[frontispiece]

MR MARINER in the COSTUME of the TONGA ISLANDS.

London Published May 8th 1816 by J. Murray Albornarle Street.

[page i]

AN ACCOUNT

OF

THE NATIVES

OF THE

TONGA ISLANDS,

IN THE SOUTH PACIFIC OCEAN.

WITH

AN ORIGINAL GRAMMAR AND VOCABULARY

OF

THEIR LANGUAGE.

COMPILED AND ARRANGED FROM THE EXTENSIVE COMMUNICATIONS OF

MR. WILLIAM MARINER,

SEVERAL YEARS RESIDENT IN THOSE ISLANDS.

BY JOHN MARTIN, M.D.

"The savages of America inspire less interest.... since celebrated navigators have made known to us the inhabitants of the islands of the South Sea.... The state of half-civilisation in which those Islanders are found gives a peculiar charm to the description of their manners.... Such pictures, no doubt, have more attraction than those which pourtray the solemn gravity of the inhabitant of the banks of the Missouri or the Maranon." Preface to Humboldt's Personal Narrative.

IN TWO VOLUMES.

VOL. I.

LONDON:

PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR, AND SOLD BY JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE-STREET.

1817.

[page ii]

DU 880 M3 V, I

UNIV OF CALIFORNIA

T. Divison, Lombard-street, Whitefriars, London.

[page iii]

To

THE RIGHT HONOURABLE

SIR JOSEPH BANKS, BART. K. B. &c. &c.

THE FOLLOWING ACCOUNT OF THE

PEOPLE OP THE TONGA ISLANDS,

FROM HE FORMERLY VISITED,

IN COMPANY WITH THE MUCH LAMENTED CAPTAIN COOK,

IN WHICH IT IS ATTEMPTED PARTICULARLY TO SET FORTH

THEIR MANNERS, CUSTOMS, RELIGION,

AND LANGUAGE,

FROM THE ORAL DESCRIPTIONS OF AN ENGLISHMAN

LONG RESIDENT THERE,

IS MOST WILLINGLY INSCRIBED

AS A SMALL, YET APPROPRIATE TRIBUTE

OF RESPECT,

BY

HIS VERY OBEDIENT AND

DEVOTED HUMBLE SERVANT,

JOHN MARTIN.

[page iv]

[page v]

INTRODUCTION.

THE cluster, of islands in the South Pacific Ocean, the inhabitants of which constitute the subject of the present work, is that, to part of which Captain Cook gave the epithet "Friendly," for his chart of the Friendly Islands does not include Vavaoo*, which he did not visit; and as this island is the largest, and now comparatively the most important of all those belonging to the same archipelago, which, in his time, were under the same government, and still speak precisely the same language, and follow the same customs, we have thought it expedient to denote them all by one common name, which, the natives them

* Port Refuge, in this island, is stated to be in S. lat. 18. 50. and W. long. 174.

[page] vi

selves give them, viz. "Tonga," or, the Tonga Islands*.

As I presume it would be unnecessary to offer any apologies for presenting to the public the following account of a people, of whose government, religion, customs, and language, so little has hitherto been published†, I shall proceed at once to give a simple statement of the circumstances which first gave rise to it, and the authority tinder which it has been conducted.

In the year 1811 I accidentally heard that Mr. William Mariner, the bearer of a letter from the East Indies to one of my connections in London, had been a resident at the Friendly Islands during the

* These islands, therefore, consist of the island of Tonga, which gives name to the Whole, the cluster called the Hapai islands, and the island of Vavoo.

† The accounts of circumnavigators are imperfect by reason of the shortness of their stay; of these, however, Captain Cook's is the most accurate. The missionaries might have furnished us with more intimate details, but their accounts relate rather to the history of their mission than that of the natives. One of them, an anonymous writer, in a small volume entitled, "A Four Years Residence at Tongataboo," gives a very imperfect account of the people, himself being the chief subject of his narrative.

[page] vii

space of four years; and, my curiosity being strongly excited, I solicited his acquaintance. In the course of three or four interviews I discovered, with much satisfaction, that the information he was able to communicate respecting the people with whom he had been so long and so intimately associated was very far superior to, and much more extensive than any thing that had yet appeared before the public. His answers to several inquiries, in regard to their religion, government, and habits of life, were given with that kind of unassuming confidence which bespeaks a thorough intimacy with the subject, and carries with it the conviction of truth:—in fact, having been thrown upon those islands at an early age, his young and flexible mind had so accorded itself with the habits and circumstances of the natives, that he evinced no disposition to overrate or to embellish what to him was neither strange nor new. To my inquiries respecting his intentions of publishing, he replied, that having necessarily been, for several years, out of the habit either of

[page] viii

writing or reading, or of that turn of thinking requisite for composition and arrangement, he was apprehensive his endeavours would fail in doing that justice to the work which I seemed to think its importance demanded: he modestly proposed, however, to submit the subject to my consideration for a future opportunity. In the mean while circumstances called him away to the West Indies: on his return he brought me memoranda of the principal events at the Tonga islands, in the order in which they had happened during his residence there, together with a description of the most important religious ceremonies, and a vocabulary of about four or five hundred words. The inspection of these materials served greatly to increase the interest which I had already taken in the matter, and I urged the necessity of committing the whole to paper while every thing remained fresh in his memory. To facilitate this object, I proposed to undertake the composition and arrangement of the intended work, whilst Mr. Mariner should direct his view solely to noting

[page] ix

down all that he had seen and heard in the order in which his memory might spontaneously furnish it, that these materials might afterwards be made, from time to time, subjects of conversation, strict scrutiny, amplification, arrangement and composition; consequently not one of the ensuing pages has been written without Mr. Mariner's presence, that he might be consulted in regard to every little circumstance or observation that could in the smallest degree affect the truth of the subject under consideration: and, in this way, it is presumed that a great deal more useful and interesting matter has been elicited than would probably have occurred to him through the medium of his own unassisted reflections; for conversation calls to mind many things that would otherwise have escaped the memory, it constantly demands elucidations; one idea gives birth to another, until the whole subject lies completely unfolded to the mind.

In regard to arrangement: in the first place is related an account of the voyage of the Port au Prince, it being esteemed

[page] x

sufficiently interesting by involving a combination of untoward circumstances that led ultimately to the destruction of the ship: the whole of this has been faithfully composed from a journal kept by Mr. Mariner on board. Next follows a narrative, or rather, as it may be termed, an historical account, of all the important and interesting events that occurred during his stay at the Tonga Islands, not merely as they regarded himself but with an aspect to the different changes, religious and political, as they affected, in a most important manner, the situation of public affairs: and that this portion of the work may be better understood, a comparison is drawn between the state of these islands when Mr. Mariner first arrived there, and that in which Captain Cook had previously found them; the revolution of Tonga*, and other important and highly interesting events which had taken place in the mean while, being related according to the account of the principal natives of divers

* From the "Transactions of the Missionary Society," it appears that this event took place in May, 1799.

[page] xi

parties, who bad been eye-witnesses. The narration of events being brought down to the period of Mr. Mariner's fortunate escape*, the remainder of the work gives a more intimate detail of the state of society in regard to rank and professions; their religious and political government; the names and attributes of their principal gods; their notions of the human soul, and of a future state of existence; an investigation of their moral principles, and of their state of morals; a description of their most important religious ceremonies; an account of the healing art, with a detail of some important surgical operations practised by them; a description of their principal manufactures; their games and amusements; music, songs, &c.; and, lastly, a grammar of their language, and a vocabulary to

* The term escape is here used with propriety, for although Mr. M. was well treated, and had every thing that he could there want, the opportunities of returning home were very rare, and when he was about to profit from one that presented itself, his intention was opposed, and he was under the necessity of destroying one of the natives to accomplish his purpose.

[page] xii

the extent of above two thousand genuine Tonga words.

As it will, no doubt, be satisfactory to the reader to know how the rules and idioms of this heretofore unwritten language have been investigated, it is proper to state that Mr. Mariner carefully selected out of an English dictionary all those words to which he could find appropriate Tonga words, or well adapted phrases; and having assiduously attended to the elementary sounds of the language, and determined upon a plan of orthography, I took upon myself the charge of arranging all the Tonga words alphabetically, by which means my ear and eye became accustomed to them, and several were stored up in my memory. In the mean while Mr. Mariner wrote down several dialogues and popular tales in the Tonga language; and I afterwards exercised myself, with his assistance, and that of the vocabulary, in making literal translations to them, and thus became acquainted, more or less, with the idiom; and, at the same time, I had the opportunity of fur-

[page] xiii

nishing the Tonga part of the vocabulary with other words. In the next place, having written down sundry examples in English, illustrative of every part of speech, in a variety of forms, and upon a variety of subjects, I gave them to Mr. Mariner to translate into Tonga, according to the strict idiom of that language: by this method we began to perceive what could be translated, and what could not; we discovered where the Tonga, language was poor in expression, and where it was more richly endowed; what were the fundamental principles of construction, and what the particular idioms and exceptions to general rules:—and thus proceeding, step by step, the character and genius of the language were unfolded; and, at length, we arrived at that degree of theoretical knowledge of the structure of it which is now, for the first time, presented to the public.

Every attempt to afford accurate information respecting the manners, customs, and sentiments of any portion of the human species, cannot but be considered, in these enlightened days, at least a lauda-

[page] xiv

ble undertaking; but to bestow much time and pains upon an investigation of the principles of a barbarous language, like the one in question, will, no doubt, in the eyes of many persons, appear more curious than useful; and how far such a view of the subject may be correct, every reader will judge for himself; to me it appears almost as great a deficiency in the history of a nation to overlook the structure of its language, as to neglect any portion of its moral or political character. In taking, for example, the Tonga people, Mr. Mariner could only arrive at a thorough knowledge of their religious, political, and moral character, and the spirit of their religions and political sentiments, through the medium of their language, for all accounts that had been given of them are little better than bare descriptions of outside appearances, every thing else, for want of this same medium, being founded in mere conjecture: so it is easy for a traveller to give an accurate description of the outside of a building, to which he has no admittance, and make some

[page] xv

rude guess as to its interior form; but the object of the present work is chiefly to describe the inside of this structure, that the reader may see the form, dimensions, ornaments, and general merit of its various passages and apartments, to which the Tonga language is the master-key, and which is here offered to all whom accident or design may lead to the same spot, that they may make the same researches in much less time, and with much less hazard and difficulty, than it originally cost the first investigator: and it certainly must be considered some proof of the uprightness of Mr. Mariner's intentions, and his consciousness of the accuracy of his details, that be readily consents to put into the hands of others as easy a method as lies in his power of satisfying themselves as to the truth of what is told them.

There are other points of view, in which, I think, the importance of this subject may be seen: a knowledge of the language helps to throw a considerable light in the path of those who choose to investi-

[page] xvi

gate the origin of the people, or how far they may be related to other nations of the same immense ocean. In regard to the philologist, it will help his inquiries into the theory of human language generally; and in respect to the metaphysician, he will not be displeased if we offer to his notice the structure of a language which has advanced in its progress up to the present time, among a people who have no conception of any method of noting down their ideas, and yet pride themselves upon the uniform accuracy with which they speak and pronounce their language. There is, moreover, another class of readers, who will by no means regret that this subject has been thus far investigated; I mean those who take a laudable pleasure in looking forward to the civilization and religious instruction of savage nations, to effect which in the most rational manner is certainly to speak to them in their own language*;

* The king and several other chiefs at the Tonga islands appeared quite surprised when Mr. Mariner informed them that the object of the missionaries had been to instruct them in the religion of the white people: they had thought that the latter came to live among them merely from choice, as liking the climate better than their own.

[page] xvii

—and to construct a dictionary and grammar of it, and teach them to read it, is to do more for them than themselves could effect in many centuries. Lastly, I must beg leave to observe that it is not every European, whom accident or design may station in those islands for a few years, that can learn their language with accuracy; for the idiom is so different from our civilized and more artificial, forms of speech, that it must be chiefly young persons, with minds very susceptible of the impressions of spoken language, and of the gestures accompanying it, that can readily accomplish this object without the assistance of an interpreter:—and as Mr. Mariner had acquired this under circumstances peculiarly favourable, it appeared to me paramount to a duty to use those means that lay in my power to prevent

VOL. I. b

[page] xviii

all that he had learnt in this respect from sinking for ever into oblivion.

As it is a matter of the highest importance that Mr. Mariner's qualifications as a narrator of what he had seen and heard should be known to the public, in order that a proper judgment may be formed of the degree of credit to be attached to the present volumes, I shall here give a short account of his education and of his habits, as far as they may bear more or less upon the subject in question.

His father, Mr. Magnus Mariner, who is still living*, was formerly the owner of a hired armed vessel, of which he was also the commander, and served in this capacity under Lord Cornwallis, in the American war. About that period, having sustained some severe losses in the American trade, he returned to England, married, and resided in London. He has had several children, the second of whom is William, the subject of our present memoir,

* Resident at No. 14, Johnson Street, Commercial Road.

[page] xix

who was born at Highbury Place, Islington, September 10,1791. At an early age his father sent him to Mr. Mitchel's Academy, at Ware, in Hertfordshire. After remaining there five or six years, with the exception of the vacations, he returned home at the age of thirteen, in consequence of the death of Mr. Mitchel. The advantage he had already derived from his education were considerable: besides the common acquisitions of reading, writing, and arithmetic, he had made much progress in his knowledge of history, geography, and the French language, and also some advance in the first rudiments of the Latin. His father being of opinion that his education was already sufficient for the line of life he meant him to pursue, i. e. the sea, resolved to keep him at home till something suitable and advantageous should offer. William, however, was not very anxious for a mere maritime life, and his mother being wholly averse to it, his father was at length dissuaded from his intention, and placed him in the office of

b2

[page] xx

a friend of his, Mr. Harrison*, a respectable attorney, with whom he was to remain a few months previous to articles being signed. Six weeks had scarcely elapsed before an event happened, which, though trifling enough in itself, served to make a complete change in his future prospects.

Captain Duck, who had formerly served his apprenticeship to William's father, was about to sail in the Port au Prince private ship of war†, belonging to Mr. Robert Bent‡, of London. This vessel had a twofold commission; if not very successful in her cruize for prizes within certain latitudes, she was to double Cape Horn, and proceed into the Pacific Ocean in search of whales. Captain Duck before his departure came to take leave of William's father; after dinner, the conversation naturally turned upon the ensuing voyage, when Captain Duck, who was a man of very sanguine expecta-

* Late of Burr Street, Aldgate.

† Of nearly 500 tons, 96 men, and mounting 24 long nine and twelve pounders, besides 8 twelve pound carronades on the quarter-deck.

‡ Now of West Moulsey, near Hampton-Court.

[page] xxi

tions, spoke with great confidence of speedy success and an early return, and gave such flattering descriptions of that mode of life, that William was quickly possessed with the strongest desire to accompany him. Captain Duck offered him the greatest encouragements, and the consent of his father being obtained, he took him on board in a few days, under his immediate protection. The events of the voyage, and other particulars subsequent thereto, will be seen hereafter. During that time he acted in the capacity of captain's clerk, which though not an usual office on board a privateer, he chose for the sake of employment.

Such simply is an account of his education and of those early circumstances which laid the groundwork for future and more extraordinary events. With respect to his character, I may from good authority give some account of him while yet at school *.

* The authority I here speak of is my friend Mr. Whiston Bristow. This gentleman accidentally called one evening at my house, when Mr. Mariner was entertaining the author of "The Farmer's Boy" with some account of his travels. Mr. Bristow had scarcely taken his seat, when Mr. Mariner recognised him to be an old school-fellow, and most intimate associate. It need scarcely be added, that this event gave additional interest to his recital, and furnished me with the opportunity of becoming better acquainted with Mr. Mariner's character. This happened in the early part of my acquaintance with him.

[page] xxii

At this early period he shewed evident proofs of a mind very susceptible of external impressions, disposed to activity and fond of information; whilst from his habits, and sentiments one would suppose him fitted for a life of change and adventure. He was fond of books of travels, and he used often to say how much he should like to live among savages and meet with strange occurrences; a disposition not uncommon among some young minds, but which those who are fond of presentiments will readily account for, in their own way. His sports and amusements were frequently those of an active, adventurous, and sometimes of a daring kind. With respect to the dispositions of his heart, suffice it to say, they are such as do him much honour.

The subsequent events of his life have made a considerable change in his personal character and external habits, inso-

[page] xxiii

much that I have heard it observed by those of his friends who knew him formerly, that they could scarcely recognise him to be the same person. His love of adventure has changed into a sedateness of character and disposition to rest and quiet, which may easily be conceived to arise from disappointments, and unexpected hardships and dangers, experienced at too early a period of life. He is rather taciturn than loquacious, and under ordinary circumstances much more inclined to speak of the events of his life as common occurrences than as interesting anecdotes, which happens no doubt from his early, frequent, and familiar intimacy with unusual situations; when, however, he is animated with social converse, be furnishes descriptions that are very interesting and natural, His memory is very retentive, and his account of things is exceedingly correct and uniform: of this I have had numberless proofs, and one in particular I shall mention. I happened to mislay the English version which he written

[page] xxiv

out at his leisure, of the speech of Finow the king on first coming into power: after the lapse of a few weeks, not finding it, I was under the necessity of requesting him to write another, which he did in the same method as before, by calling to his mind the original Tonga in which it was spoken. Sometime afterwards I found the first, and was much pleased to discover so little difference between them, that they appeared almost like copies, which sufficiently evinced the correctness with which he remembered the original Tonga, and at the same time furnished an instance of the characteristic uniformity of his expression in his own language. Two or three months afterwards I reminded him of the propriety of writing down in the Tonga language all that he knew of their popular tales, speeches, songs, &c. while they were fresh in his memory; he did so, and at a subsequent period when the dictionary of the language was in a state of forwardness, I translated them literally with his occasional assistance, and had a new proof of the

[page] xxv

correctness, as to sense, of what he had before given me of Finow's speech, the English copies of which I had all along kept in my possession. As a retentive memory was a quality particularly essential to Mr. Mariner, under the circumstances in which he was placed, it is worth mentioning, that even when I became first acquainted with him, he was able to read and translate French with considerable ease and fluency, although he had scarcely seen a French book, or spoken French since he had left school, a period of nearly eight years, during four of which he had resided among an uncivilized people, and had been constantly practising their language. But, however excellent may be his memory, it would avail but little, if he had only seen a great deal without noticing much; I am very happy therefore to have it in my power to give some decided proofs that he possesses also that very valuable quality in a traveller, a spirit of observation.

Early in the month of May last, "Camp-

[page] xxvi

bell's Voyage round the World" was published at Edinburgh, a considerable portion of which work is occupied in describing the manners and customs of the Sandwich islands, where the author resided about thirteen months. At the period of this publication, the greater part of the following sheets was already printed off, at least as far as the grammar. On perusing Mr. Campbell's interesting book, I was not a little gratified to find confirmations of some things related by Mr. Mariner respecting those islands, which as he had only been there about three weeks, furnished me with additional proofs, if more were wanting, of his scrupulous accuracy and attention. Having put the book into his hands to peruse, he soon returned it to me, with the substance of the following observations: from which it will appear, that notwithstanding his short stay at those islands, he had made good use of his time, and that afterwards he did not neglect to obtain confirmations of what he had learnt, and farther information

[page] xxvii

from a few natives of the Sandwich islands who were with him at Tonga; insomuch that he is enabled to state some things in the way of explanation which the before-mentioned work does not contain. I shall mention the different subjects in the order in which they occur in Mr. Campbell's book, paging them accordingly; and if that author, or his editor, Mr. Smith, sees any thing in Mr. Mariner's statements which he knows or believes to be incorrect, he will perhaps take an opportunity of stating his objections.

