Search Help New search |
Results 161-180 of 3236 for « +text:evolution » |
15% |
A900
Beagle Library:
De La Beche, Henry Thomas. 1834. Researches in theoretical geology. London: Charles Knight
Text
PDF
eventually constitute a considerable part of an atmosphere principally composed of nitrogen and oxygen. As it is no part of our intention to conceal difficulties, it must be stated that to suppose carbonic acid originally and in a great measure confined to a gaseous envelope of our planet, does not well accord with the production of limestones, nor with the evolution of this gas from volcanos, fissures in the earth, and from springs. It would, indeed, accord with the views of M. Adolpbe
|
15% |
A900
Beagle Library:
De La Beche, Henry Thomas. 1834. Researches in theoretical geology. London: Charles Knight
Text
PDF
gen evolved. Supposing the water with the contained air to come into contact with such substances as sodium and potassium, we should expect to have at least a decomposition of part of the water, and a consequent evolution of hydrogen. Now as hydrogen, either free or combined with substances other than oxygen, and then constituting the water itself, is not found in all thermal springs, though it is present in some, we are led to conclude that the union of oxygen with a metallic base causing
|
15% |
A900
Beagle Library:
De La Beche, Henry Thomas. 1834. Researches in theoretical geology. London: Charles Knight
Text
PDF
of carbonic gas; and we see that the Carlsbad water, with a temperature of 165 Fahr., contain five cubic inches of this gas in a wine pint,* while those of Pyrmont are impregnated with it to the amount of twenty-six cubic inches in the same measure, the spring not being thermal. One of the great characteristics of volcanic action is the violent evolution of gaseous matter and aqueous vapor. Possibly some of the latter may be produced by an union of free hydrogen with the oxygen of the
|
15% |
A900
Beagle Library:
De La Beche, Henry Thomas. 1834. Researches in theoretical geology. London: Charles Knight
Text
PDF
temperature at different depths. As nitrogen has never yet been liquefied by experiment, we do not know that it would become so beneath the water of any part of the ocean; but though it may not become liquid beneath such pressure, it would, being elastic in its gaseous condition, be rendered so dense as to be subject to those effects which have been attributed to atmospheric air under similar circumstances. The evolution of vapors and gases, and the causes which may have produced them, are
|
15% |
A900
Beagle Library:
De La Beche, Henry Thomas. 1834. Researches in theoretical geology. London: Charles Knight
Text
PDF
time; that is, we should expect the hydrogen evolved to escape through fissures, accompanied by fused rock and various gases and vapors. Such an hypothesis might plausibly explain the elevations of parts of Italy, but appears inadequate to account for the remarkable rise of land, within historical times, noticed in Norway and Sweden, it being unaccompanied by the evolution or ejection of gases or other substances, which might lead us to believe that decomposition of water beneath, from the
|
30% |
(a) Till this idea occurred to me, I had often been puzzled to explain presence of rounded pebbles of the subaqueous lavas, which I believed had been produced in deep water. A crater full of water, fragments of rocks, ( bombs) mud would by the constant evolution of gases during the semi-active phases cause much attrition; which during an eruption would together with angular pieces of lava (or inferior strata) be scattered abroard. N B. I believe amongst the 10 specimens one will be found of
|
12% |
F1577
Periodical contribution:
Barlow, Nora ed. 1963. Darwin's ornithological notes. Bulletin of the British Museum (Natural History). Historical Series 2 (7): 201-278. With introduction, notes and appendix by the editor.
Text
Image
PDF
procrastination over the other volumes that the actual publication was delayed until 1839. Here is concrete evidence that the Ornithological Notes were finished before March, 1837, for they were then being used as material to dove-tail into the script for Messrs. Colburn. Thus it is interesting to note that Darwin did not begin his first Evolution Notebook, dated 1837, until after he had got the MS. of the voyage off his mind.5 Darwin, therefore, either assembled his ornithological data of the voyage after
|
12% |
F1577
Periodical contribution:
Barlow, Nora ed. 1963. Darwin's ornithological notes. Bulletin of the British Museum (Natural History). Historical Series 2 (7): 201-278. With introduction, notes and appendix by the editor.
