias de Albuquerque arrived he found Correa proceeding slowly with insufficient works; a garrison of an hundred and thirty men; the fortresses such as they were, out of repair; the little artillery which there was almost useless for want of carriages and gunners; few arms, and none who were expert in using them. Forty years ago the author of the Noticias had pointed out the necessity of securing this important place; but neither his memorial nor the success of Lancaster's expedition, had produced any effect upon the government. A few of the more thoughtful inhabitants saw their danger; it was proclaimed from the pulpit that unless the people repented of their sloth and their sins, Olinda would soon be enslaved by the Dutch13; and the chief persons who heard this warning were so exasperated that they drove the preacher out of the church. The General lost time on his arrival; it seems as if he himself doubted the reality of the danger against which he was sent out to provide. The Queen of Spain had lately been delivered of a son; her former children had been daughters, who died so soon, that before14 the gala clothes were made, which had been ordered for their birth, mourning was required for their funerals; the birth of a Prince and Heir, at all times a

13 The preacher Fr. Antonio Rosada was a punster; his words were, Sem mais differença que a de huma so letra, esta Olinda clamando por Olanda; e por Olanda ha de ser abrasada Olinda; que aonde falta tanto a Justiça da terra nao tardara muito a do Ceo. B. Freire. § 337.

14 This is the language of Raphael de Jesus, .. it will a little remind the reader of Shakespere.

[page] 465

CHAP. XIV. 1629.

Cast. Lus. 2. § 5.

R. Pitta. 4. § 60.

Cast. Lus. 2. § 6.

subject of rejoicing, was now therefore especially so. Mathias brought out the news; and as flattery is too often more acceptable at court than real services, instead of exerting himself to put Olinda in a state of defence, he set the whole town merry-making, and no other business was thought of than festivals and pageants. In the midst of these ill-timed occupations, a pinnace arrived, sent by the Governor of the Cape de Verds, with intelligence that the Dutch fleet, which had been two months assembling at that station, had sailed towards Brazil. The very imminence of the danger afforded an argument for disbelieving it; if the Dutch had been bound for Pernambuco, it was said, they must needs have got there before the advice-boat, which did not sail till after them. The feasts went on vigorously, and a little unwilling labour was wasted upon the works of defence.

Arrivel of the Dutch fleet.

J. de Laet. l. 15. c. 26.

The Dutch fleet consisted of more than fifty sail, under Henrick Loncq, as General in Chief; Pieter Adrian was Admiral; Colonel Wardenburg commanded the troops. They sailed from Holland in small divisions; eight ships, with the General on board, fell in with the Spanish fleet15 off Teneriffe, and, inferior as they were in numbers, beat it off. They reached the Cape de Verds in September, but the forces under Wardenburg did not sail from the Texel till late in the succeeding month. The whole expedition consisted of about seven thousand men16, half of whom were soldiers. Having formed a junction, they finally sailed the day after Christinas, and on the fifteenth of February appeared before Olinda, eight days after the advice-boat. During

15 J. de Laet says it consisted of more than forty ships, .. of course be is not to be believed.

16 Rocha Pitta says, eight thousand soldiers, .. G. Giuseppe six.

3 O

[page] 466

CHAP. XIV. 1630.

Cast. Lus. 2. § 7.

J. de Lact. 15. c. 26.

J. de Lact.

the interval, it had been debated whether any part of the inhabitants or property should be removed; some advised this precaution, saying, that men would fight the better if they knew their families were safe, and had no fears for them. The opinion, that where most was at stake, most effort would be made to protect it, prevailed, and an edict was issued, forbidding any person to leave the town, or to remove any part of his property. Those persons are not to be blamed for disobeying this edict, who seeing their danger, saw also the little likelihood there was that any effectual defence would be attempted; the main wealth of the place was secretly sent away. As soon as the fleet had been seen from Cape St. Augustines, tidings were dispatched to Olinda, and the whole force of the town, such as it was, was ready when the enemy appeared. The summons which Loncq sent in was answered by a discharge of musquetry at the boat; a cannonading was then begun on both sides; the Dutch were near enough to have plied their guns with effect, had the weather been favourable; but the sea was so rough that it was impossible to point them aright. They could not enter the harbour, because vessels had been sunk at the entrance to block it up against them. While the cannonading was carried on, Wardenburg, with sixteen ships, left the fleet to amuse the enemy, and landed without opposition at Pao Amarello, between three and four leagues north of the town. His first measure was to dismiss the ships, that the might not look to them as a means of retreat, .. a few gunboats only were retained, which carried in all eleven pieces of cannon. He divided his troops into three divisions, whose whole artillery consisted of four field pieces. It was now towards evening, and not chusing to advance rashly along a coast which was covered with thickets, and where there were rivers to cross, he lay upon his arms all night, keeping such watch as no wise leader will ever neglect, against any enemy however inferior. In the early

[page] 467

CHAP. XIV. 1630.

G. Giuseppe p. 92.

Cast. Lus. 2. § 14. 15.

Do. § 21.

part of the night the news of his landing reached Olinda. Many who had not hitherto removed with their families and possessions in obedience to the edict, could not resist the panic which now seized them; the women and children fled into the country; husbands followed their wives, and sons went to protect their parents; such property as could immediately be removed was snatched away, and half of it dropt in the precipitation of flight. Some fell to plundering the women and children, and it is said that the Portugueze suffered more from their own rabble than from the enemy. The slaves forsook their masters, and seized with just and natural eagerness the opportunity of emancipating themselves.

Saturday, Feb 16.

Wardenburg advances.

B. Freire, § 332.

On the following morning Wardenburg began his march, the gun-boats accompanying him along shore. Some little annoyance he suffered from a few men who took advantage of the cover to oppose him, .. enough to prove how easily he might have been defeated by an active enemy. When he came to the river Doce the tide was too high for him to attempt the passage. Some works had been thrown up on the opposite bank, and troops stationed to defend this advantageous post; the situation was strong, and every thing in their favour; but when the tide fell, and they perceived the Dutch beginning to ford the stream breast high, their courage failed; the gun-boats opened upon them, not indeed so as to take effect, but a cry arose that their retreat would be cut off by this attack from the sea, and upon this they took to flight. Mathias, who had remained at Recife, deceived