Page 123. The chief named "Crymakoo" Mr. Mariner was very well acquainted with: his name, as pronounced by some of the natives, is Cáramacoó. The reason of the indecision in regard to the pronunciation of Sandwich island words will be given below.

P. 126, "Provisions were abundant" at Mowee, "and much cheaper than either at Owhyhee or Wahoo:" this, Mr. Mariner was informed, was occasioned by that

[page] xxviii

island being much less frequented with shipping, and because few great chiefs lived there.

P. 128. It is "a great object of ambition among the higher ranks to have white people to reside with them." The king very strongly solicited Mr. Mariner to remain with him and be his secretary.

P. 140. The author, in this page, speaks of the narrow-minded principle of the white residents, who would not teach the natives how to read or to make looms, under the idea of losing their esteem by rendering themselves less necessary to them. Mr. Mariner had often occasion to remark the truth of this, and several times heard this maxim of the white people, "not to teach the natives more than was sufficient to gain themselves a good footing."

P. 142. The chief here called "Terremytee" Mr. Mariner was also well acquainted with: his name, according to our system of orthography, (see Vol. II. p.

[page] xxix

354), is Térremyty'; the two ys being pronounced like our i in kite, sight; but the first is light and the last heavy.

P. 146. William Stevenson here mentioned, was the father of the child whom the Port au Prince brought to the Tonga islands, and of, whom an account is given in the present work, Vol. II. p. 77.

P. 149. Captain Vancouver's promise to the king of the Sandwich islands is here noticed: Mr. Mariner several times heard the king speak of it, and. always in a way that shewed he had placed much confidence in it. The king's name, here spelt "Tamaahmaah," is pronounced by Mr. Mariner, and is expressed by our orthography Támmeahméha; the first aspirate following the a and the latter preceding it. The editor, Mr. Smith, in note, p. 210, remarks the different modes of spelling and pronouncing this name, employed by different travellers, and that the C and the T are scarcely to be distinguished in the pronunciation of the language. The fact is, there are few of the natives but who have

[page] xxx

lost some of their front teeth, owing to an absurd custom of knocking them out as a sacrifice, for much the same purpose as the Tonga people cut off their little fingers: the consequence is, that their pronunciation, to the ears of a foreigner, is exceedingly indistinct: they often confound the r and the l, possibly from this cause; but their indiscriminate use of the hard c and the t, Mr. Mariner is convinced, arises from this source; for instance, their word for "England," and for "country foreign," as given by Mr. Campbell, is "Kaheite" or "Caheite;" but which properly should be Taheite, and is taken from the island of that name, which we call Otaheite; and why this word Taheite has been adopted to designate foreign countries generally, and England particularly, I conceive to be because Captain Cook and his people were the first strangers, and consequently the first Englishmen they recollect to have seen, and who had come lately from Otaheite: hence, Taheite (or Caheite, as they who

[page] xxxi

are too sensible of the inconvenience of wanting teeth call it), very naturally at first signified the land whence Englishmen come; but at length, understanding there were many other countries in the world, they adopted this word as a general name for any foreign land. The more proper word for England, which the best informed among them use, is Pritànë, from Britain. The phrase which Mr. Campbell uses for an Otaheitan is "Kanaka boolla-boolla," which should be properly Tanata Bolabola, and does not signify literally a man of Otaheite, but a man of Bola-bola, which is the last of the Society islands which Captain Cook had left when he discovered the Sandwich islands. Mr. Campbell, in another place, instead of using as above the word kanaka, to signify a man, adopts the proper term tanata, and which is very similar to the Tonga word for man, viz. Tangata. It is well to mention that Otaheite is also called by the Tonga people Taheite.

P. 156. Boyd, the white resident, no-

[page] xxxii

ticed as being inspector of the native shipwrights, had the same occupation even in Mr. Mariner's time, (1806). The purchase of the Lilly-bird, here mentioned, he also heard the particulars of: the white residents called her the Ladybird. Besides the schooner, the king gave the American captain 4000 dollars, and a number of hogs, in exchange for her. When Mr. Mariner saw her, she was being coppered, under the direction of Boyd. The king said that he should invade Atooi as soon as she should be ready for sea.

P. 157. Clerk, captain of the king's packet, and Hairbottle, captain of the Lilly-bird, Mr. Mariner also knew very well. The latter very often acted as pilot, he might also be called harbour-master to the king. He is mentioned in the second volume of the present work, p. 66.

P. 162. The author here mentions the laborious method of cultivating taro, and states, that even the king sometimes assisted in it, but why he could not conjec-

[page] xxxiii

ture, unless to set an example of industry to his people, but which, he acknowledges, they scarcely seem to want. Mr. Mariner was informed that other great chiefs as well as the king often assisted at this, and all kinds of laborious exercise, to render the body active, strong, and capable of enduring hardships.

P. 165. The number of white people on Wahoo is here stated to be nearly sixty: in Mr. Mariner's time they were counted at ninety-four.

P. 166. The author speaks of the drunkenness of the white people. Mr. Mariner observes that the natives also are strongly addicted to the same vice, when they can get the liquor, but that the king, to prevent such excesses, allowed of no stills but what were under the inspection of his officers, and that all spirit distilled was his property, which he sold or gave as favour or reward to whom he chose.

P. 167. The author here says, "There were no missionaries upon the island during the time I remained in it, at which I was

VOL. I. c

[page] xxxiv

often much surprised." Neither were there any in Mr. Mariner's time, and when the king was questioned upon the subject of Christianity, this was his remarkable reply:

"I should be afraid to adopt so dangerous an expedient as Christianity; for I think no Christian king can govern in the absolute manner in which I do, and yet be loved by his subjects as I am by mine: such a religion might perhaps answer very well in the course of a few generations; but what chief would sanction it in the beginning, with the risk of its subverting his own power, and involving the islands in war? I have made a fixt determination not to suffer it." This declaration was made in the cabin of the Port au Prince, Mr. Mariner being present; Isaac Davis, one of the white residents, was the translator. Mr. Mariner is convinced that Davis gave a faithful representation of the sentiments of the king; for although the latter does not speak English, he often seems to understand what is spoken in that language, and fri-

[page] xxxv

quently gives his nod of assent or dissent accordingly: it is indeed a question whether he does not understand English better than he pretends, but pleads ignorance from motives of policy. Mr. Mariner had afterwards ample confirmation of the king's sentiments in regard to Christianity from his Sandwich-island companions, at Tonga.

P. 170. The king's prime minister, Naai, nicknamed by the white people, Billy Pitt, was also well known to Mr. Mariner, who received from him a present of a very handsome helmet.

P. 179. On a certain occasion of ceremony, the king "is obliged to stand till three spears are darted at him: he must catch the first with his hand, and with it ward off the other two: This is not a mere formality. The spear is thrown with the utmost force; and should the king lose his life there is no help for it." Mr. Mariner was told by the natives, that it was impossible the king could lose his life or even be wounded on this occasion; for

c 2

[page] xxxvi

should he chance to miss a spear, his tutelar god would catch it or turn it aside, father than allow him to be hurt.

P. 185. The author here speaks of the use of Ava, (or as the Tonga people call it, Cava), which he never saw employed but as a medicine to prevent corpulency, ardent spirits being adopted as a luxury instead of it. Mr. Mariner, when he was at Wahoo, saw it drunk twice as a luxury, and was told that several of the old men Still preferred it to spirits. It must be remembered that this was four years before Mr. Campbell's time.

P. 188. It is here remarked that the women are much disposed to break the taboo: the author says, "I have known them eat of the forbidden delicacies of pork and shark's flesh. What would be the consequence of a discovery I know not." Mr. Mariner also witnessed several instances of this. The Sandwich-island women have so many severe and impolitic restrictions in regard to food, that it would be unreasonable perhaps to expect that they

[page] xxxvii

should on all secure occasions be very faithfully strict: the punishment for such offences, however, is death. It is very well worth while to compare the state of the women in the Sandwich islands with that of the women of Tonga: it will afford an interesting proof how much a line of conduct, influenced by liberality and respect towards females, is productive of morality.

P. 206—7. The author here mentions a custom of the queen, that of preserving the bones of her father, wrapt up carefully in a piece of cloth, "because she loved her father so dearly." Mr. Mariner Saw these bones, and on enquiry, found it was not merely a custom of the queen, but a common practice among them.

P. 209. In regard to the question, whether the natives of the Sandwich islands are cannibals, Mr. Mariner is disposed to believe that they are not: those natives who were with him at Tonga always strongly denied the charge.

These several statements, it is hoped,

[page] xxxviii

the reader will not think tedious: they serve as very fair proofs of the accuracy with which Mr. Mariner noticed what he saw, and the fidelity of his memory in relating it. Some of these statements, as before mentioned, are inserted in the body of the present work, and were printed off before Mr. Campbell's book was published: to these may be added, the knowledge of the Sandwich islanders in the use of emetics and cathartics, as related in the second volume of this work, p. 243, and in Mr. Campbell's book, p. 174; and it is worth notice, that from the difference of the ingredients mentioned in the two accounts, it appears they are acquainted with more than one kind of each medicine. In regard to what Mr. Mariner relates concerning the bones of Captain Cook, (see Vol. II. p. 66), it is rather extraordinary that Mr. Campbell makes no mention of any thing of the kind: it is possible the custom was dropped before his time, under the idea of giving offence to the English people. Mr. Mariner has

[page] xxxix

no doubt of the fact, from the positive manner in which it was related to him by Hairbottle, and afterwards by those Sandwich-island natives that were with him at Tonga: perhaps Mr. Campbell can throw some light upon the subject.

Having thus far sketched an outline of Mr. Mariner's education and early habits, and given some instances in proof of his qualifications as a narrator, it remains to furnish a short account of the advantageous opportunities which fell in his way. In the first place, it must be stated, that he was by far the best educated of all those who survived the capture of the Port au Prince. From the first moment the king of the Tonga islands saw him, he conceived a strong prejudice in his favour, and gave orders to those who had the management of the conspiracy, that if they should find it necessary to make a great slaughter, they were nevertheless to preserve his life;—this was the commencement of a friendship which lasted till the king's death: he gave him a residence

[page] xl

within his own fencing; appointed one of his wives, a very sensible and well informed woman, to be his adopted mother, that she might employ her time in instructing him in the language and exact customs of the country: he admitted him to all his conferences with his chiefs, priests, and matabooles: at length he adopted him as his own son, and gave him the name of a favourite son, (Togi Oocumméa), who had died a few years before: wherever the king went Mr. Mariner might accompany him if he chose: in all the battles fought by the king, Mr. Mariner was present. After his death, his son, who succeeded, equally extended to him his patronage and protection, or rather, Mr. Mariner might be called his dearest brother, his constant, intimate, and confidential friend; and so sorry was the young king to part with him, that he actually proposed to give up his dominions to his uncle, and accompany Mr. Mariner to England,—a sufficient proof that the latter possessed those qualities of

[page] xli

mind calculated to inspire a high degree of confidence and friendship. But perhaps I am anticipating too much of some of the subjects of the following sheets: it appears to me, however, proper to state these things, that the mind of the reader may be prepared, without mistrust, for the quantity of interesting matter which so young a man has collected and remembered.

It is now four years since Mr. Mariner's arrival from the West Indies; during which period he has been situated in the counting-house of a respectable merchant in the city, where he is still. His health is by no means good: this and other circumstances have occasioned the work several times to be suspended for above two months together; for, as I have before stated, not a single page of it has been written, even from his own memoranda, without his presence, which, in general, I could only have in the evening, or at night, after the hours of business, and his health did not always admit of such addi-

[page] xlii

tional employment of his attention. He resides at No. 5, Edwards-place, Hackney-road.

In regard to my own labour in the present work I shall say but little. I am sensible there are many faults, and though I am by no means disposed to trouble the reader with unseasonble apologies, I beg leave to state, that the following pages were not written in the order they were destined to assume, but at very uncertain and irregular periods, as the result of various conversations; that sometimes the vocabulary, at other times the narrative matter; at one period the grammar of the language, and at another the descriptions of ceremonies, formed the subject of discourse, indiscriminately, as opportunity offered: consequently, many phrases may have been used which the judicious critic will perhaps think too familiar and conversational, and which, under other circumstances, would easily have been avoided. In short, it is the excellence of the materials, tolerably well arranged, not

[page] xliii

any supposed merit in the composition, which is here offered as a subject of claim to the honour of public attention.

In respect to natural history, not much has been inserted, and that with little or no attempt at scientific distinctions of terms; for this being a branch of knowledge with which Mr. Mariner was but little acquainted, such distinctions might only lead to error and confusion; besides, this subject has been in some degree handled by other travellers, whilst the topics with which Mr. Mariner is intimately conversant are those upon which we have hitherto had least information, and to such we have accordingly thought it best to confine our subject. It is hoped, therefore, that all deficiencies in regard to botany, zoology, and mineralogy, will be thought amply compensated by abundance of information in respect of the religious and political, moral and domestic habits of an interesting portion of the human species, in whose character there is undoubtedly much to be admired, and a

[page] xliv

vast deal that lays a just claim to out attentive observation.

The piece of music which is noted down in the second volume, p. 388, I am indebted for to an intelligent friend, who did me the favour to express it upon paper, from Mr. Mariner's voice.—A note ought to have been inserted in Vel. I. p. 68, referring to the "transactions of the missionary society," from which it appears that only a few of the missionaries were killed, and not the whole, as stated by the king to Mr. Mariner.

J. M.

Basinghall-street,

Dec. 1816.

[page] xlv

CONTENTS.

VOL. I.

CHAP. I.—The Port an Prince sails from Gravesend— Arrives in the River of Plate—Touches at the Falkland Islands—Doubles Cape Horn—Falls in with the Earl St. Vincent, South whaler—Attempts to cut two whalers (that had been taken by the Spaniards) out of the Bay of Conception—Accident to Thomas Turner—Arrives in Coquimbo Roads—Desertion of eleven men—Captures three Spanish brigs—Attacks the town of Arica—Captures the town of Hilo and burns it to the ground—Loss of the Begonio brig by fire—Captures a small Spanish brig— Picks up a boat with six hands on board, belonging to the Minerva, South whaler, whose crew had mutinied —Falls in with the Lucy privateer—In company with the Lucy, engages the Spanish frigate Astræa—Makes Chatham Island, and parts company with the Lucy—Arrives on the whaling ground—Makes the Isle of Plate—Captures three Spanish vessels—Anchors in Tacames Roads —Sails and anchors in Tola Roads—Friendly reception from the governor of Tola—Anecdote of the governor's daughter.

page 1

CHAP. II.—The ship departs from Tola—Anchors in Chatham Bay—Captures a Spanish brig—Catches four whales, making up the number of fifteen—Cuts a brig out of St. Blas—Question concerning the propriety of looking out

[page] xlvi

after certain richly laden vessels—Remarks—Arrives at Ceros Island—Illness of Captain Duck—Information respecting a Spanish sloop of war, laden with tribute money— Death of Captain Duck—The command of the vessel falls to Mr. Brown—Funeral of Captain Duck—Ship sails from Ceros—Takes a fresh departure from Guadaloupe—Arrives at the Island of Owyhee—Sails again, and arrives in Anahooroo Bay, at Woahoo—The chief refuses permission to enter the close harbour—Sails for Otaheite—Gets too much to the westward, and makes for the Friendly Islands—Anchors for the last time at the Island of Lefooga—Mutiny and desertion of four men—Farther desertion of fifteen others—Suspicious appearance of the natives—Their first plan to take the vessel unsuccessful— Natives assemble on deck in great numbers—Signal of attack—Mr. Mariner runs into the gun-room, and, meeting with the cooper, they determine to blow up the vessel —Their intention accidentally prevented—In the mean time general massacre upon deck—Mr. Mariner and the cooper brought before the chief—Mr. Mariner is sent on shore—The state of his mind at this period—Finds Mr. Brown on the beach murdered—He expects to be killed and eaten—Is brought before the king—The ship is run aground by the king's orders

page 26

CHAP. III.—The ship plundered by Finow's orders—Accidents on board—The ship burned—Guns hauled on shore —Visit to the Island of Whiha—Surprise of the natives at the sight of a watch—Mr. Mariner deprived of his books and papers, as being considered instruments of witchcraft—Anecdote of the missionaries—Remarks on the present state of the islands, compared with that when Captain Cook visited them—Political history of the islands during the foregoing twelve or fifteen years, viz. Expedi-

[page] xlvii

tion to the Fiji Islands—Insurrection at Tonga—Assassination of the King—Civil war—Return of the expedition to the Fiji Islands, which joins the insurgents—Finow conquers the Hapai Islands —His cruelty towards his prisoners—Annual invasion of the Island of Tonga— Mr. Mariner and his companions receive orders to join an expedition against Tonga, and to employ the guns—Anecdote of an insane woman—Finow's fleet sails for Namooca—The fleet arrives off a consecrated place at Tonga—Description of a ceremony called Toogi—Preparations for battle—Description of the fortification of Nioocalofa.	page 58
CHAP. IV.—Disembarkation of the forces—Siege of Nioocalofa—Destruction of the fortress—Cruelty of the conquerors—Description of the effect of the artillery—Embarkation for Pangaimotoo—Ceremony of invoking a god —Inspiration of a priest—Return to Tonga—The fortress rebuilt—Cannibalism—Garrison of Bea enters into alliance with Finow—Finow embarks again for Pangaimotoo, leaving the fortress in the care of the chief of Bea—Treachery of this chief—Return of the fleet to the Hapai Islands—Astonishment of Finow at the mode of communicating sentiments by writing, with the circumstance that gave rise to it—A Tonga chief and his family join Finow—Arrival at Lefooga—Ceremony of Fuccalahi—Ceremony of marriage between Tooitonga and Finow's daughter.	99
CHAP. V.—Political intrigues of Toobo Toa against Toobo Neuha—Toobo Toa's vow—Finow's character contrasted with that of Toobo Neuha—Sentiments of Toobo Toa— Assassination of Toobo Neuha—Speech of Latoo Ila over the dead body—Specious conduct of Finow—The body laid in state—Dismal lamentations of Toobo Neuha's women—Some account of the nature of the taboo—Bu-