Text
Image
PDF
ideas were constantly both guiding and receiving feed-backs from his observations during the vital South American years of the voyage. It is as though he were on the bank of a stream, discovering that all the floating straws were pointing one way; the stream of evolution explained a whole concourse of facts. In the drafts, stages I to III, described in this Introduction, many of these signs are at first only dimly apprehended; with Darwin's increasing certainty, species and their distribution in
|
10% |
F1577
Periodical contribution:
Barlow, Nora ed. 1963. Darwin's ornithological notes. Bulletin of the British Museum (Natural History). Historical Series 2 (7): 201-278. With introduction, notes and appendix by the editor.
Text
Image
PDF
filled by other types of specimens. The ornithological portions are what Darwin had in front of him when compiling the O.N.s, and indeed he often copied passages almost verbatim. If it is now agreed that the O.N.s were written during the last months of the voyage, apart from the additions clearly made when within reach of expert opinion in England, then changes of Darwin's point of view or traces of early pointers towards evolution, may still be found in these volumes 30 and 31, which ante-date
|
12% |
F1583e
Periodical contribution:
Herbert, S. ed. 1980. The red notebook of Charles Darwin. Bulletin of the British Museum (Natural History) Historical Series 7 (24 April): 1-164.
Text
Image
PDF
the Macrauchenia. It is also essential for the larger purpose of establishing a date for Darwin's arrival at a belief in the mutability of species. On this last point it should be stated that while Darwin's observations during the Beagle voyage were fundamental to his work on evolution, his notes from the voyage do not reveal him to have been an evolutionist. He was at the stage of asking basic questions.5 It should also be stated that there has previously been no fully satisfying evidence to
|
12% |
F1583e
Periodical contribution:
Herbert, S. ed. 1980. The red notebook of Charles Darwin. Bulletin of the British Museum (Natural History) Historical Series 7 (24 April): 1-164.
Text
Image
PDF
his theory of evolution through natural selection was at a meeting of the Linnean Society held on 1 July 1858. For an assessment of the meeting see J. W. T. Moody, 'The reading of the Darwin and Wallace papers: an historical non-event ', Journal of the Society for the Bibliography of Natural History, vol. 5 (1971), p. 474-476. The resultant publication with Alfred Russel Wallace appeared under a general title as: 'On the Tendency of Species to Form Varieties; and on the Perpetuation of Varieties
|
12% |
F1583e
Periodical contribution:
Herbert, S. ed. 1980. The red notebook of Charles Darwin. Bulletin of the British Museum (Natural History) Historical Series 7 (24 April): 1-164.
Text
Image
PDF
(1967), pp. 162-163. Darwin's earliest draft of his theory was his 'Sketch' of 1842, followed by his lengthier Essay of 1844. For these see Charles Darwin and Alfred Russel Wallace, Evolution by Natural Selection (with a foreword by Sir Gavin de Beer) (Cambridge, 1958). In 1856 Darwin began his longest exposition of his argument. For the reconstructed text of this version see R. C. Stauffer, ed., Charles Darwin's Natural Selection (Cambridge, 1975). The theory finally came before the public in 1858
|
52% |
F1575
Periodical contribution:
Barrett, P. H. ed. 1960. A transcription of Darwin's first notebook [B] on 'Transmutation of species'. Bulletin of the Museum of Comparative Zoology, Harvard 122: [245]-296, for 1959-1960 (April).
Text
Image
.) 122 C Notebook dealing with evolution theory. February-July 1838. (10x17cm.) 123 D Notebook dealing with evolution theory. July 15th 1838, finished October 2nd. (10x17cm.) 124 E Notebook dealing with evolution theory. Finished July 10th 1839. (10x17cm.) 125 M Notebook dealing with evolution theory. July 15th 1838. This book full of metaphysics on morals and speculations on expression. (10x17cm.) 126 N Notebook dealing with evolution theory. Begun October 2nd 1838. Metaphysics and expression
|
25% |
against the formation of species are absurd. The argument about the evolution of the otter through intermediate forms is developed in the Essay of 1844, p. 152. [deB] 2 Leonard Jenyns, afterwards Blomefield. Probably personal communication. [deB] 21
|
21% |
F1574a
Pamphlet:
de Beer, Gavin ed. 1960. Darwin's notebooks on transmutation of species. Part I. First notebook [B] (July 1837-February 1838). Bulletin of the British Museum (Natural History). Historical Series 2 (2) (January): 23-73.