[page] xlviii

rial of Toobo Neuha—Heroic challenge of Chioolooa— Chiefdom of Vavaoo given to Finow's aunt—Her hostile intentions—The heroic speech of her sister to the women of Vavaoo–Tóë Oomoo (Finow's aunt) builds a large and strong fortress at Vavaoo—Finow's determination to proceed immediately against it, notwithstanding the dissuasion of his priests—Sketch of his religious sentiments —Bravado of a Vavaoo warrior—Finow's son arrives from the Navigator's islands—His ceremony of manriage—Arrival of a canoe from Vavaoo—Finow embarks with 4000 men for Haano—By the advice of the gods he proceeds to Vavaoo with three canoes to offer peace—Is met by Toe Tangata, who addresses him—Finow makes a speech to the Vavaoo people—Their rejection of his offers— Beautiful appearance of the great garrison of Vavaoo— Return of the expedition to Hapai

page 139

CHAP. VI.—Finow embarks again with all his army for Vavaoo, and arrives at Neafoo—Alarm in the night—Presence of mind in one of Finow's men—Plan of attack— Siege commences—An armistice—Accident toMr. Mariner, which causes the, battle to be renewed—Audacity of a Vavaoo warrior—Finow forbids the guns to be used— Sortie of the enemy—Bravery of Chioolooa—Wonderful escape of Latoo I1a—Conduct of the Hapai women—Finow's army returns to Neafoo, and builds a fortress there —Alarm in the night—Revolt of a young chief to the enemy, and the consequences—Slaughter of the enemy by an ambuscade—Sixty, bodies, offered to the gods—Cannibalism—Supposed treachery of Lioofau—The king returns thanks to his tutelar god—Hints of his priest— Apprehension and punishment of Mappa Haano—Regulations respecting deserters—Cruelties exercised upon four of the enemy—Desertion of Toobo Boogoo from the ene-

[page] xlix

my—One of Finow's canoes surprised by in attack from Maccapapa at the island of Taoonga—Finow sends out an expedition against Maccapapa's canoes, and takes ten —Attack on the enemy's field of yams—Mr. Mariner wounded—An attempt to secure the enemy's hogs.	page 184
CHAP. VII.—Desertion of one of Finow's wives, and the wife of the prince—Rencontre between one of the fugitives and Mr. Mariner—Attempt to take the enemy's women while gathering shell-fish—Dispute about the female prisoners—Return of the Hapai canoes with provisions— Palavalé's attack upon a party of the enemy, and killing a man within a sacred fencing—Strangling a child as an atonement for this sacrilege—Death of Palavalé—Finow, growing tired of the war, in an artful manner negotiates a peace—Finow's apology for the conduct of the Vavaoo people at an entertainment given them—Entertainment given by the Vavaoo chiefs to Finow and his chiefs— Sentiments respecting praise, bravery, &c.—New regulations of Finow—Toobo Toa deputed tributary governor of the Hapai islands—His arrival at the Hapai islands, accompanied by the prince and Mr. Mariner.	221
CHAP. VIII.—Arrival of Filimóëátoo at Foa—Description of the sport called fanna kalai—Treaty of Filimóëátoo with the chief of Hihifo, respecting the bird kalai, for Finow— Desertion of several chiefs and warriors to Tonga—Island of Tofoa, and restrictions respecting cutting down the Toa tree (Casuarina)—Volcano on this island—Certain principles among the Fiji islanders alluded to—Grave of John Norton, of Captain Bligh's boat, with some account of him—Extract from Bligh's narrative—Remarks upon the subject—Some account of a ship arriving, at the island of Tooga from Botany Bay—Account given of Botany

VOL. I. d

[page] 1

Bay by a Tonga chief and his wife, who had returned from there—Finow's ideas respecting the value and circulation of money—General daughter of the dogs at Vavaoo, on account of their destroying the game—Their flesh cooked and eaten by several chiefs—Finow's first essay at the sport of fanna kalai with the bird from Tbaga	page 245
CHAP. IX—Island of Hoonga—Carious cavern there, and how first discovered—Anecdote of the person who first discovered the cavern—Description of the sport of shooting rats—Popular tale of the origin of the Tonga islands —Fiaow's return to Vavaoo—General fono, and seizure of several chiefs—Stratagem used to secure Cacahoo— Several of the prisoners taken out to sea to be sunk; their conversation on the way—Conduct of Cacahoo whilst sinking—Conduct of the widows of the deceased, particularly of the widow of Now Fahoo—Description of the plantation of Mahe Boogoo—Popular tale of what happened at this plantation in former times—Tonga song —Abundance of a peculiar fish found here—This plantation given up by Mahe Boogoo, and conferred on Mr. Mariner by Finow—A dead spermaceti whale found off one of the islands—Their method of making ornaments with its teeth—Anecdote exemplifying the high estimation in Which whale's teeth are held—Still greater value of them at the Fiji islands—Arrival of Cow Mooala from the Fiji islands.	267
CHAP. X.—Cow Mooala*s narrative—His early residence at the Fiji islands—Is drifted to Fotoona on his return to Tonga—Particular customs of Fotoona—Arrives at Lotootna on his return to Fiji—Character of the people— Popular tale of two giants—Arrives at Navihi Levoo, one of the Fiji islands—Character of the people—Their

[page] li

cannibalism—Observations—Sails for the island of Pau, the most important of the Fiji islands: its traffic—Account of an European vessel wrecked there—Anecdote of a gigantic lizard, (probably a crocodile) which did much mischief at a neighbouring isle: stratagem used to destroy it—Farther account of Pan—Description of several customs of the Fiji islands—Description of the island of Chichia, and its strong fortress: some account of its war with Pau—Description of a cannibal feast—Feast given by Finow on Cow Mooala's return to Tonga.	page 317
CHAP. XI.—Arrival of a canoe from the island of Tonga, bringing a chief and two young matabooles, with a petition from Toobo Malohi: they give an account of the late transactions there, viz. Teoo Cava, chief of Hihifo, being joined by the chiefs and men that formerly belonged to Nioocalofa, makes an attack on the fortress of Noókoo- Noókoo, and takes it: the enemy return in the night, and set fire to it—Teoo Cava, making his escape, is stopped and killed by a Fiji islander—Conduct of Ata in the defence of Hihifo, and the bravery of Maccapapa— Grief of Teoo Cava's widows for his loss—Reference to an anecdote in the missionary voyage respecting Eliza Mosey (note)—Petition of Toobo Malohi and his chiefs to Finow; their reception by him, and ceremony of pardon—Toobo Malohi's conversation with Finow, and his ultimate departure for the Hapai islands.	348
CHAP. XII.—Finow's younger daughter falls sick—Petitions to the gods—Farther account of the mode of invocation— Finow's illness—Debate among the gods respecting Finow —Supposed effect of Finow's illness and recovery on his daughter—His daughter conveyed to the island of Ofoo —Her death—Ceremony of her burial—Strange custom of the people of Hanioa—-Finow's illness—Petitions to

d 2

[page] lii

the gods—Strangulation of a child in the way of sacrifice —Finow's death—Political state of the Tonga islands, occasioned by this event—Grief of Finow's daughter—Mr. Mariner rebuked by the prince for his grief at Finow's death—Suspicious conduct of Voona—Consultation of the god Toobo Toty'—Report of what had been Finow's intentions previous to his death—The prince consults with his uncle on matters of political government relative to his succession.	page 362
CHAP. XIII.—Ceremony of Finow's burial—Grief of his widows—Self inflictions of the mourners—Funeral procession to Felletoa—The policy of the prince—Description of the grave, and ceremony of interment—Ceremonies after burial—Respect paid by persons passing the grave—The prince's intimation to Voona that he should exile himself—The prince receives authority as How at a cava party—His noble speech on this occasion—Farther exhortations to his chiefs and matabooles respecting the cultivation of the country—Half mourning commences—The ceremony of the twentieth day after burial—Description of the dance called Méë too Buggi—Heroic behaviour of two boys at the grave—The late How's fishermen exhibit proofs of their affection for the deceased—Moral and political character of the late How—His personal character—A brief comparison between the characters of the late and present How.	392
CHAP. XIV.—The large fortress of Felletoa rebuilt—The late king appears to Foonagi (a female chief) in a dream—The charm of Tattao—Tongamana arrives from the Hapai islands respecting the Inachi—Certain political views arising from this circumstance—Permission granted to Toobo Toa to come to Vavaoo to perform the usual ceremonies at Finow's grave—His conduct on this occa-

[page] liii

sion—His astonishment at the warlike appearance of the new garrison—Arrival of Lolohea cow Kefoo from Hapai —Great storm of thunder and lightning; its effects on the minds of the people—Dreams of a number of women, predicting the death of Tooitonga—Illness of Tooitonga —The fingers of several children cut off as sacrifices to the gods—Several children strangled—Tooitonga's death —His burial—The king prepares himself to perform the usual ceremonies at his father's grave—Accident of Mr. Mariner's sneezing: his quarrel with the king on this account: his after conduct: their reconciliation.

Page 435

[page] liv

CONTENTS.

VOL. II.

CHAP. XV.—The king annihilates the divine chiefdom of Tooitonga, and the ceremony of inachi—Mr. Mariner's adopted mother departs for Hapai—The stratagem used to prevent her female attendants from accompanying her —Spirited speech of Tálo on this occasion—All communication with the Hapai islands shut up—The king's extraordinary attention to the cultivation and defence of the country—Interesting anecdote respecting two chiefs, Hála A'pi A'pi and Tálo—Attempt from the people of Hapai—Mr. Mariner discovers an European vessel whilst on a fishing excursion; his men refusing to take him on board, he wounds one mortálly, and threatens the others, upon which they paddle towards the ship—Anecdote of the wounded man—Mr. Mariner's arrival on board, and reception from the captain—The king visits him in the ship: his behaviour on board: his earnest wish to go to

[page] lv

England—Mr. Mariner sends on shore for the journal of the Port au Prince, and procures the escape of one of his countrymen—He takes a final leave of the king—The ship sails for the Hapai islands—Five more Englishmen taken on board—The ship sails for the Fiji islands—Her departure for China.

Page 1

CHAP. XVI.—Preliminary remarks—Anecdote of the late king—Character of the present king—Parallel between him and his father—His humanity—His understanding —Anecdote of him respecting a gun-lock—Respecting the pqlse—His love of astronomical knowledge—His observations upon European acquirements—His remarks concerning the antipodes—Anecdote of him respecting the mariner's compass—His attention to the arts—Cursory view of the character of Finow Fiji—His early warlike propensities—His peaceable disposition and wisdom —Cursory character of Hala Api Api—His mischievous disposition—His generosity, wisdom, heroic bravery, and occasional moderation—His swiftness of foot—Arrival of the Favourite at the Hapai islands—Generosity of Robert Brown—Anecdote of the gunner of the Port au PrinceThree men of the Port an Prince received on board— Anecdote of an Hapai warrior—Excuses and apologies of the Hapai people in regard to the capture of the Port au Prince—The Favourite departs for the Fiji islands—Remarks on the conduct of one of the Englishmen left behind—An account of the intentions' of the Hapai people towards Captain Cook—Anecdote respecting the death of this great man—Arrival of the Favourite at the island of Pau—Some account of the natives, and of the white people there—Departure of the ship from the Fiji islands.

[page] lvi

and her arrival in Macao roads—Mr. Mariner's reception by Captain Ross and by Captain Welbank—His arrival in England—Concluding observations.	Page 38
CHAP. XVII.—Preliminary observations—Rank in society —Tooitonga—Veachi—Inspired priests—The king— Nobles—Order of succession to rank—Matabooles— Mooas—Tooas—Professional classes of society, hereditary and otherwise—Table of the order of professions—Succession to property—Old age—Female sex—Wives of chiefs—Adopted mothers—Concubines of chiefs—Arts practised by women—Children.	79
CHAP. XVIII. —Enumeration of the principal notions on which the religion of Tonga is founded—Traditionary account of the island of Bolotoo—Division of the gods into six classes—Names and attributes of the principal original gods—Souls of Chiefs—Souls of Matabooles—Other Hotooas or inhabitants of Bolotoo—Hotooa Pow, or mischievous gods—The god that supports the earth—Observations upon death—Origin of the habitable earth, or rather of the islands of Tonga—Popular tradition respecting the original inhabitants of Tonga—Remarks—Another tradition respecting the same subject—Fiji story respecting an island of immortal women—Popular account of the origin of turtles—General notion of the earth, sky, and heavenly bodies—Notions respecting the human soul and animal life—Ideas concerning the liver—The soul's immortality—Notions of the Fiji people in regard to the soul.	103
CHAP. XIX.—Farther particulars respecting the divine chiefs Tooitonga and Veachi: respecting the priests—General remarks on the moral notions and habits of the people—

[page] lvii

The first principles which in them constitute the foundation of virtue—References to Toobo Neuha, Hals A'pi A'pi, and others—Farther habits of practical liberality— The principle of respect and veneration to the gods, chiefs, parents, and aged persons—Defence of hereditary rights, and love of country—Instances of the principle of honour: instances of the contrary: remarks: conclusions —Their liberal opinions of one another, and of European nations, with references—Humanity—General observations on the virtue of chastity—Investigation of the proportion of married women—Conduct of the married women—Conduct of the unmarried women: of the married men: of the unmarried men—General view of society, as far as their notions respecting chastity are concerned— Conclusions upon this subject—Remarks.	Page 149
CHAP. XX.—Preliminary observations—Cava root: ceremony of preparing the infusion, and order of serving it out, either as a chief, a priest, or a god may preside— The ceremony of Ina'chi; of Fuccala'hi; of Cava fuccu e'gi; of Tow-tow; of Namgita; of Tootooni'ma; of Boo'too and its minor ceremonies, viz. Fa'la, Too'too, La'fa, Too' gi. Fo'a, Oo'loo; with a quotation from Leviticus; of Langi, and the very singular mode of shewing respect to the remains of Tooito'nga— of Taboo and the ceremonies of Wë-motë' and fo'ta; of Too'goo cava; of Lo'too— Omens—Charms.	182
CHAP. XXI.—Introductory observations on the state of the healing art in these islands—Their surgical knowledge borrowed from the Fyi islands—Medical skill of a Sandwich islander—The operation of cawso, with a case described; regimen; precautions against tetanus—Two

[page] lviii

cases of tetanus cured by the operation of tocolosi—Operation of boca, or castration: a man castrates himself— Fractures and luxations—Topical blood-letting—Opening abscesses—Burning and blistering—Friction—Scarification of the tunica adnata—Gun-styt wounds—Amputation—Circumcision —Ta tatto'w at the Tonga islands; at the Fiji islands—The diseases called cahi and palla—Gonorrhœa—Observations respecting the existence of syphilis at these islands—Gonorrhœa cured by fright in three individuals— Tona, a disease similar to the yaws—An eruption on the feet called gno'wooa— Fooa, or elephantiasis— Momoco, or general wasting of the flesh— Feke-feke, a species of irregular intermittent.	Page 240
CHAP. XXII.—General observations on the principal arts and manufactures—Canoe-building—Inlaying with ivory —Preparing graves—Constructing stone vaults—Net-* making—Fishing—House-building—Striking the tattow —Carving the handles of clubs—Shaving with shells-— Cooking food—Enumeration of the principal made dishes —Making ropes; bows and arrows; clubs and spears— Manufacture of gnatoo, and mode of printing it—Making mats, baskets, combs, thread, &c.	274
CHAP. XXIII.—General habits of chiefs, matabooles, mooas, women, and children—Quotation from Cook's Voyages, affording a very correct view of their public festivals and rejoicings in honour of illustrious visitors, and describing very accurately their boxing and wrestling matches, and sundry dances: the whole including a point of time when Captain Cook and his companions were to have been assassinated by the natives—An account of their different dances and songs—Specimen of their

[page] lix

songs in rhyme—Specimen of their music—An account of their Tarions sports and games—The pastimes of a day —Conclusion.	Page 296
A Grammar of the Tonga Language.	353
A Vocabulary, Tonga and English.
A Vocabulary, English and Tonga.

[page break]

[page] 1

CHAP. I.

The Port au Prince sails from Gravesend—Arrives in the River of Plate—Touches at the Falkland Islands— Doubles Cape Horn—Falls in with the Earl St. Vincent, South whaler—Attempts to cut two whalers (that had been taken by the Spaniards) out of the Bay of Conception—Accident to Thomas Turner—Arrives in Coquimbo Roads—Desertion of eleven men—Captures three Spanish brigs—Attacks the town of Arica—Captures the town of Hilo and burns it to the ground—Losa of the Begonio brig by fire—Captures a small Spanish brig— Picks up a boat with six hands on board, belonging to the Minerva, South whaler, whose crew had mutinied —Falls in with the Lucy privateer—In company with the Lucy, engages the Spanish frigate Astræa—Makes Chatham Island, and parts company with the Lucy— Arrives on the whaling ground—Makes the Isle of Plate —Captures three Spanish vessels—Anchors in Tacames Roads—Sails and anchors in Tola roads—Friendly reception from the governor of Tola—Anecdote of the governor's daughter.

ON Tuesday, February 12, 1805, at eleven o'clock A.M. the Port au Prince weighed anchor at Gravesend, made sail, and worked down the river. At twelve P.M. she came to an anchor at the Warp. The following day

VOL. I. B

[page] 2

she weighed anchor again, passed through the Downs with a fair wind, and, sailing down the Channel, proceeded on her intended voyage. No particular circumstance, worth mentioning, occurred during several weeks, except the loss of a seaman, who was found one morning dead in his hammock, without having had much previous illness. The wind continued fair, but variable. On the 20th of March, in the afternoon, the mizen mast gave way by the jerk of a dwell, and was found much decayed under the copper, in the way of the mizen gaff: this damage, however, by the next day was completely repaired. On her arrival (April 9) in lat. 21. 55. long. 38.38. a very heavy gale came on. The foretopsail yard, being now discovered to be rotten in the slings, was sent down and replaced by a new one. The gale continued to increase, and from three to five in the morning, Continual flashes of lightning came on from different quarters, with loud and repeated claps of thunder, succeeded by very heavy rains.

From this period till the time of her arrival off the river of Plate, the weather was changeable, and for the most part stormy. On the 6th of May she commenced her cruize in this river; nothing particular, however, occurred for several days, except the loss of a boy, who

[page] 3

accidentally fell overboard and was drowned, in spite of every exertion made to save him On the 13th, being off the island of Lobos, a best was sent on shore to reconnoitre. In the evening she returned, without having discovered Any inhabitants; a number of seals, however, were seen, and proper apparatus; for skinning them, which in all probability had been used by persons from the main land; in the habit of resorting to this island for the express purpose of procuring seal skins.

On Tuesday, the 14th, two boats were sent on shore to the high land above Maldonado, to reconnoitre and kill wild cattle, which were seen in abundance; the vessel in the mean time plied in a bay under the high land, The boats returned next morning at eight o'clock, with one bull, not having been able to kill more, an account of the storminess of the weather, Which wendered them too wild. The crew were detained on shore much longer than they otherwise would have been, on account of the desertion of two men, who had been left to take care of the boats; and after a search of several hours, without effect, they were under the necessity of returning without them. About three hours after their arrival on board, the two men in question were seen on the beach, making sig-

B 2

[page] 4

nals to be brought on board, which being done, they were seized up and received a dozen lashes each. Their object was to have gone over to Maldonado, but a river lying in the way, one of them not being a swimmer, and the other unwilling to proceed by himself, they thought proper to return.

On the 18th, finding it impossible to remain in the river, owing partly to the strong flood and partly to contrary winds, she stood out of the river and bore away on her voyage. The next day very heavy gales coming on, she was found to make much water from a leak supposed to be on the larboard bow, near the surface of the water, which was afterwards found to be the case. The Falkland Islands appeared within sight on Friday, the 31st, a few days after which, the weather becoming calm, with a smooth sea, the carpenter was let down over the larboard bow, to nail lead and canvass over a cracked plank, now discovered to be the source of the leak.

Monday, the 17th of June, Cape Horn bore W. by S. four leagues. The weather was very snowy. The leak still continued. On Wednesday, the 26th, Gilbert's Island bore N. five leagues. From this place she took a fresh departure.

[page] 5

On Wednesday, the 3d of July, having doubled the cape, she fell in with the Earl St. Vincent, Captain Pinkum, a South whaler, homeward bound, by whom she dispatched letters for England. She received, at the same time, from on board this vessel, Thomas Turner, harpooner, concerning whom it may be interesting to state a few particulars. He went out at first on board a South whaler, whose name is not now recollected: she made a very successful voyage, and, on her return home, fell in with the Earl St. Vincent, outward bound. Turner, being encouraged by his late good success, got permission to go on board the Earl St. Vincent, and went accordingly, with the view of doubling his good fortune. This vessel was also very successful. On his return home a second time he fell in with the Port au Prince, and went on board of her, as just related, with the same views of enjoying a continuation of the good success hitherto attending him; but the favours of fortune were now at an end; he soon lost all by grasping at more; meeting with a most severe fate, as will be hereafter related.

The Port au Prince having received information from the Earl St. Vincent, that two South whalers were detained at Conception, it was re-

[page] 6

solved that she should proceed, as it lay in her voyage, to endeavour to cut them out. Accordingly, on the 12th, she passed the island of Mocha with a fair wind, and steered along the coast for Conception. When she was off the island of St. Mary's, two boats were sent on shore for vegetables: a few men sick of the scurvy were also sent on shore to refresh. On the 20th of July she arrived off Quiriquina, an island near the bay of Conception. Here four boats, well armed and manned, were sent on shore to procure stock. They were commanded by Mr. J. Parker, first lieutenant; Mr. Russel, second lieutenant; Mr. Brown, whaling-master; and Mr. Williams, officer of marines. The boats represented to the inhabitants that the Port au Prince was an American, whilst they received information in return, that there were two English whalers in the bay, exactly as was stated by the Earl St. Vincent. The boats waited till dusk, and then proceeded from the island to Conception, being well assured by Thomas Turner that there were no guns mounted there, nor any batteries; and of this he was fully convinced, he said, having formerly been on shore there. The weather, unfortunately, was now calm, which circumstance prevented the Port au Prince from getting into

[page] 7

the bay to assist the boats. They, however, very well succeeded, the night being dark, in boarding one of the whalers (the Albion), and having secured the Spaniards and cut the, cables, towed her about a quarter of a mile, the calm rendering her sails quite useless: and they no doubt would have succeeded in towing her quite clear of the forts, for such there were, notwithstanding Turner's account, had it not been for an accident, occasioned by this, unfortunate man. He was employed steering one of the boats, when happening to look to the priming of his pistols, one of them unluckily went off: this alarming the sentinels on shore, two batteries were immediately opened upon them; keeping up a smart fire, with well directed shot, which hulled the ship several times. It was here that Turner met his fate: to avoid the fire he stooped his body, bringing his chin near his knees, when a shot took away his lower jaw, his left arm as far as the elbow, and his right hand, grazing at the same time his left side, and carrying off the upper fleshy part of his right thigh: it did not, however, immediately kill him The boat was muck shattered, and one lad slightly wounded by a splinter The calm still continuing, and the enemy keeping up a constant fire, they were

[page] 8

obliged to relinquish the prize, and pull on board as fast as they were able, leaving the shattered boat behind them. About six hours afterwards Turner died of his wounds.

On Monday, the 22d, the wind coming in light breezes, the Port au Prince endeavoured to get into the Bay of Conception. After coming within range of a seven gun battery, she hove in stays, and gave them a shot, which they immediately returned, striking the covering-board abaft the gangway, and slightly wounding a boy. They afterwards fired seven shot more, well directed, but without effect. Finding it impracticable to do any thing with the fort, and both the whalers being now hauled close under it, she stood out to sea.

On Monday, the 29th, at ten o'clock P.M. two boats were sent into the bay to reconnoitre. They found the town in a state of alarm, drums beating, and lights moving about in all directions: but finding the ships still close to the fort, they soon returned. The following day was employed in disguising the ship like an American, in order to go into Coquimbo Roads to refresh. The next day, at five P.M. she anchored in these roads, and hoisted American colours. At eight o'clock three Spanish gentlemen, taking her for a smuggler, came on

[page] 9

board with the intention of buying goods. A stratagem was used to deceive them, and keep them in that opinion, till they should bring money on board for that purpose. Samples of cloth, cut from the inside of the officers' coats, were accordingly shewn to them as fair specimens of the quality of the goods on board: on which they promised to bring the next day 4000 dollars to trade with. In the mean while a letter was sent to the governor requesting leave to purchase stock, to which he returned for answer, that he had received orders from the viceroy of Lima not to supply American ships. At ten the following night, the three Spanish gentlemen before spoken of returned on board, accompanied by three others. They brought specie to the amount of 4000 dollars. After having been entertained in the cabin till two or three in the morning, they became anxious to see the goods. They were accordingly conducted below, but soon informed of the disagreeable necessity of detaining them as prisoners of war. At first they took it for a joke, and laughed heartily, but soon became serious enough on being convinced of the truth. One of them was so much affected that he actually swooned away. As soon as the first shock arising from this unpleasant information was

[page] 10

over, they began to be a little more reconciled, but expressed their expectations, that although they were prisoners of war, their 4000 dollars would be returned: they were told in answer, that the Fort au Prince being a private ship of war, and the ma consequently having no Wages but what consisted in the booty they might obtain, the money must undoubtedly be retained. Don Felix, who was one of then, and who well deserved his name, did not make himself at all unhappy on the occasion, but ate, drank, and cheered up the rest as well as he could. On finding, at dinner, that his companions had lost their stomachs, he very jocosely desired them to stand upon no compliments, but to fall to and eat heartily, the whole being well paid for, and that consequently they were under no obligations to the captain for his entertainment.

The following day, Aug. 2, a letter was sent to the governor of the town, to inform him that the Port an Prince was an enemy; and that, if he did not capitulate, the place would be taken by force. In the mean time, two more Spaniards came on board with 400 dollars, expecting to purchase struggled goods, but of course met the late of their six countrymen. In the evening four boats, well manned and armed

[page] 11

were sent on shore to break open and plunder certain warehouses opposite the vessel, and about a mile and a half distant from the town, which was situated on the other side of the bay. I hey succeeded in bringing off 52 packed hides of tallow, 800 gallons of wine in jars, four pigs of copper, and a number of dried hides. The first six prisoners were now liberated and sent on shore, though contrary to the inclination of a majority of the ship's company, who wished them to be detained, with a view of getting a ransom: Captain Duck, however, thought they had already paid dearly enough, and sent them away accordingly; About the same time a bullock and several goats were procured from the Indians, for which they, not being considered as enemies, were punctually paid.

The next day, the two remaining prisoners were ransomed for 300 dollars; and an answer was brought from the governor, stating his determination of defending the town to the last man. As the place was protected by twenty two guns, and apparently by a considerable number of troops, it was not deemed advisable to attempt taking it. Three armed boats were, however, sent on shore to forage for fresh

[page] 12

stock: they returned in four hours with thirty live goats.

On Monday, the 5th of August, the Port au Prince weighed anchor, worked out of the bay, and made all sail to the northward; and, on the Friday following, arrived in Caldera Bay. Here a fisherman was employed to go to Copiapo, (a town fifteen leagues up the country,) to employ himself diligently in informing the inhabitants that the vessel was an American smuggler with contraband goods. The next night eleven of the ship's company deserted and went on shore, the gunner, who was one of them, having procured them pistols, cutlasses, and ammunition. In the morning Captain Duck was informed by some Indians that they had met the deserters on their road to Copiapo. He immediately wrote to the governor to inform him that they were mutineers, and to request him to send them back. The following day five Spanish gentlemen arrived from Copiapo, who stated that they had met the deserters four or five leagues from that town, and had been informed by them that the ship was an English privateer, in consequence of which they had sent back the greater part of the money with which they had intended to

[page] 13

purchase goods. They were detained on board till the next day, and then confined; 457 dollars, a large bar of silver, and a number of trinkets, being taken from their bags. The captain then wrote another letter to the governor, stating that he had five Spanish prisoners, and wished to make an exchange for the deserters. On Thursday an answer was received from the governor, promising to de-liver up the deserters if they came within his jurisdiction; on which the captain sent him a letter of thanks, and a present of a cheese. The Saturday following a present of gold and silver ore was sent by the governor to the captain, with a letter, stating that he had obtained no news of the deserters; in consequence of which intelligence, the prisoners were dismissed in the afternoon without exchange or ransom.

The following day (Sunday, the 18th of August) the ship weighed anchor, and made sail to the northward. Between this and the Thursday following three Spanish brigs and a boat were taken: one of them was cut out of Pisagua Bay, after having just discharged her cargo of wheat; another was a small open vessel, laden with manure; and the two others were on their passage, one to Inquiqui; the

[page] 14

other to Pavillon, to take in a cargo of manure. The men were much dissatisfied at taking a parcel of dung barges, as they termed them, instead of rich Spanish galleons. This discontent of the men operated to a certain degree, with other causee, in bringing about the ultimate destruction of the ship, as will hereafter be seen. She now proceeded on her coarse, after having put all the prisoners on hoard the open vessel, with orders to proceed towards Pisagua; and on Monday, the 2d of September, being off Arica, saw a vessel at anchor, and immediately made sail towards the bay. At five P.M. she got into the roads; and finding the town not well defended by cannon, opened a fire upon it. At five she came to an anchor, and kept up an intermitting fire during the night, expecting, in the mean while, the arrival of the prizes, till which time an assault could not be made upon the town for want of hands. Early the next morning a letter was sent to the governor, requesting him to capitulate; but this he refused, having, during the nighty raised a fortification of sand with fourteen embrasures.

At eight o'clock the following morning the Port au Prince warped within range of grape shot of the town, and again commenced a can-

[page] 15

nonade. At noon she ceased firing, after having done considerable damage, The brig was still at anchor, with her sails unbent and rudder unshipped. At two o'clock a firing was again commenced, and renewed at intervals, during which time the prizes came to an anchor. Another letter was now sent to the governor, threatening to burn the brig and destroy the town if he did not capitulate; but he still refused. It was at this time impossible to land, on account of the very heavy surf; a brisk fire was therefore kept up till five in the afternoon, when the brig was burnt. Several shots were fired from the fort, but without effect. Doubting whether the place, after all, was worth the time and trouble of taking at six P.M. the ship, got under weigh, and steered towards Hilo, with an intention of taking that place. Two six-pounders were put on board the Begonio brig to anchor before the town, and cover the men while landing, as the Port an Prince could not get close enough in shore. The following day, at nine o'clock A.M. the ship and brigs came to an anchor at Guana, a small village about a mile to the southward of Hilo. The boats were now sent, with fortyfive men, oar board the Begonio, which anchored at ten before the town, commenced

[page] 16

firing, and began to land the men at the nine time. Whilst landing, the enemy opened a smart fire of musquetry, which mortally wounded one man, and slightly wounded two others. The men being all landed, took refuge behind a rock, whence, seeing a fit opportunity, they rushed forth, drove the Spaniards out of the town, and took possession of it. In one house they witnessed a scene sufficiently ludicrous, viz. the commandant of the town, and a for friar, so drunk that they could not stand, who, of course, they secured without much trouble, with a view of receiving a ransom for them.

As the enemy was expected to come shortly in greater numbers from the country,—to defend themselves better they took possession of the church, more like a barn than a place of worship, and mounted a swivel on the steeple. In the mean while the men plundered and pillaged the place of every thing valuable, nor was it possible to restrain them. Silver candlesticks, chalices, incense pans, crucifixes, and images also of silver, constituted a rich booty: those made of wax and wood were of course not appropriated, but, notwithstanding, sadly abused. The next morning, at eight A.M. the enemy not having yet made his ap-

[page] 17

pearance, the officers and men secured all the plate that could be found, as well as the two prisoners, who, by this time, had become tolerably sober, set fire to the town, and returned on board.

During the preceding night the Begonio had driven from her anchor, drifted aground, and her people had been obliged to quit her. She afterwards took fire, and was entirely consumed. On Saturday, the 7th, the commandant was sent on shore to procure his own and the friar's ransom.

On Sunday, the 8th. of September, she weighed anchor, and made sail for Punta de la Coles to water, where the next day she came to an anchor, and sent a guard of musquetry on shore to protect the boats while watering. A bullock was now received from the commandant as part of his ransom, and a message, stating that his property lay a considerable distance up the country, and that consequently he could not send any thing more within ten days. As this would be too great a delay for the vessel, the friar was sent on shore without any ransom.

On Friday, the 13th, she again got under weigh, the two prize brigs having been previously sunk after the stores had been taken out of them. On Saturday she took the

VOL. I. C

[page] 18

Nuestra Señora del Carne la Serena, bound to Guiana, for manure. At ten A.M. a boat was seen pulling towards the ship, which, in the course of an hour, came alongside, with six men, and proved to belong to the Minerva, South whaler, Captain Obit Cottle, of London; Mr. Matthew Johnson first mate, and Mr. Benjamin Bernard second mate. The boat stated, that the remainder of the ship's company, nineteen in number, had mutinied, shot the captain, and allowed them to have the two boats. These six and four more were permitted to leave the ship with the two boats; but after having been ten days at sea, the four, being much fatigued, went on shore in the jolly boat; since which the remaining six had been fourteen days in the whaling boat before they fell in with the Port au Prince. When they left the Minerva the mutineers hoisted a black flag, and declared themselves at war with all nations.

On Thursday, the 19th, a thousand dollars were discovered on board the prize brig, as also plate to the value of three or four hundred dollars. She was afterwards given up as a cartel, all the prisoners being put on board of her.

On Sunday, the 23d, the Port au Prince fell

[page] 19

in with the Lucy privateer, Captain Ferguson, from London, and in whose company, on the following day, she came to an anchor off Chinca. The boats were then sent on shore with forty armed men from each ship. In the afternoon they returned, haring succeeded in plundering the town, without, however, finding any thing of much consequence. The only thing they got of value were 168 dollars, and a quantity of plate. In the mean while a whale boat was stared to pieces by the surf.

Friday, the 27th, the boats, manned and armed, were sent to attempt landing at a nunnery; but they could not effect their purpose, owing to the surf, which ran very high, and were consequently obliged to return. In the afternoon she saw a sail, gave chase, came up with her at fire P.M. and fired several shot; but being close in with the land, she made her escape under the batteries of Calao.

On Friday, the 4th of October, a sail being seen standing in for Paita, gare chase; the Lucy being ahead, took her, and found her to be a king's tender bound to Paita, laden with pork, bread, vinegar, and olive oil, for the Spanish frigate Astræa, lying at anchor in Paita roads. The circumstance of this frigate being there prevented a meditated attack upon the town. The frigate soon got under weigh,

C 2

[page] 20

and gave chase to the two ships, which immediately stood out of the bay; but at two P.M. being three leagues from the shore, they tacked ship, and stood towards the Astrœa, and in half, an hour commenced a close action with her, when she bore up for the lee-shore, and engaged before the wind. At half past four the Port au Prince was close on the lee-shore in four or five fathoms water; here she lost her mizen-top-mast, which was shot away, and fell athwart the mainyard, preventing it, consequently, from bracing about. This was not her only, damage: her mizen was shot down, main-top-sail and top-gallant-sail shot away, fore-top-sail-yard shot down, jib and fore-top- mast stay-sail halliards carried away, and most of her braces and bowlines the same. In this situation, on a lee-shore, she was obliged to discontinue the engagement. The Lucy, who had not received so much damage in her rigging, had hauled off some time before, and made sail. The enemy seeing this, hauled off on the same tack. The Port au Prince immediately bent a new main-top-sail, when the Astræa, finding she did not gain ground, wore ship and stood in for Paita. The Port au Prince was not able to follow her, and renew the action, on account of her fore-cap being shot away, besides the other damage in her rigging and

[page] 21

hull. She had only one lad killed by, a grapeshot, which wounded him miserably: he lived about an hour. Three others were slightly, wounded. A few following days were employed in repairing damages. The Port an Prince procured a fresh supply of shot from the Lucy, who,' being in want of provisions, Deceived the whole of the stock from the prize, which was then ordered to proceed to James' Island, one of the Gallipago Islands.

On Tuesday, the 8th, in the afternoon, being to windward of Paita, the two ships bore, up for the roads, where the Astræa was seen hauled close up in the head of the bay: they immediately stood in, and recommenced action with the frigate, which was continued for more than an hour, during which the Port au Prince received considerable damage. As the Astræa was hauled in shore, firm as a battery, with springs on her cables, her shot were sure to tell; and, as the two ships were obliged to engage her under weigh, they found it impossible to take her. Two cannonades were dismounted on the quarter-deck of the Port au Prince: she had also one man killed by an eighteen pounder, which came through the bends into the cock-pit.

The two ships now stood out of the bay in

[page] 22

company, proceeded on their voyage, and on Wednesday the 16th made Chatham Island, one of the Gallipagos. On the following day they came to an anchor, but saw no signs of the prize that had been ordered to proceed to this quarter, nor ever afterwards heard of her. Whilst at this place some turpin (land tortoise) was procured from on shore; and all the plate and dollars, which had been taken by the two ships in company, was equally divided between them.

On Sunday, the 3d of November, having parted company with the Lacy, the Port au Prince gave chase to one of three ships which appeared in sight, and coming up, found her to be the American ship Neutrality, Captain Foulger.; the other two were the Britannia and British Tar, of London. The American had been in Paita since the engagement with the Astræa, and from her account it appeared that the frigate was commanded by a Frenchman, and had on board several of the men who had formerly deserted from the Port au Prince. She had received orders from the viceroy of Peru to run aground, if she were hard pressed by an enemy. In the late engagement she was much damaged in the hull; her fore-top-mast was shot away, forty hands killed, and one hun-

[page] 23

dred and twenty wounded. She would in all probability have struck, had she not heard from the deserters that the Port au Prince was very deficient in men and shot.

The ship had now arrived on her whaling ground, and kept therefore a good look out for whales, according to her instructions. Till the latter end of January, 1806, she kept her cruize between the latitudes 1. 10. S. and 00. 20. N. but, awing to the scarcity of whales, had very little success. On the 22d of this month, by the advice of Mr. Brown, the whaling-master, she proceeded to shift her whaling-ground more to the northward and eastward. During this interval no particular transaction occurred, except that Mr. Johnson and Mr. Bernard, who, it may be recollected, were the first and second mates of the Minerva, (the South whaler whose crew had mutinied), went on board the Rebecca, bound shortly for England.

On Saturday, the 1st of February, in latitude 00.14. S. longitude 81.50. W. she espied land, and accordingly steered in for it: at eleven, A.M. however, she tacked ship, and stood to windward, with a view of getting to the isle of Plate, being considered a good whaling ground. She made this isle on Tuesday, the 4th, and perceiving a sail to windward, sent three boats

[page] 24

after her, took her, and found her to be the San Pedro, in ballast, bound to Point St. Helena for salt. On Thursday following, still keeping a look out for whales, she fell in with a strange sail, boarded her, and found her to be the Spanish brig Santa Rosa el Carne, laden with salt, flour, and tallow. She took her alongside, discharged her of her cargo, and the next day, putting twenty prisoners on board of her, gave her up as a cartel.