Text
Image
PDF
emboitement of all future generations within the parent involved predetermination which could not admit of modification; and Immanuel Kant, who repudiated it because otherwise evolution would have occurred, and he believed that it had not. As Loren Eiseley2 has remarked, it only remains to underline the irony with which this fallacy has been identified with the name of Lamarck who did not invent it. The term Lamarckism should in all justice be applied to evolution itself, since he was the first
|
21% |
F1574a
Pamphlet:
de Beer, Gavin ed. 1960. Darwin's notebooks on transmutation of species. Part I. First notebook [B] (July 1837-February 1838). Bulletin of the British Museum (Natural History). Historical Series 2 (2) (January): 23-73.
Text
Image
PDF
between Erasmus Darwin's volition and Lamarck's inner feeling as agents made responsible for evolution is remarkable, but there is no reason to suppose that the latter owed anything to the former; still less to imagine that Darwin was not speaking the truth when he said of Lamarck's work that he got not a fact or idea from it . Charles Lyell's work, without any doubt, exerted the most important influence on Darwin's thought. Curiously enough, this was not because of any facts which enabled Darwin to
|
21% |
F1574a
Pamphlet:
de Beer, Gavin ed. 1960. Darwin's notebooks on transmutation of species. Part I. First notebook [B] (July 1837-February 1838). Bulletin of the British Museum (Natural History). Historical Series 2 (2) (January): 23-73.
Text
Image
PDF
selection by which extinction was brought about:2 A faint image of the certain doom of a species less fitted to struggle with some new condition in a region which it previously inhabited, and where it has to contend with a more vigorous species, is presented by the extirpation of savage tribes of man by the advancing colony of some civilized nation. But as Lyell in these early years refused to accept evolution, natural selection had no part to play in bringing it about in his scheme. Lyell recognized
|
21% |
F1574d
Pamphlet:
de Beer, Gavin ed. 1960. de Beer, G. ed. 1960. Darwin's notebooks on transmutation of species. Part IV, Fourth notebook [E] (October 1838-10 July 1839). Bulletin of the British Museum (Natural History). Historical Series 2 (5) (September): 151-183.
Text
Image
PDF
. Another case of inversion is provided by Lyell's attempt to use the principle of uniformitarianism to show that evolution could not have occurred, because catastrophism involved progressionism and catastrophism must be rejected.1 Again as a result of Darwin's work, it is now clear that application of the principle of uniformitarianism shows that evolution must have occurred, because organic progressionism is the only correct interpretation of the facts in spite of catastrophism being erroneous
|
17% |
F1574a
Pamphlet:
de Beer, Gavin ed. 1960. Darwin's notebooks on transmutation of species. Part I. First notebook [B] (July 1837-February 1838). Bulletin of the British Museum (Natural History). Historical Series 2 (2) (January): 23-73.
Text
Image
PDF
theory of descent explains certain large classes of facts; in these respects I received no assistance from my predecessors. In arriving at a just appraisal of Darwin's character, this quoted passage is very important, and his contention is correct. Some of his predecessors, as will be seen, acknowledged evolution but had no notion of any mechanism adequate to explain its cause, let alone any idea of natural selection; two contemporaries1 recognized natural selection but used it to prove that
|
17% |
F1574a
Pamphlet:
de Beer, Gavin ed. 1960. Darwin's notebooks on transmutation of species. Part I. First notebook [B] (July 1837-February 1838). Bulletin of the British Museum (Natural History). Historical Series 2 (2) (January): 23-73.
Text
Image
PDF
disappointed, the proportion of speculation being so large to the facts given in the work of his grandfather. One observation Darwin did cull from Erasmus Darwin's Zoonomia, as the First Notebook shows (p. I), namely that sexual reproduction is conducive to variation, whereas asexual reproduction allows of none.4 This fact, which has no direct bearing of Erasmus Darwin's views on evolution, became the basis of Darwin's views on the supply of variation. Lamarck5 believed in the mutability of species
|