On Friday, the 14th, she captured the Transito brig, from Tomaco, bound to Paita, laden with cocoa-nuts; and on Monday following she stood into Tacames roads, to procure fresh provisions, where she came to an anchor in the afternoon, with the two prizes in company. Here three armed boats were sent on shore, who, after a time, returned laden with oranges, limes, plaintains, pine-apples, &c. as also a pig and a goat. They went on shore again the next day, and procured two bullocks and an additional quantity of fruit. As no convenient watering-place was to be found here, the ship got under weigh on Thursday, the 20th, and steered farther north, towards Tola, and on the Sunday following came to an anchor in Tola roads. In the afternoon a letter was sent to the governor, requesting stock: he very po-

[page] 25

litely complied, and the boat returned with six pigs, a number of fowls, &c. The next day she took a canoe, laden with jerk beef and pork; but understanding that it belonged to the governor, immediately liberated it, by way of return for his politeness. It might have been mentioned before, that while at Tacames a relation of the governor requested a passage to Tola, which the captain readily complied with, entertained him very well on board, and set him safe on shore at Tola. This circumstance, no doubt, in a great measure, gave rise to the unusual politeness of the governor.

During the time the ship remained at this place, the officers were very well received and entertained at the governor's house. He was a very gentlemanly old man, kept a good table, and was happy to see his friends. He had an only daughter, a very agreeable girl, of about sixteen, who had just come from a nunnery, where she had received her education. She was greatly concerned at hearing of the depredations committed by the Port au Prince, particularly at Hilo, where the church was plundered of its consecrated vessels. The attack which bad been meditated upon the nunnery to the southward of Calao shocked her extremely; she lifted up her hands and eyes,

[page] 26

uttered some expressions in Spanish, and laboured for a little time under considerable agitation. She expressed, in tolerably good English, her sentiments upon these subjects, in particular to young Mariner, then about fourteen years of age, and told him she was quite certain his ship would never again reach England. Among other things, she asked him if he had had any hand in robbing the church at Hilo; to which, when he replied jocosely that he only knocked down as many images as he could reach, she predicted that he would never again see his father and mother, and that the ship and all the crew would certainly be destroyed, as a just judgment from God, for the heinous sacrilege committed by them.— Mariner told her, that if she were in England she would stand a chance of being punished for a witch: the observation caused her to laugh, but produced him, at the same time, a pretty smart box on the ears. So great a favour, from so fair a hand, could not but be received in good part; he accordingly took the first opportunity of going on board and bringing her a cheese, as a present (the scarcity of the article rendering it valuable at this place). She, who would not be behindhand in generosity, taking a pair of gold buckles from her

[page] 27

shoes, gave them to him, but not without reminding him that he would never again see home; and that, therefore, the buckles, which she presented merely as an acknowledgment, Would not long be of service to him. He little thought at this time that her prediction was destined to be for the most part fulfilled, and that by mere hair-breadth escapes, his good fortune, after a lapse of years, would bring him through unforeseen difficulties and dangers, home to his native country, though never to the sight of his mother, who died during his absence, leaving his father to reflect on the uncertain fate of a son, whom he could scarcely hope to see again.

[page] 28

CHAP. II.

The ship departs from Tola—Anchors in Chatham Bay—Captures a Spanish brig—Catches four whales, making up the number of fifteen—Cuts a brig out of St. Blas—Question concerning the propriety of looking out after certain richly laden vessels—Remarks—Arrives at Ceros Island —Illness of Captain Duck—Information respecting a Spanish sloop of war, laden with tribute money—Death of Captain Duck—The command of the vessel falls to Mr. Brown—Funeral of Captain Duck—Ship sails from Ceros—Takes a fresh departure from Guadaloupe—Arrives at the Island of Owyhee—Sails again, and arrives in Anahooroo Bay, at Woahoo—The chief refuses permission to enter the close harbour—Sails for Otaheite—Gets too much to the westward, and makes for the Friendly Islands—Anchors for the last time at the Island of Lefooga—Mutiny and desertion of four men—Farther desertion of fifteen others—Suspicious appearance of the natives—Their first plan to take the vessel unsuccessful —Natives assemble on deck in great numbers—Signal of attack—Mr. Mariner runs into the gun-room, and, meeting with the cooper, they determine to blow up the vessel—Their intention accidentally prevented—In the mean time general massacre upon deck—Mr. Mariner and the cooper brought before the chief—Mr. Mariner is sent on shore—The state of his mind at this period— Finds Mr. Brown on the beach murdered—He expects to be killed and eaten—Is brought before the king—The ship is run aground by the king's orders.

[page] 29

AFTER wooding and watering the ship at Tola, and procuring about fourteen bullocks, six pigs, and a quantity of fruit, she weighed anchor and made sail, leaving the brigs behind, after having stripped them of their anchors, cables, sails, &c.

Finding the leak increase, she proceeded towards the island of Cocos, to careen. On Friday, the 14th of February, at sunset, this island appeared W. ½ S. twelve leagues, and the next day she came to an anchor in Chatham Bay. The water casks being sent on shore to fill, they began to careen the ship. On running the guns over to starboard, and heeling the ship four streaks, the leak was found to proceed from a graving-piece not being properly secured under the fore-chains. The copper under the larboard bow was found to be in a bad state; it was accordingly stripped off, and ¾ -inch board was used for sheathing. On Tuesday, the 18th, the principal leaks were considered to be pretty well stopped, the ship making considerably less water, and she was therefore righted. After wooding, watering, and painting, she weighed anchor on the 25th, and made sail towards the whaling ground.

[page] 30

On Saturday, the 5th of March, having made Pan de Azucar, which bore N. six or seven leagues, she recommenced her whaling cruize, but which, notwithstanding the most diligent look out during the lapse of two or three weeks, was very unsuccessful; and hence the men began to be exceedingly discontented.

On Wednesday, the 30th of March, she captured the Spanish brig Santa Isidora, Captain Josef Evernzega, from Guiàquil, bound to Acapulco, laden with cocoa. At meridian the land off Acapulco bore N. distance seven or eight miles. The next day the captain and ten other prisoners were sent on board their own longboat, and all preparations were made to send the prize to Port Jackson. The following day the Port au Prince stood off from the land, with the prize brig in company: the brig's small boat was given to the remainder of the prisoners, and they were sent on shore, detaining, however, the Spanish carpenter in the prize, and also one man who entered for the ship. On this day Mr. M'Farlane, the surgeon, deserted. The following day Mr. John Parker received charge of the brig, with orders to proceed to Port Jackson, and proper instructions for selling the vessel and cargo; he was allowed ten hands and four months provisions.

[page] 31

At eight A.M. she parted company. The Port au Prince now kept plying to windward, keeping a good look out for whales.

On Monday, the 12th of March, she caught four whales, which, together with what had been caught before at sundry times, made up the number of fifteen, being the whole that were taken during the voyage. From this period till June no circumstance transpired worthy of notice.

On Tuesday, the 3d of June, Cape Corientes bore S. and by E. seven or eight leagues: the ship stretched into St. Blas, and, when close in, discovered a merchant vessel lying at anchor, apparently almost ready for sea. The Port au Prince immediately tacked ship and stood out to the Maria Islands, under American colours; for it would have been impossible to have cut this vessel out from her present station, protected, as she was, by a strong fort at the top of a hill, under which the vessel lay at anchor. The next day a boat was sent off to the rock Pedro de Mar, to watch the motions of the ship.

On Monday, the 9th, the boat returned, and reported that there was a man of war brig at anchor outside of the merchant vessel. The boat was then sent out again, for farther information. The rainy season was now set in,

[page] 32

commencing with heavy rains, thunder, and lightning. On the Monday following the boat returned again, with information that the man of war brig had hauled into the mole. The merchantman was still riding at anchor, seemingly ready for sea. The boat was again dispatched; but she returned on the Wednesday following, when every thing was still in the same state. It was now resolved to make all sail, and steer for St. Blas, with intention of cutting out the ship in the night. At ten P.M. she approached the rock Pedro de Mar, to be in readiness. At this time there came on a heavy squall, with thunder, lightning, and much rain. Towards midnight it became calm, and the boats were prevented from effecting their purpose: they were, however, sent to the rock, to be in readiness to pursue their object the following night. Before day-break, a small land wind springing up, the Port au Prince got off from the land without being discovered. As soon as day-light appeared, the boats perceived, from the rock, that the vessel had attempted to come out, but being becalmed, had dropped anchor five or six miles from the batteries. One boat was immediately, dispatched to the Port au Prince, to inform her of the circumstance, whilst the two remaining

[page] 33

boats proceeded to take possession of her. As noon, a fresh breeze springing up, the Port an Prince made all sail, and steered towards St. Blas. At three P.M. the boats took possession of their expected prize, which proved to be the corbeta Santa Anna, Captain Francisco Puertas, laden with pitch, tar, and cedar boards, bound to Guiaquil. The Spaniards had eat their cable, and made an attempt to run in under the batteries, but the boats taking possession of her in time prevented that intention. At day-light the following morning twenty prisoners were sent on shore in the long-boat: two negroes and two Spaniards, who entered for the Port au Prince, were retained. The two negroes would have been sent on shore also, but they felt on their knees, and begged and prayed hard to be kept on board: the captain of the prize was, indeed, very anxious that they should be sent on shore, as they were the property of the owner; but Captain Duek's humanity would by no means consent to this; for they clasped his knees, and entreated him with such earnest looks and words of persuasion, that, although he had no use far them, he could not but listen to their request: they afterwards turned out to be my honest, faithful fellows. From the prize were taken two bullocks

VOL. I. D

[page] 34

a pig, two hundred weight of bread, a quantity of jerk-beef, fowls, pumpkins, and one hundred and seventeen dollars and three quarters. The command of the prize was given to Mr. Maclaren, with twelve hands, besides a Spaniard, to navigate her, with orders to proceed to Port Jackson, and proper instructions how to act on his arrivalthere.

On the 23d of June the Spaniard on board informed the captain that two vessels were expected daily at Acapulco, from Guiaquil. They were laden with cocoa, and had sailed from the latter place but a few days after the Santa Isidora. The question of propriety in looking after these vessels now occasioned a dispute between Captain Duck and Mr. Brown, the whaling-master. The captain was of opinion that these vessels should be looked after, although contrary to their instructions: Mr. Brown, on the other hand, contended that the whaling cruize should alone occupy their attention, although the ground appeared so bad. It was, however, at length determined that the Port au Prince should proceed for the island of Ceros, to make up for her ill success in her whaling cruize, by laying in a cargo of elephant oil and seal skins, this being part of her instructions. The two Teasels laden with cocoa were

[page] 35

therefore not waited for, although they would undoubtedly have been rich prizes. Here it may with propriety be remarked, that bad the Port au Prince been fitted out alone as a privateer, she might have made a good voyage; or had her instructions been in such discretionary terms that the captain could have acted according to his own Judgment, she might equally have made a successful cruize. But having two objects in view, the attention being divided between them, and all operations being fettered by the rigidness of the instructions, her success was far less than what it otherwise would have been.

No circumstance of importance occurred up to the 80th of July, when the islaqd of Ceros appeared within sight, bearing N. W. ½ N. twenty miles. The following day a boat was sent on shore at one of the San Benito islands; she brought back information that the place was well stocked with sea-elephants and seals. In the mean time the ship proceeded towards the island of Ceros, and on Friday, the 1st of August, she came to an anchor at the S. E. part of that island.

On Sunday the carpenter was employed in examining the state of the vessel, and after ripping off the copper from the bows, and taking

D 2

[page] 36

down the filling pieces, the wood-ends and some of the planks were found very much decayed. In the afternoon Captain Duck, findings himself very ill, went on shore. The next day the carpenter discovering a plank very much eaten by rats, he removed it altogether, and replaced it with a new one.

On Thursday, the 7th of August, the O'Caen, an American ship, from Boston, came to an anchor at this island. This vessel brought information that a Spanish sloop of war was at anchor in an inlet, about three days sail to the northward, on the coast of California. She had been sent by the viceroy of Peru to receive the tributes from the different governors on that coast; but on her return, being very leaky, and her crew in a bad state of health, she was obliged to put into that place to refresh, till assistance could be procured from Acapulco. These tributes were partly in money and partly in valuable furs; and a very rich prize, no doubt, she would have proved, and very easily taken, had not untoward events ordered matters otherwise. The people, of course, were eager to possess themselves of so excellent a prize; and Captain Duck, anxious to study the real interest of the owners, although by infringing upon the strict sense of

[page] 37

their instructions, promised the crew to go in pursuit of their so much wished for object, as soon as he felt himself a little better. He did not live, however, to execute his intentions; for he died on Monday, the 11th of August, at half past seven in the afternoon. The command of the vessel now devolved on Mr- Brown, whaling-master, who very much disappointed the expectations of the men, by refusing to look after the sloop of war; urging as his reason, that the ship was in a very leaky state, and withal deficient in shot. He moreover stated his intention of proceeding to the Sandwich Islands, to put the ship in such a state as to enable her to proceed to Port Jackson, for a thorough repair.

On Wednesday morning, the 13th of August, Captain Duck was buried on shore: the captain and crew of the O'Caen attended the ceremony. A cedar board was placed at the head of the grave, in place of a tomb-stone, on which the name, age, and profession of the deceased was carved out: he was, indeed, a very worthy man, bore a most excellent character, and was much lamented by the crew, many of whom shed tears of unfeigned sorrow on the occasion. In the afternoon of this day the conduct of Mr. Brown was considered very

[page] 38

unwarrantable, as he obliged them, notwithstanding all remonstrances, to try out oil, though several of them refused; swearing they would not work, unnecessarily, on a day rendered sacred by the burial of their captain. All this served to increase the general discontent on board.

On Saturday, the 23d of August, the Port au Prince weighed anchor, having laid in a considerable quantity of oil, and stood out of the bay. The O'Caen still lay at anchor. On Monday, the 25th, she came to an anchor at the Benito Islands, where she remained till Monday the 15th of September, having salted and laid in 8338 seal skins. During this time she received from the captain of the O'Caen a present of two deer; he having discovered a considerable number in the interior of the island.

On Monday, the 15th of September, the Port au Prince weighed anchor. The following day the ship was found to make more water than usual, from a leak in her larboard bow. On Wednesday the island of Guadaloupe appeared within sight, in lat. 28. 48. N. long. 118.30. W. bearing N.N.E. four or five leagues. The leak was now found to have increased two inches per hour more than its usual quantity. The next day a boat was sent to sound under the

[page] 39

lee of the island for an anchorage; she returned, however, with a very indifferent account of it, and reported to have found neither seals nor sea elephants.

On Friday the 19th of September the ship stood out to sea, taking a fresh departure from this place, for the island of Owhyee. The leak was now found to have increased so as to be at the rate of seventeen feet in twenty-four hours. On Saturday the 27th it was found to be considerably decreased; although it had been blowing fresh for three days.

On Sunday the 28th of September, at 6 A.M. Owhyee appeared within sight bearing W. by N. 20 leagues: the ship was now hauling up for the north end of the island. During the night she kept a shore course: several lights were perceived in different parts of the island. The next day at noon several of the natives came on board, and shewed tokens of great friendship. At eight o'clock in the evening the ship anchored in Toeigh bay, and traded with the natives. On Thursday the ninth of October she weighed anchor, and, made sail from Owhyee, for Woahoo; and on Friday at noon came to an anchor in Anabooroo bay. Whilst waiting for an opportunity to enter the close harbour, the inhabitants came on board and

[page] 40

traded. In the mean time, the chief of the island, hearing that they had a sick man on board, refused them permission to enter the close harbour, being afraid of introducing disease into the country, which calamity had happened on a former occasion, from an American ship. Although the sick man died a few days afterwards, the permission was not granted.

On Sunday the 26th of October, the vessel being plentifully stocked with hogs, fowls, plantains, sweet potatoes, tarra, &c. she weighed anchor, and proceeded towards Otaheite, having received eight of the natives on board, who offered their services, as she was in want of hands on account of the leak. This last mentioned island was the nearest where assistance was to be expected. As she proceeded on her course, the leak was alarmingly increased to the rate of nine inches and a half per hour. In order to ease the ship, it became necessary to remove the carronades from off the quarter deck, down below; the try-works were also taken down, and the bricks thrown overboard.

On Tuesday the 18th of November, as well as several days preceding, the pumps were obliged to be worked every half hour out of two. By this time finding she had missed

[page] 41

Otaheite, by reason of an adverse current, she steered to the westward for the Friendly islands; and on Thursday the 27th of November saw the Hapai islands, bearing W. 12 miles. The leak had now increased to eighteen inches per hour.

On Saturday the 29th of November, 1806, at 4 P. M. the Port au Prince brought to, for the last time, in 7 fathoms water at the N. W. point of Lefooga, one of the Hapai islands, in the same place where Captain Cook had formerly anchored. In the evening a number of Indian chiefs came on board with a large barbacued hog, and a quantity of ready dressed yams, as a present to the ship's company: with them came a native of Owhyee, who spoke a little English, which he had formerly learned on board an American ship, that had taken him from the Sandwich islands to Manilla, and thence had brought him to the Friendly islands, where he had taken up his residence ever since. This man, whose name was Tooi Tooi, and whom we shall hereafter have occasion to speak of, endeavoured, by all the means of expression that lay in his power, to convince the ship's company that the natives were disposed towards them in the most friendly manner. Another Sandwich islander, however, whom the

[page] 42

Port au Prince had brought along with her, as may be recollected, with seven others, from. Anahooroo bay, declared his opinion that the Indians had bad designs, and he advised Mr. Brown to keep a watchful eye over them, and even to send all out of the ship, except a few chiefs, by treating whom in a friendly way, the produce of the islands might be procured. Mr. Brown, notwithstanding, disregarded this sage admonition, ordered the man to quit the quartter deck, and even threatened to flog him—a treatment which the poor fellow little deserved, for his opinion of the natives was but too well founded, although his less honest countryman Tooi Tooi had spoken so well of them: and had not Mr. Brown unfortunately been above receiving good advice, the Port au Prince might again have reached England in safety, and thus he might have preserved his own life, and the lives of many others.

On Sunday morning, the 30th of November, the men were ordered to be busily engaged in careening the vessel, at which they all demurred, and some absolutely refused, being desirous of going on shore, as they had been accustomed to do, on Sundays, at whatever place they had touched during the voyage; and to this they were further encouraged by the per-

[page] 43

nicious invitations of the natives. It is indeed sometimes extremely difficult, under such circumstances, to preserve good order and prompt: obedience among the men; and yet the state of THE ship, at this time, perhaps, fully required: the greatest exertions, and the most watchful care; Mr. Brown, irritated by these symptoms of discontent, the fault of which was in no small degree to be laid to his own account, seemed to have less use of his judgment, at a time when he required it most. The men came aft, to request permission to go on shore; this he peremptorily refused, telling them they might go to H—1 if they pleased, but that they should not go on shore till the work was done on board, and ordered them immediately to quit the quarter-deck: they instantly complied. A short time after James Kelly jumped up on the GANG-WAY with a Spanish stiletto in his hand, and swore by G— he would run the first ———— through who attempted to stop him; he then bailed a canoe: his example was instantly followed by three others, George Wood (the carpenter's mate, who swore he would never rig the pumps again), William Baker, and James. Hoay, taking with them all their clothes. Not much time elapsed before fifteen others took

[page] 44

the same step. In the afternoon the remainder of the crew came aft, with a complaint that a considerable number of the natives had assembled between decks, armed with clubs and spears, and whose behaviour gave ample grounds to suspect that they intended to take the vessel. This was indeed their intention, having already digested their plan, which Mr. Mariner afterwards learned from a young chief named Vaca-ta-Bola: it will be well to relate it here in its proper place, although they did not at this time succeed. During the present interval, Vaca-ta-Bola and another chief were sitting in the cabin with Mr. Brown, Mr. Dixon, and Mr. Mariner. Whilst they were here a canoe was to come under the stern, and Vaca-ta-Bola was to rise up suddenly and call out with seeming great earnestness to the people in the canoe; on which it may be supposed that Mr. Brown and Mr. Dixon would naturally turn their heads, out of curiosity to see what was going forward in the canoe, at which moment the two chiefs were to knock out their brains, with short iron-wood clubs, which they had concealed under their dress. Before the canoë arrived, however, Mr. Mariner happening to go into the steerage was met by the men,

[page] 45

who were coming, as before stated, to inform Mr. Brown of the threatening appearance of the natives. Mr. Brown seemed at first not much inclined to pay attention even to this new warning of danger; but when Mr. Mariner assured him that what the men stated was correct, and that, at all events, it would be but common prudence to inquire into it, and satisfy the apprehensions of the men, he went upon deck, leading Vaca-ta-Bola by the hand: Mr, Dixon and the other chief following. During this time Mr. Mariner could not help observing that the two chiefs turned pale, and were evidently much agitated; which he attributed to fear, occasioned by the bustle which appeared, without their understanding the cause: though the truth was they imagined their plot discovered, and their fate inevitable. When they arrived upon deck, and were given to understand that Mr. Brown did not like to have so many men on board armed with clubs and spears, they pretended to interest themselves very much in throwing their arms overboard, and in ordering the natives out of the ship. Mr. Mariner, in the mean while, noticed that they took great care not to throw the best and most handy clubs overboard, but contrived

[page] 46

to get them safe into the canoes, by passing them from one to another: this he also attributed to a wrong motive, imagining that they wished to save them merely on account of their goodness, whilst the bad ones they threw away without reluctance. Mr. Brown, with a view of wearing also a pacific appearance, ordered the tomahawks, boarding-pikes, and other arms, to be removed below.

In the evening, after the natives had gone on shore, the carpenter and sail-maker spoke to Mr. Brown on the propriety of having the muskets up, and placing centinels on deck to keep the natives off, as their number prevented them from working; but, unfortunately, too self-willed and obstinate in error, he treated every wholesome admonition with indifference, and accordingly no such measures were taken.

The following fatal day, Monday, the 1st December, 1806, at eight o'clock in the morning, the natives began to assemble on board, and soon increased to 300 in different parts of the ship. About nine o'clock Tooi Tooi, the Sandwich islander, before mentioned as having endeavoured to inspire the ship's company with a good opinion of the friendly disposition of

[page] 47

the natives, came on board, and invited Mr. Brown to go on shore and view the country: be immediately, complied, and went unarmed About half an hour after Mr. Brown had left the ship, Mr. Mariner, who was in the steerage, went to the hatch for the sake of the light, as he was about to mend a pen; looking up, he saw Mr. Dixon standing on a gun, endeavouring, by his signs, to prevent more of the natives coming on board: at this moment he heard a loud shout from the Indians, and saw one of them knock Mr. Dixon down with a club: seeing now too clearly, what was the matter, he turned about to run towards the gun-room, when an Indian caught hold of him by the hand; but luckily escaping from his grasp, he ran down the scuttle, and reached the gun-room, where he found the cooper; but considering the magazine to be the safest place, they ran immediately there; and having consulted what was best to be done, they came to the resolution of blowing up the vessel, and, like Samson of old, to sacrifice themselves and their enemies together. Bent upon, this bold MAD heroic enterprise*, Mr. Mariner repaired

* Lest this should be thought a rash and presumptuous conduct, as sacrificing their own lives unnecessarily, it should be considered that it would be almost a certain preventive of such conspiracies for the future, when those on shore would witness the sodden and awful fate so unexpectedly attending the perpetrator.

[page] 48

to the gun-room to procure flint and steel, but was not able to get at the muskets without making too much noise, for the arm-chest lay beneath the boarding-pikes, which had carelessly been thrown down the scuttle the preceding evening: the noise occasioned by clearing them away, as the uproar above began to cease, would undoubtedly have attracted the notice of the Indians; he therefore returned to the magazine, where he found the cooper in great distress from the apprehension of his impending fate. Mr. Mariner next proposed that they should go at once upon deck, and be killed quickly, while their enemies were still hot with slaughter, rather than by greater delay subject themselves to the cruelties of cooler barbarity. After some hesitation, the cooper consented to follow if Mr. Mariner would lead the way; Mr. Mariner thereupon went up into the gunroom, and lifting up the hatch a little, saw Tooi Tooi and Vaca-ta-Bola examining Captain Duck's sword and other arms that were in his bed-place. Their backs being turned, he lifted off the hatch entirely, and jumped up into the cabin; Tooi Tooi instantly turning

[page] 49

round, Mr. Mariner presented his hands open, to signify that he was unarmed and at their mercy: he then uttered aroghah! (a word of friendly salutation among the Sandwich islanders) and asked him partly in English, and partly in his own language, if he meant to kill him, as he was quite ready to die: Tooi Tooi replied in broken English, that he should not be hurt, as the chiefs were already in possession of the ship. He then asked him how many persons there were below, to which Mr. Mariner answered that there was only one: he then called up the cooper, who had not followed him the whole way. Tooi Tooi led them upon deck towards one of the chiefs who had the direction of the conspiracy. The first object that struck Mr. Mariner's sight, on coming upon deck, was enough to thrill the stoutest heart: there sat upon the companion a short squab naked figure, of about fifty years of age, with a seaman's jacket, soaked with blood, thrown over one shoulder, on the other rested his iron-wood club, spattered with blood and brains,—and what increased the frightful- neas of his appearance was a constant blinking with one of his eyes, and a horrible convulsive motion with one side of his mouth. On an-

VOL. I. E

[page] 50

other part of the deck there lay twenty-two bodies perfectly naked, and arranged side by side in even order. They were so dreadfully bruised and battered about the head, that only two or three of them could be recognized. At this time a man had just counted them, and was reporting the number to the chief, who sat in the hammock-nettings ; immediately after which they began to throw them overboard. Mr. Mariner and the cooper were now brought into the presence of the chief, who looked at them awhile and smiled, probably on account of their dirty appearance. Mr. Manner was then given in charge to a petty chief to be taken on shore, but the cooper was detained on board.

In his way to the shore the chief took his shirt from his back. The circumstance of his having just escaped death was by no means a consolation to him: reserved for he knew not what hardships, he felt his mind hardened by a sort of careless indifference as to what might happen; if he had any consoling hope at all, it was that he might be going on shore to be killed by the hand of some chief not sated with that day's slaughter. His companions, for ought he knew, were all killed; at leasts

[page] 51

he was morally certain that himself and the cooper* were the only persons living of all who were on board at the time this most bloody massacre was perpetrated: and as to those, who, from bad or injudicious motives, had left the ship the day before, they were probably, by this time at least, secured, and waiting, like himself, with anxious desire to know whether speedy death or degrading servitude was to be their portion.

In a little while he was landed, and led to the most northern part of the island, called Co-oolo, where he saw, without being much affected at the sight, the cause of all that day's disasters, Mr. Brown, the whaling master, lying dead upon the beach: the body was naked, and much bruised about the head and chest. They asked Mr. Mariner, by words and signs, if they had done right in killing him;—as he returned them no answer, one of them lifted up his club to knock out his brains, but was prevented by a superior chief, who ordered them to take their prisoner on

* There were two others, the boatswain, and one of the crew, who were on board at the time, and also escaped; but they were taken on shore before Mr. Mariner and the cooper made their appearance upon deck. This circumstance be did not know till some time afterwards.

E 2

[page] 52

board a large sailing canoe. Whilst here, he observed upon the beach an old man, whose countenance did not speak much in his favour, parading up and down with a large club in his hand. At this time a boy, who had just come into the canoe, pointed to a fire at a little distance, and addressing himself to Mr. Mariner, pronounced the word máte* (meaning to kill), and made such signs that could give him to understand nothing less than that he was to be killed and roasted: this idea roused him from his state of mental torpor, and gave him some alarm, which was not lessened by the sight of the old man just mentioned, who appeared in no other light than that of an executioner waiting for his victim. About half an hour afterwards a number of people came to the canoe, landed him, and led him towards the fire, near which he saw, lying dead, James Kelly, William Baker, and James Hoay, three of those who had first mutinied. Some hogs were now brought to be cooked; and Mr. Mariner was pretty well undeceived respecting what he had understood from the gestures of the boy in the

* The word máte (pronounced something like mártay) is the common word throughout the South Sea Islands for "to kill;" and Ms. M. had learnt it at the Sandwich Islands.

[page] 53

canoe, who, it was now sufficiently evident, merely meant to imply that some of Mr. Mariner's countrymen lay dead where he pointed, and that they were going to roast or bake some hogs there.

From this place he was led towards the island of Foa. On the way they stopped at a hut, where they stripped him of his trowsers, notwithstanding his earnest solicitations to retain them; for he already felt the effect of the sun upon his back, and dreaded a total exposure to its heat. He was now led about bare-footed, and without any thing to cover him, the heat blistering his skin in a most shocking manner. Every now and then some or other of the natives came up to him from motives of curiosity, felt his skin to compare it with their own, or likened it rather (as he afterwards understood) to the skin of a scraped hog, from its whiteness: from malice or wantonness they spat upon him, pushed him about, and threw sticks and cocoa-nut shells at him, so that his head was cut in several places. After having thus tantalized him, and led him about for a considerable length of time, as fast as the soreness of his feet would permit him to walk, a woman happening to pass near at hand, from motives of compassion gave him

[page] 54

an apron made of the leaves of the chee-tree, with which he was permitted to cover himself. Coming at length to a hut, they entered and sat down to drink cava*, putting him in a corner, and desiring him by signs to sit down, it being considered very disrespectful to stand up before a superior; the principle of which point of etiquette will be explained in another place. Whilst his persecutors were thus regaling themselves, a man entered the hut in great haste; and having said something to the company, took Mr. Mariner away with him. As they were going along they met one of the Sandwich islanders, whom the Port au Prince had brought from Anahooro Bay, who gave Mr. Mariner to understand that Finow, the king of the islands, had sent for him. When he arrived in the king's presence, the king beckoned to him, and made signs that he should sit near him. As he entered the place, the king's women, who sat at the other end of the room, at the sight of him in the deplorable condition in which he was, with one voice uttered a cry of pity, beating their breasts, and exclaiming, O yaoo! chiodofa! Alas! poor

* An infusion of the root of a species of the pepper plant, the mode of preparing which, and ceremony of drinking it, will be described hereafter in a more proper place.

[page] 55

young man! Fortunately for Mr. Mariner, Finow had taken an extraordinary liking to him from the first moment he had seen him on board: he thought he was the captain's son, or at least a young chief of some consequence in his own country; and he accordingly bad given orders, that if they found it necessary to kill the white men, they should, at any rate, preserve Mr. Mariner's life. The king put his nose to his forehead (a mark of friendly salutation;) and soon after observing that he was very dirty, and much wounded, he desired one of his women attendants to take him to a pond within the fencing of the house, where he might wash himself. Here he made himself as clean as mere water could make him; but finding the dirt did not come readily off his FEET, she brought some sand, and began to scrub them with it: when he complained that this hurt him, she said something, which, at that time, he did not clearly understand, implying, that such was the Tonga mode of washing. Being now pretty well washed, he again came in presence of the king, and was sent to the other end of the house, where he was oiled all over with sandal-wood oil, which felt very agreeable, alleviating the smart of his wounds, and greatly refreshing him. He now

[page] 56

received a mat to lie down on, where, overcome by fatigue, both of mind and body, he soon fell fast asleep. During the night he was awakened by one of the women, who brought him some baked pork and some yam; but being somehow prejudiced against the pork, lest it should be human flesh, he did not taste it, but ate heartily of the yam, not having tasted any thing since breakfast the preceding day.

On getting up the next morning, he was much surprised at perceiving every body with their heads shaved: a practice which is always adopted at the burial of Tooitonga, a great personage hereafter to be described, whose body was this day buried.

In the course of the morning Finow took him on board the ship, where he was much gratified in meeting several of the crew, who had been ordered on board to bring the ship close in shore. The king's orders being understood, they cut the cables, and worked her in shore, through a very narrow passage, so full of rocks and shoals, that, untried, it would have been considered unnavigable. Through the medium of Tooi Tooi the king had been previously informed, that unless his men (which were about 400 in number) were to sit down,

[page] 57

and remain perfectly quiet, it would be impossible to work the ship, the Englishmen being only about fourteen in number. The moment Finow had given orders to his men, he was most implicitly obeyed; they sat down, and not a word was spoken, nor the least perceptible noise made by them during the whole time, no more than if none of them were on board. The ship was brought within half a cable's length of the shore, through the narrow passage just mentioned, and run aground according to Finow's orders.

[page] 58

CHAP. III.

The ship plundered by Finow's order—Accidents on board —The ship burned—Guns hauled on shore—Visit to the Island of Whiha—Surprise of the natives at the sight of a watch—Mr. Mariner deprived of his books and papers, as being considered instruments of witchcraft—Anecdote of the missionaries—Remarks on the present state of the islands, compared with that when Captain Cook visited them—Political history of the islands during the foregoing twelve or fifteen years, viz. Expedition to the Fiji Islands—Insurrection at Tonga—Assassination of the King—Civil war—Return of the expedition to the Fiji Islands, which joins the insurgents—Finow conquers the Hapai Islands—His cruelty towards his prisoners—Annual invasion of the island of Tonga— Mr. Mariner and his companions receive orders to join an expedition against Tonga, and to employ the guns—Anecdote of an insane woman—Finow's fleet sails for Namooca—The fleet arrives off a consecrated place at Tonga—Description of a ceremony called Toogi—Preparations for battle —Description of the fortification of Nioocalora.

AFTER the ship was run aground, the following two or three days were employed in striking the masts, and conveying on shore two of the cafronades and eight barrels of gunpowder;

[page] 59

all that remained was too much damaged for use. Many of the natives, in the mean while, were busily engaged in stripping the upper works of their iron, and knocking the hoops off the casks in the hold; iron being a most valuable commodity to them. During these operations the ground tier of oil, the hoops being knocked off the casks, burst out, and suffocated eight of the natives. In consequence of this great discharge of oil, the water in the hold was covered with it, to the depth of two feet. Two men, who had struggled out of this body of water and oil, strongly expressed their amazement (as they afterwards explained themselves to Mr. Mariner, when he understood their language) at the difficulty they experienced in rising through the oil: they could swim in the water below easily enough, but as soon as they emerged from the water into the stratum of oil above, the less specific gravity of the latter rendered their ascent difficult. They comprehended the reason, however, very well, as soon as he had learned the language sufficiently to explain it to them. Three other men were at the same time severely wounded, by some butts bursting out on them while they were in the act of knocking off the hoops.

Finow, observing one of the natives busily

[page] 60

employed in cutting oat the iron fid from the main top-gallant-mast, and as he was a low fellow, whom he did not choose should take such a liberty, he was resolved to put a stop to his work; so speaking to a Sandwich islander, who was amusing himself on deck by firing off his musket*, he bade him try to bring that man down from aloft: without the least hesitation he levelled his piece, and instantly brought him down dead: the shot entered his body, and the fall broke both thighs and fractured his skull; upon which Finow laughed heartily, and seemed mightily pleased at the facility with which it was done. When Mr. Mariner understood the language, he asked the king how he could be so seemingly cruel as to kill the poor man for so trifling a fault: his majesty replied that he was only a low, vulgar fellow (a cook); and that his life or death was of no consequence at all to Society †.

On Tuesday, the 9th of December, it being spring-tides, the ship floated, and was warped

* The Sandwich islanders are pretty well acquainted with the use of fire-arms: their chief had, at that time, 2000 stand of muskets, procured at different times from American ships.

† The lower orders are thought to have no souls, and a cook is considered the most vulgar profession among them; while a carpenter is esteemed the most respectable.

[page] 61

in to low water mark. In the evening they set fire to her, in order to get more easily afterwards at the iron work. All the great guns on board were loaded, and as they began to be heated by the general conflagration they went off, one after another, producing a terrible panic among all the natives. Mr. Mariner was, at this time, asleep at a house near the shore: being soon, however, awakened by the noise of the guns, he saw several of the natives running into the house, in a great fright; they, no doubt, thought every thing was going to wreck and ruin: seeing their distress, he gave them to understand, by signs, that nothing was to be feared, and that they might go to sleep in safety. After the guns had ceased firing he went down to the beach, and found the ship burnt to the water's edge. He walked to the house again, filled with melancholy reflections, and retiring to his mat, sleep at length brought a temporary relief to his afflictions.

The next day, as soon as it was day-light, the natives flocked to the beach, and by the direction and assistance of Mr. Mariner and some of the crew, got five of the carronades on shore, by tying a rope round them, and dragging them with the main strength of two or three hundred men. A few days afterwards

[page] 62

three more carronades were brought on shore in like manner, and also four long guns, but which, on account of their weight, were never afterwards made use of.

About a week now elapsed, without any material circumstance occurring; during which time Mr. Mariner kept, for the most part, within doors, by the advice of Finow, lest he should be injured by the wantonness or malice of the lower orders, who took every opportunity of insulting him. On the 16th of December, Finow, having a mind to go to the island of Whiha, for the sake of the recreation of shooting rats, invited Mr. Mariner to accompany him. The inhabitants of this island made great rejoicings on account of Finow's arrival. He remained there three or four days, spending the time principally in shooting rats* and birds.

One morning during Finow's stay at this island, some of the natives brought to Mr.Mariner his watch, which they had procured from out of his chest, and with looks of curiosity inquired what it was. He took it from them, wound it up, put it to the ear of one of them, and returned it: every hand was now.

* Rats are frequently used as an article of diet by the lower orders: the chiefs shoot them merely for amusement.

[page] 63

outstretched with eagerness to take hold of it; it was applied in tarns to their ears; they were astonished at the noise it made; they listened again to it; turned it on every side, and exclaimed "mo-ooi" (it is alive!): they then pinched and hit it, as if expecting it would squeak out; they looked at each other with wonder, laughed aloud, snapped their fingers, and made a sort of clucking noise with the tongue (expressing amazement). One brought a sharp, stone, for Mr. Mariner to force it open with; he opened it in the proper way, and shewed them the works; several endeavoured to seize hold of it at once, and he who got it ran away with it, and all the rest after him. In about an hour they returned with the watch completely broken to pieces. One had the case, another the broken dial, and the wheels and works were distributed among them. They then gave him the fragments, and made signs to him to put it together, and make it do as it did before: upon which he gave them to understand that they had killed it, and that it was impossible to bring it to life again. The man who considered it his property exclaimed mowmow (spoiled!), and made a hissing noise, expressive of disappointment: he accused the rest of using violence, and they in return accused

[page] 64

him and one another. Whilst they were thus in high dispute there came another native, who had seen and learned the use of a watch on board a French ship; when he understood the cause of their dispute, he called them all cow valé (a pack of fools), and explained, in the following manner, the use of the watch: making a circle in the sand, with sundry marks about its circumference, and turning a stick about the centre of the circle, to represent an index, he informed them that the use of the watch was to tell where the sun was; that when the sun was in the east the watch would point to such a mark, and when the sun was highest it would point here, and when in the west it would point there; and this, he said, the watch would do, although it was in a house, and could not see the sun; and in the night-time, he added, it would tell what portion of a day's length it would be before the sun would rise again. It would be difficult to convey an adequate idea of their astonishment: one said it was an animal, another said it was a plant; and when this man told them it was manufactured, they all exclaimed Fonnooa boto! what an ingenious country! All this Mr. Mariner collected partly by their gestures, and afterwards more fully when he understood their language, and con-

[page] 65

versed with this man, who always prided himself upon his knowledge of the use of a watch, calling himself Papalangi (an European).

About the 20th of December, Mr. Mariner returned to Lefooga along with Finow. His life was still not only uncomfortable, but often exposed to many dangers, or, at best, he suffered many insults from the wantonness and malevolence of the lower orders. Tooi Tooi was by no means his friend, but, on the contrary, endeavoured to persuade Finow to kill both him and the other Englishmen; lest a ship should arrive, and learning from them the fate of the Port au Prince, take an ample revenge for the injury done their countrymen: but Finow, fortunately, was not of this opinion; he conceived that white people were of too generous and forgiving a temper to take revenge, and therefore declined doing them any farther mischief. He had probably acquired this favourable idea of us, from observing that Europeans were not accustomed to knock out the brains of those under their command for every trifling offence!

As Mr. Mariner had in his possession a few printed books and some writing paper, he was often found by Finow either writing or reading: one day the latter desired him to give up all his books and papers; which, when he had

VOL. I. F

[page] 66

done, he had the mortification to find that they were ordered to be burnt. On requiring an explanation of this extraordinary conduct, on the part of a man who appeared on other occasions to be so much his friend, he was informed, through the medium of Tooi Tooi, that the king could not, on any account, allow him to practise witchcraft to the injury of the Tonga people; and that it was well known to the king and many others, that those books and papers were instruments and means of invocation, to bring down some evil or plague upon the country. Mr. Mariner could not very well comprehend Tooi Tooi's interpretation; but when he afterwards understood the language, the king explained to him his opinion of books and papers, and gave his reasons for that opinion, in the following account.

"Some years ago, on the arrival of an European vessel, one of the white men came to live among them by choice. This man's name was Morgan. He lived for a considerable time on terms of great friendship with the natives, and was much respected by them. Some time afterwards there came another European vessel," (the Duff, Captain Wilson, with the missionaries,) "and from this ship also there came several white men,

[page] 67

to live by choice among them. The white men that came last built a house, in which they used often to shut themselves up, to sing and perform ceremonies, (as Finow expressed it). Matters went on very well for some time: at length a quarrel ensued between Morgan and the other white men, at first about an iron pot which he wanted to borrow of them, and then about some pigs which they said he had stolen from them upon this they informed the chiefs that this Morgan had been a bad man in his own country, and was under sentence of banishment for his crimes; but from the full execution of which he had escaped." (He had actually escaped from Botany Bay.) "The people then began to treat Morgan with every species of insult, so that his life was very uncomfortable, and often in great, danger. Morgan in his turntold the chiefs who they were; viz. that they were men sent out by the king of England, to bring a pestilence upon the people of Tonga, and that they accordingly shut themselves up in this house, to perform witchcraft, and make incantations, which was the cause of the pestilence that then raged:" (there was an epidemic disease at the time, which

F 2

[page] 68

was very fatal among the chiefs, two or three dying every day) "and that all their books were books of witchcraft. The chiefs began to take Morgan's statement into serious consideration; there certainly was a great mortality among them: the white men often assembled, and sang very loud; besides which, they would not let the Tonga people be present; and to prevent them even from peeping through the crevices of the reed fencing of the house, they stopt them up with all kinds of filth, knowing that the cleanliness of the Tonga people would not then allow them even to approach. And the chiefs said to themselves, if these people are doing no harm, why do not they allow us to be present ? we do not conceal our ceremonies from them, why do not they expose theirs to us ? In the mean while Morgan said to the chiefs, ' You see the effect of their incantations; several of you are dying every day; by and by you will be all cut off, and the king of England will take possession of your islands; for although you have the remedy in your power, you will not make use of it.'—The chiefs took the alarm in time; they rushed upon the white men, and

[page] 69

killed all but three, who were at that time under the protection of Veachi;" a great chief, hereafter to be noticed.

Such was the cause of the fate of the missionaries, as related by the king to Mr. Mariner, who often afterwards heard the same relation from other chiefs. He enquired what became of the three that were under the protection of Veachi, and learnt that they were killed during a civil war: they might indeed have made their escape, along with some natives who invited them into a canoe, which was going to another island, but they chose to remain; urging for their reason that they had not quarrelled with any of the Tonga people, and that consequently they should not be hurt; the others informed them, however, that it was the Tonga custom not only to kill an enemy, but also all his friends and relations, if possible: the three missionaries then replied that as they had done no harm, and meant no harm, their God would protect them: at this moment, a party of natives, who were lying in wait in a neighbouring thicket, rushed out and killed them with their spears. The natives in the canoe pushed off from the shore, and made their escape.—How necessary it is to know the customs of the country! how baneful it is to be presumptuous! Our

[page] 70

best intentions may be ruined by the ignorance of the one, and influence of the other.

But to return from this digression; Mr. Mariner, and his companions, ignorant of the language of the country, and of the customs of the people, were often much distressed for want of food: sometimes food was brought to them, but often not; sometimes they were invited by the natives to walk into their houses and eat with them; but frequently they seemed to be quite neglected, and were reduced to the necessity of procuring what they wanted by stealth. At length, through Tooi Tooi's interpretation, Mr. Mariner made known their wants to the king, upon which the latter seemed greatly surprised at their apparent stupidity; and enquired how food was obtained in England: and when he heard that every man procured the necessary supplies for himself and family by purchase, and that his friends, for the most part, only partook by invitation, and that strangers were scarcely ever invited, unless with a view of forming an acquaintance; he laughed at what he called the ill-nature and selfishness of the white people; and told Mr. Mariner that the Tonga custom was far better, and that he had nothing to do when be felt himself hungry but to go into any house where eating and drinking

[page] 71

was going forward, sit himself down without invitation, and partake with the company. After this, the generality of the natives made this selfishness, as they considered it, of the Europeans quite proverbial; and when any stranger came into their houses to eat with them, they would say jocosely, No! we shall treat you after the manner of the Papalangis; go home, and eat what you have got, and we shall eat what we have got!

Mr. Mariner and his companions, about five in number, (for the others were dispersed upon different islands) began now to be heartily tired of their way of life, and requested the king to give them a large canoe, that they might rig it as a sloop, and (with his permission) endeavour to make Norfolk Island on their way to New Holland; but this he refused, under pretext that the canoe would be too weak to stand the sea. On farther solicitation, however, he gave them leave to build a vessel for the express purpose, but in the progress of the work happening unfortunately to notch one of their axes, he refused any longer the use of them.

Thus cut off from all present hopes of escape, it became more than ever necessary to conform their minds to the manners and customs of the people whom they were among; but in a short

[page] 72

time the ever changing events of war served to create a degree of activity in the mind, destructive of habits of disagreeable reflections, and fruitless regrets.

As we are now about to enter upon a new scene of things, in which the political interests of these islands are particularly concerned, it becomes necessary to afford a general view of their history, from the time of Captain Cook; and particularly for the twelve or fifteen years previous to Mr. Mariner's arrival there, with a view to understand perfectly the state of things as he found it.

At the time when Captain Cook was at these islands, the habits of war were little known to the natives; the only quarrels in which they had at that time been engaged had been among the inhabitants of the Feejee islands, about 120 leagues to the westward; for having been in the habit of visiting these islands for sandal wood, &c. they occasions assisted one or other of the warlike parties against the enemy. The bows and arrows which before that period had been in use among the people of Tonga were of a weaker kind, and fitted rather for sport than war,—for the purpose of shooting rats, birds, &c. From the fierce and warlike people of those islands, however,

[page] 73

they soon learned to construct bows and arrows of a much more martial and formidable nature; and soon became acquainted with a better form of the spear, and a superior method of holding and throwing this missile weapon. The also imitated them by degrees in the practice of painting their faces, and using a peculiar dress in time of war, giving a fierce appearance, calculated to strike terror into the minds of their enemies. These martial improvements were in their progress at the time of Captain Cook's arrival, but not in general practice; for having few or no civil dissensions among themselves, the knowledge of these things was confined principally to a few young chiefs and their adherents, who had been at the Feejee islands. Captain Cook describes some evolutions practised by the natives as being forms of war, and indeed they have that appearance; but they are to be considered rather as games and dances, which the Tonga people had learnt from the island of Neuha. None of the oldest natives could give any account of their first discovery of the Feejee islands, but say they went to the Feejee islands before the natives of those islands came to them: perhaps their canoes were drifted there by strong easterly winds.—Since Captain Cook's time, a certain chief at the island

[page] 74

of Tonga*, where all the principal chiefs at that time resided, and whose name was Tooi Hala Fatai, having by former visits contracted the warlike habits of the Feejee islanders, became tired of the peaceful and idle life he led at home, and was therefore determined to repair again to those islands, in company with a number of young men of the same unquiet disposition. They were pleased with the Feejee maxim, that war and strife were the noble employments of men, and ease and pleasure worthy to be courted only by the weak and effeminate. Tooi Hala Fatai accordingly set sail with his followers, about 250 in number, in three large canoes, for the island of Laemba; not to make an attack upon the place, but to join one party or the other, and rob, plunder, get canoes, kill the natives, and in short to do any thing that was, according to their notions, active, noble, and glorious. To give an instance of the spirit of these young men, while yet at the island of Tonga, they on one occasion, during

* It must be observed that Tonga is the name of one of the largest of the Friendly islands, and that it gives name to all these islands taken collectively, as a capital town sometimes gives name to a country; and that it must be taken in this latter sense wherever the words "island of" are not used before it.

[page] 75

the night, undermined a storehouse of yams, cloth, mats, &c. and working their way up into the place, emptied it of every thing it contained; not that they wanted these things, for they were all independent chiefs, but solely for their amusement. They had previously taken an oath, by their respective tutelar Gods and their fathers, not to betray one another under penalty of death; and if on these occasions they met with a stranger, who would not reality enter into their views, they put it out of his power to discover them, by dispatching him without farther ceremony.

This chief and his companions being arrived at the Feejee islands, employed themselves in the way suitable to their inclinations; sometimes joining one party, sometimes another, as caprice, or the hopes of plunder, led them: and as many of these islands were not only at war with one another, but also had civil dissensions among themselves, two or three garrisons on one island being in a state of warfare, one with another, (and this was the case in several of them) the new comers found a choice of employment ready prepared for them.

They remained at the Feejee islands about two years and a half, towards the end of which period they were not contented with joining-

[page] 76

the wars of others, but entered into one of their own, for the greater acquirement of plunder: and their superior bravery rendered them very successful. Tired at length with their long absence from home, they returned to Tonga; leaving their own canoes behind them, and coming away in the better formed ones of the Feejee islands. In their passage however they experienced a heavy gale, during which one of the canoes, with some of the choicest men, was lost. On the arrival of the remainder at the island of Tonga, they found the place in a state of insurrection; the cause and circumstances of which are as follow:

Long before the period of Tooi Hala Fatai's departure for Feejee, Toogoo Ahoo had succeeded to the throne; but had held the reins of government not with the complete satisfection of his people: far from it. He is reported to have been a man of a vindictive and cruel turn of mind, taking every opportunity to exert his authority; and frequently in a manner not only cruel, but wanton: as an instance of which, he on one occasion gave orders (which were instantly obeyed,) that twelve of his cooks, who always were in waiting at his public ceremony of drinking cava, should undergo the amputation of their left arms, merely to distin-

[page] 77

guish them from other men; and for the vanity of rendering himself singular by this extraordinary exercise of his authority. This and many other acts of cruelty laid the groundwork for an insurrection, and a complete revolution in the affairs of Tonga.

Toobo Neuha, a great chief, and brother of Finow, felt, or conceived himself, to be exceedingly oppressed by the tyranny of Toogoo Ahoo; till at length he determined to be free, or to die in the attempt. With this view he often conversed with Finow, (at that time tributary chief of the Hapai islands,) sounding his opinion, and spurring him on to the same resolution; with the declaration, that if he would not assist him, he would manage the whole conspiracy himself. Led on partly by these persuasions, but principally by his own private views, Finow entered into a league with Toobo Neuha. One evening these two, attended by several of their usual followers, waited on Toogoo Ahoo, as was now and then customary, to pay their respects to him, by presents of cava root, cloth, a pig, and several baskets of yams; they then retired. This served as a plausible reason for their being that night in the neighbourhood of the king's house. About midnight they again repaired to his

[page] 78

house with their followers, whom they placed around it as watchful guards, ready to dispatch all who might attempt to escape from the place: of these Finow took the command, whilst Toobo Neuha entered, armed with his axe, and burning with desire of revenge. As he passed along, on either hand lay the wives and favourite mistresses of the king, the matchless beauties of Tonga, perfumed with the aroma of sandal wood, and their necks strung with wreaths of the freshest flowers; the sanguinary chief could have wept over their fate, but the freedom of his country was at stake, and the opportunity was not to be lost. He sought the mat of his destined victim, where he lay buried in the profoundest sleep: he stood over him for a short moment, but being willing that he should know from whom he received his death, he struck him with his hand upon the face: Toogoo Ahoo started up,—" 'Tis I, Toobo Neuha, that strike," and a tremendous blow felled him to the ground, never to rise again. Horror and confusion immediately took place: Toobo Neuha snatched up the late king's adopted son, (a child of three years old,) whom he was desirous of saving, and rushed out of the house the guards of Finow rushed in, when speedy

[page] 79

death silenced the screams of those who but now lay reposed in the arms of sleep.

The two chiefs and their followers betook themselves, as quickly as possible, to Hahagi, the northern part of the island. Early in the morning confusion and dismay reigned in the island of Tonga—men and women ran they knew not whither, unknowing whether to join this party or that—old men were seen making speeches to the people, encouraging them to avenge the death of their chief:—the numerous relations and friends of the deceased king ran about beating their breasts and weeping:— shells were heard blowing in every quarter, as the signals of war and disturbance,—here to assemble the friends of the late How,*— there to summon together the partizans of liberty.

Finow and Toobo Neuha, in the course of a few hours, assembled together a considerable number of adherents, with whom, after having launched their canoes in case their retreat from the island should be necessary, they proceeded to Hihifo (the place where the How was killed). When they arrived here, their first concern was to destroy the enemy's canoes;

* King.

[page] 80

and they succeeded in doing it, after some opposition. They next directed their march to the place where the loyalists were assembled, about three quarters of a mile distant from Hihjfo, and a general battle took place, which lasted till night, with great slaughter on both sides: Finow's party, however, was at length repulsed, and forced to fly back to Hakagi, where it remained till the evening of the ensuing day, when an event happened which reinforced its strength, and gave the allied chiefs and their followers fresh spirits for the combat;—this was the arrival of the two canoes with Tooi Hala Fatai and bit bold adventurers from the Feejee islands. This chief and his warlike companions, ever ready to enter into a new contest, immediately joined Finow, and swore allegiance to his cause. The very evening of their landing, however, their leader, Tooi Hala Fatai, felt himself much indisposed; and as his disorder hourly increased, he was seized with the apprehension that his complaint was mortal. With this idea strongly impressed upon his mind, he proposed that they should sally forth as early as possible the ensuing morning, to meet the enemy while he had any strength remaining, that by this means he might escape the bed of sickness and

[page] 81

die gloriously in the field of battle. Scarcely had the sun risen, when the three chiefs and their brave warriors were already on their march towards Hihefo. *Their equally brave and determined opponents met them about half-way. Both of them paused as if instinctively at the same moment. They summoned up their spirits to endure a mighty and bloody conflict: liberty on the one side, loyalty on the other, fired them with the desire of performing matchless achievements. The active and impetuous mind of Tooi Hala Fatai could brook no delay: anxious to set the glorious example of an heroic spirit, he and his Feejee warriors began the battle by rushing forward

* The following description of the battle is expressed in a style of language that may be thought not very consistent with the sobriety of historical narration: but I have ventured to do this, because the natives always describe this battle in the strongest terms, as the first and one of the most bloody that ever was fought. On one side were the late king's numerous relations bravely fighting, each in the secret hope of obtaining a kingdom: on the other side were three chiefs of unconquerable spirit, one fighting for dominion, another for his reputation as a patriot, and the third, with a fierce and warlike mind, for the honour and glory of a name, setting his life at no consideration whatever. The circumstances of this battle, as here described, are strictly as related by the natives. J. M.

VOL. I. G

[page] 82

on a party of the enemy. Immediately the battle became general, with such unconquerable determination on both sides, that the plains of Tonga had perhaps never before witnessed so tremendous a shock. The brave Toobo Neuha, inspired by the greatness of his cause, with a resistless arm performed prodigies of valour: when he stood, he stood like a rock— when he rushed, it was with the impetuosity of a torrent: he raised his ponderous club only to give death his victim; and as he moved forward he strode over the bodies of fallen chiefs. In another part of the battle, Tooi Hala Fatai was seen moving onward in the path of victory; though he felt his strength gradually decreasing, yet the terror of his fiery eye paralysed the arms of his enemies; at length, fearful lest too speedy a conquest might deprive him of the opportunity of dying a warrior's death, he rushed with an exulting spirit into the thickest of the battle, and fell, pierced with spears, beneath the clubs of his adversaries. In the mean while, Finow was not an idle looker on: he fought with equal courage, but with a more steady and less presumptuous bravery; the greatest of his enemies fell beneath the weight of his club; and as his eye sated itself with the number of his opponents

[page] 83

whom death had stretched upon the reeking plain, his ambitious mind, confident in victory, seemed already to enjoy the sweets and power of monarchy. The battle raged for about, three hours, when, by the extraordinary exertions and achievements principally of Toobo Neuha; who, as fame reports, slew on that day forty with his own hand,—the enemy became panic- struck, and fled in all directions, conquered by that arm, which, two days before, in giving Toogoo Ahoo his death, had delivered the country from a tyrant.

Although the victory was so decisively in favour of Finow, it cost him the lives of many of his bravest men, and so far lessened his numerical strength, as to render it prudent not to pursue the enemy. After a consultation with his ally, it was agreed on to proceed immediately to the Hapai islands and Vavaoo, and look to their own possessions, rather than run the risk of losing them and their lives too in a dangerous war at the island of Tonga, where the loyalists were particularly strong. They accordingly set sail for the Hapai islands, and landed at the nearest of them, Namooca, after a slight resistance from a few of the adherents of Toogoo Ahoo. They soon gained entire possession of Namooca, and thence ex-

G 2

[page] 84

tended their arms to the neighbouring islands, meeting with little opposition, and gathering additional strength, till they arrived at the island of Haano, where a large body of loyalists were assembled and in waiting ready to engage them. Here they had an obstinate but decisive battle, which terminated in favour of Finow. Thus was the conquest of all the Hapai islands insured, and of which Finow was acknowledged king. In this battle a number of chiefs and matabooles (ministers and attendants of chiefs) were taken prisoners, all of whom having been in the immediate service of the late king, were, by the orders of Finow, put to death in various ways. Some were put on board old and useless canoes, which were then scuttled, and immediately sunk; others were taken three or four leagues out to sea, and being put in old leaky canoes, and tied hand and foot, were left gradually to sink. Those against whom Finow entertained the greatest inveteracy were taken to the island of Lofanga, and there tied naked to stakes driven in the ground, or to the trunks of trees, and left to starve to death: whilst they were in this miserable situation, it is painful to relate the cruelty exercised towards them by some of the natives of the place; it must,

[page] 85

however, be acknowledged that the ill treatment they received was chiefly at the hands of thoughtless boys, who would stick sharp splinters of wood into their bodies, and tantalize them by showing them provisions, without giving them any. Notwithstanding their exposure to the raging heat of the sun, several of them bore their torments with the greatest fortitude, although lingering till the eighth day; others of weaker constitution died in three or four days. Ever since that time the natives of the place superstitiously believe that they can hear their groans frequently at different times during the night:—but this no doubt is occasioned by the roaring of the surf at a distance, or of the sea in subterraneous caverns, which, working upon the imagination, to a certain extent resembles the groans of dying people.

Finow, and his ally Toobo Neuha, after public rejoicings at Haano, embarked for Vavaoo, where they were allowed to land without opposition. The people of Vavaoo, however, had heard of the assassination of Toogoo Ahoo by a canoe from the Hapai islands, and were determined to resist the claims of Finow, not by an open war, but in a mode much more harassing and tedious,

[page] 86

and he accordingly found the reduction of this island exceedingly troublesome and dangerous. The enemy always avoiding a general engagement, frequently molested them with sudden and violent assaults, either under cover of the darkness of the night; or during the day from their hiding-places. This mode of warfare so exasperated Finow, who was not on such occasions of the mildest temper, that he gave orders that all prisoners who were chiefs should be reserved for future and exemplary punishment. The contest lasted about fourteen or fifteen days, during which time the two chiefs separated, and scoured the island all over, conquering wherever they met with opposition. At length Voona, the chief of Vavaoo, having fled to Hamoa (the Navigator's islands) with a canoe full of other chiefs, Finow found himself master of the whole island, and was declared king, but he gave up the government of it to Toobo Neuha, as a sort of viceroy, to pay him an annual tribute. The prisoners who were taken, at least all that were chiefs, were punished and put to death by means too revolting to the feelings to mention. All affairs being settled at Vavaoo, Finow returned to the Hapai islands, to meditate future attempts upon the island of Tonga.

[page] 87

In the mean time affairs went on very badly at Tonga: Toogoo Ahoo left neither son nor brother to succeed him; but he had several distant relations, who put in claims for the sovereignty: thus was a violent civil contention induced, and the island was soon divided into several petty states. In the course of a little time, each party had built a fort for itself, so that there were at least twelve or thirteen different garrisoned places upon the island; each, in a state of warfare with all the rest, was determined to maintain its claims as long as it had strength to do so. Thus was the island of Tonga, to which war had hitherto been a stranger, torn by civil strife, and at times given up a prey to famine, a situation worse perhaps than that resulting from the tyranny of Toogoo Ahoo. Besides their domestic troubles, every year they were disturbed by attacks from Finow, who made it his annual custom to make a descent upon one or other of their fortresses, and sometimes upon several of them in the same season; but they were all so well fortified and intrenched, that their enemy, however powerful, consisting of the Hapai people, under the command of Finow, and the Vavaoo people, under that of Toobo Neuha, had never succeeded, at the time of Mr. Mariner's

[page] 88

first arrival, in taking or destroying a single fort; that is to say, during the space of ten or twelve years.

This piece of history Mr. Mariner heard, not only from Finow, but also from Toobo Neuha, Tooitonga, and a number of other chiefs, as well also, though in detached portions, from several of the inhabitants of the island of Tonga, and has found an uniform agreement and consistency in all their accounts. From this it will appear, that at the time of Captain Cook's visit, the whole of Tonga, (that is to say the island of Tonga, the Hapai islands and Vavaoo,) was under the sole dominion of Toogoo Ahoo, whose seat of government was on the island of Tonga, and who received tributes from Finow, chief of the Hapai islands, and from Voona, chief of Vavaoo: that at the time of Mr. Mariner's first arrival the island of Tonga was, and had been for ten or twelve years, divided into several petty states, all at war with one another; whilst Finow was king of the Hapai islands and Vavaoo, and Loobo Neuha only tributary chief of the latter place,

Mr. Mariner and those of his companions who were with him at the island of Lefooga, (and were four in number,) received orders

[page] 89

from the king to prepare for the usual annual attack upon Tonga, and to get ready four 12 pound carronades. They immediately set to work, to mount them upon new carriages with high wheels, made by the native carpenters, under their directions. This being done, Finow expressed his opinion, that the gun was an instrument not well fitted (being too unwieldy,) for their mode of warfare, which consisted in sudden attacks and retreats, according to circumstances, rather than in a steady engagement. He very readily entered into an acknowledgment of the advantages of a steady engagement, but was apprehensive that his men would not easily be brought to stand it. Mr. Mariner and his companions, however, promised that they and their countrymen (who were dispersed upon other islands,) would remain in the front of the battle with their four guns, provided the Tonga people would agree to stand fast and support them. The king assented to this on the part of his men, and a few days afterwards, when he reviewed them, he signified his wishes, and they swore to fulfil their duty.

In the mean time the Englishmen employed themselves in collecting the shot which the natives brought from on board, but which they

[page] 90

had thrown aside, not being able to shape them for any common purpose. They also cut up a quantity of sheet lead, and made it up in rolls to be used as shot. During this time every preparation was also making by the natives for the approaching war: they repaired the sails of their canoes, collected their arrows, spears, and clubs; and the women employed themselves in packing up bales of gnatoo* mats, &c.

One day, whilst these preparations were going forward, the king asked Mr. Mariner whether he had a mother living; upon his replying in the affirmative, he appeared much grieved that he should be separated so far from her. It is a custom in the Tonga islands, for men, (and sometimes women,) to adopt or choose a foster mother, even though they have their own natural mother living, with a view of being better provided with all necessaries and conveniences, as cloth, oil, food, &c. On this occasion the king appointed one of his wives, Mafi Habe, to be Mr. Mariner's adopted mother, telling him, that if there was any thing he wanted to make his situation more

* Gnatoo, a sort of cloth made of the bark of the Chinese paper mulberry tree, (the Hibiscus.)

[page] 91

comfortable, he need only apply to Mafi Habe, and as she was a woman of consequence, it was in her power to procure him any thing that in reason he might require. This woman had afterwards as much real esteem and parental affection for him as she could possibly have for her own son.

At this time there lived in the island of Lefooga a woman, who for many years had been afflicted with insanity. She had become insane in consequence of excessive grief, partly occasioned by the death of a near relation, but principally by her child being taken from her to be strangled, as an offering to the gods, for the recovery of his sick father. As this poor woman was considered of no use to society, Finow was desirous that she should be put out of the way; and as he was also anxious again to witness the execution of a musket ball, he one day desired Mr. Mariner to shoot her: the latter entreated to be excused from this ungrateful task, assuring the king that he was perfectly willing to risk his life in his service against his enemies; but that it was quite contrary to the sentiment of the religion in which he had been brought up, and to the laws of his country, to destroy an innocent fellow creature in cold blood. Finow imme-

[page] 92

diately admitted the excuse, without being at all offended, and the unfortunate woman for that time escaped. A few days afterwards, however, as she was walking about upon the beach, Finow ordered a Sandwich islander who was at hand with his musket to shoot her: with ready acquiescence, he levelled his piece and shot, her dead upon the spot. Mr. Mariner was at a little distance, and saw the fact without having had it in his power to prevent it. She had just been in the act of picking up a shell or something, as the shot struck her; when she screamed out, and springing two or three feet from the ground, fell into the sea. The people in general were rather glad that she was dead, as she used to break in upon religious ceremonies, and on other occasions, when they were drinking cava, and dance about to the annoyance of every body, sometimes with scarcely any clothes on, which is considered very indecent and disrespectful.

All things being now prepared for the invasion of Tonga, the gods were invoked; and the priests assured Finow of success*. The

* The ceremony of invocation, and the supposed inspiration of the priests, will be described hereafter, at a better opportunity.

[page] 93

large canoes of Lefooga, about fourteen in number, were then launched, which, with Toobo Neuha's fleet from Vavaoo, made together about fifty sail. Orders were sent by Finow to all the Hapai islands to make the island of Namooca the place of general rendezvous. These fifty sail under the direction of Finow, four of the largest having each a carronade on board, proceeded towards the appointed place; but on account of contrary winds were obliged to put into Wiha. Here Finow took an opportunity to review his men, most of them being painted and drest after the warlike manner of the Feejee islands. They paraded up and down for some time, brandishing their clubs and spears, and exhibiting a sort of sham fight. Finow sat with several other chiefs in the house on the marly*. Each warrior of note ran singly close up to Finow, and striking his club violently on the ground, cried out "this is the club for ——," mentioning the name of some individual enemy whom he meant particularly to seek out and engage;

* The marly is a graw-plat, about three acres in extent, with a house on it, and is used for various public purposes, as in the present instance; there are generally four or five of them on each island. As Vavaoo is a large island, it has fourteen or fifteen.

[page] 94

others running up in the same way, exclaimed, "Fear not, Finow; no sooner shall we land at Tonga than here is the club with which I will kill any one who dares to fight against us." Finow and the chiefs thanked them for their sentiments of love and loyalty, and then be addressed them in a speech to the following purpose: "Be brave in battle; fear not death: it is far better to die in war than o live to be assassinated at home, or to die of a lingering disease."

After remaining a day and a night, at this island, they again put to sea with the additional force of six canoes, and made sail for Namooca, where they arrived in a few hours. Here they had another review like the former; and after remaining two days, sailed with all the rest of the forces of the confederate islands, amounting in all to about one hundred and seventy canoes, direct for Tonga. Owing to the calmness of the weather, they did not reach Tonga the same evening in sufficient time to land, but went on shore at a small island, close by, called Pángaimótoo, where they passed the night.

Before morning, several presents were brought to Finow and his chiefs, by the people living at a consecrated place on the island of

[page] 95

Tonga, called Mafanga. Mafanga is a piece of ground about half a mile square, situated on the western part of the island of Tonga. In this spot are the graves where the greatest chiefs from time immemorial have been buried, and the place is therefore considered sacred; it would be a sacrilege to fight here, and nobody can be prevented from landing: if the most inveterate enemies meet upon this ground, they must look upon each other as friends, under penalty of the displeasure of the Gods, and consequently an untimely death, or some great misfortune. There are several of these consecrated places on different islands.

The following morning, Finow and part of his forces landed at Mafanga: he immediately proceeded to his father's grave with several chiefs and matabooles, (Mr. Mariner being also with them) to perform the ceremony of Toogi. All who went for this purpose put on mats instead of their usual dress, and wreaths made of the leaves of the ifi tree* round their necks (significant of respect and humility). They sat down cross-legged (the usual way of sitting) before the grave; Finow, as well as the rest, beating their cheeks with their fists for about half a minute, without speaking a word.

* Inocarpus edulis.

[page] 96

One of the principal matabooles then addressed the spirit of Finow's father to the following purpose: "Behold the man (meaning Finow) who has come to Tonga to fight his enemies; be pleased with him, and grant him thy protection; he comes to battle, hoping he is not doing wrong; he has always held Tooitonga* in the highest respect, and has attended to all religious ceremonies with exactness." One of the attendants then went to Finow, and received from him a piece of cava root, which he laid down on the raised mount before the Fytoka (burying-place). Several others, who had pieces of cava root in their bosoms, went up to the grave in like manner and deposited them. The ceremony being thus finished, Finow and his Mends returned to the beach, where a large root of cava was brought to them as a present, by the chief of the consecrated place, on which they regaled.

During this time, the greater part of the men who were not yet disembarked employed themselves in preparing for battle, again painting their bodies and faces after various fanciful forms. The enemy on shore were also in a state of preparation: they shouted the war-

* Tooitonga is a great chief, supposed to be descended from a God.

[page] 97

whoop, and ran up and down the beach with furious gestures; splashing up the water with their clubs, brandishing them in the air, flourishing their spears, and bidding bold defiance to their invaders.

Finow and his attendants having returned on board, the whole fleet proceeded to a neighbouring fortress called Nioocalofa, the strongest, though not the largest, in the whole island. As it will be proper to understand the usual form and construction of these Tonga fortresses, we shall give a general description of them; taking that of Nioocalofa as a model for the rest.

The fortress of Nioocalofa is situated on the west coast of the island, about one hundred yards distant from the water's edge, and occupies about four or five acres of ground. It consists, in the first place, of a strong wall or fencing of reeds, something like wicker-work, supported on the inside by upright posts, from six to nine inches in diameter, and situated a foot and a half distant from each other; to which the reed-work is firmly lashed by tough sinnet, made of the husk of the cocoa-nut. This fencing is about nine feet in height, the posts rising about a foot higher: it has four large entrances, as well as several small ones,

VOL. I. H

[page] 98

secured on the inside by horizontal sliding pieces, made of the wood of the cocoa-nut tree. Over each door, as well as at other places, are erected platforms even with the top of the fencing, supported chiefly on the inside, but projecting forward to the extent of two or three feet: these platforms are about nine feet square, and situated fifteen yards distant from each other; and as they are intended for the men to Stand on, to shoot arrows, or throw down large stones, they are also defended in front, and half way on each side, by a peed-work six feet high, with a opening in front, and others on either hand, for the greater convenience of throwing spears, &c. The lower fencing has also openings for a similar purpose. On the outside is a ditch of nearly twelve feet deep, and as much broad; which, at a little distance, is encompassed by another fencing similar to the first, with platforms, &c. on the outside of which there is a second ditch. The earth dug out of these ditches forms a bank on each side, serving to deepen them. Opposite each large doorway, there is no ditch dug. The inner and outer fencings are ornamented profusely with white shells. Some of these fortifications are square, others round. That of Nioocalofa was round.

[page] 99

CHAP. IV.

Disembarkation of the forces—Siege of Nioocalofa—Destraction of the fortress—Cruelty of the conquerors— Description of the effect of the artillery—Embarkatiori for Pangaimaftoo—Ceremonyof invoking a God—Inspiration of a priest—Return to Tonga—The fortress rebuilt—Cannibalism—Garrison of Bea enters into alliance with Finow—Finow embarks again for Pangaimotoe, leaving the fortress in the care of the chief of Bea—Treachery of this chief—Return of the fleet to the Hapai islands— Astonishment of Finow at the mode of communicating sentiments by writing, with the circumstance that gave rise to it—A Tonga chief and his family join Finow— Arrival at Lefooga—Ceremony of Fuccalahi—Ceremony of marriage between Tooitonga and Finow's daughter.

FINOW being arrived With the whole of his fleet off Nioocalofa, and having with him, besides Mr. Mariner, fifteen other Englishmen, eight of whom were armed with muskets, he proceeded to land his troops under cover of a fire of musketry, which speedily drove almost all the enemy who had sallied forth back into the garrison. The first fire killed three, and wounded several; and a repetition of it threw them into such dismay, that in five minutes

H 2

[page] 100

only forty of the bravest remained to molest them; and these began to retire, as the forces of Finow increased on the beach. In the mean while, the carronades were dismounted from their carriages, slung on poles, and conveyed over a shallow reef to the shore. The whole army being landed, and the guns again mounted, the latter were drawn up before the garrison, and a regular fire was commenced. Finow took his station on the reef, seated in an English chair, (from the Port au Prince) for his chiefs would not allow him to expose his person on shore. The fire of the carronades was kept up for about an hour: in the mean while, as it did not do all the apparent mischief to the exterior of the fortress, owing to the yielding nature of its materials, that the king expected, he sent for Mr. Mariner, and expressed his disappointment: the latter replied, that no doubt there was mischief enough done on the inside of the fort, wherever there were resisting bodies, such as canoes, the posts and beams of houses, &c.; and that it was already very evident the besieged had no reason to think slightly of the effect of the artillery, seeing that they had already greatly slackened their exertions, not half the number of arrows being now discharged from the fort; arising, in all

[page] 101

probability, from the number of the slain, or of those who had fled up into the country. It was now resolved to set fire to the place; for which purpose a number of torches were prepared and lighted, and an attack was made upon the outer fencing; it was found, however, but weakly defended, and was soon taken: for the door-posts being shot away, an easy entrance was obtained. A considerable portion of the inner fencing was now found undefended, and towards this place a party rushed with lighted torches, whilst the enemy were kept in play elsewhere: the conflagration spread rapidly on every side; and, as the besieged endeavoured to make their escape, their brains were knooked out by a party of the besiegers, stationed at the back of the fort for the purpose. During this time the guns kept up a regular fire with blank cartridges, merely to intimidate the enemy. The conquerors, club in hand, entered the place in several quarters, and slew all they met, men, women, and children. The scene was truly horrible. The warwhoop shouted by the combatants, the heartrending screams of the women and children, the groans of the wounded, the number of the dead, and the fierceness of the conflagration, formed a picture almost too distracting and

[page] 102

awful for the mind steadily to contemplate. Some, with a kind of sullen and stupid resignation, offered no resistance, but waited for the hand of fate to dispatch them, no matter in what mode: others, that were already lying on the ground wounded, were stuck with spears, and beaten about with clubs by boys who followed the expedition to be trained to the horrors of war, and who delighted in the opportunity of gratifying their ferocious and cruel disposition. Every house that was not on fire was plundered of its contents; and the conquerors made a considerable booty of bales of gnatoo, mats, &c.

In a few hours, the fortress of Nioocalofa, which had obstinately and bravely defended every attack for eleven years, or more, was thus completely destroyed. When Finow arrived upon the place, and saw several canoes which had been hauled up in the garrison, shattered to pieces by the shot, and discovered a number of legs and arms lying around, and about three hundred and fifty bodies stretched upon the ground, he expressed his wonder and astonishment at the dreadful effect of the guns. He thanked his men for their bravery, and Mr. Mariner and his companions in particular, for the great assistance rendered by them.

[page] 103

A few of the enemy, who had escaped the general slaughter, were taken prisoners. They gave a carious description of the effect of- the guns. They declared, that, when a ball entered a house, it did not proceed straight forward, but went all round the place, as if seeking for men to kill; it then went out of the house and entered another, still in search of food for its vengeance, and so on to a third, &c.; sometimes it would strike the corner-post of a house, and bring it all down together. The chiefs, seeing all this dreadful mischief going forward, rendered still more tremendous by their own imagination, sat in consultation, upon one of the large canoes just mentioned, and came to a determination to rush out upon the white men, and take possession of the guns: this was scarcely resolved upon, when a shot struck the canoe on which they were sitting, and shattered it to pieces. This so damped their courage, that they ran for security to one of the inner houses of the garrison, when their distress was much increased by finding their men deserting the place, and running up into the country. Thus every thing was going to destruction within, although, without, the damage appeared in Finow's eyes so inconsiderable;

[page] 104

but he had formed his judgment of the effect of the guns by their effect upon the fencing.

The king, having finished this affair, began to think of returning to Pangaimotoo: Mr. Mariner, indeed, endeavoured to persuade him to follow up the advantages of his victory by immediately laying siege to another fortress, which, no doubt, would soon have fallen into their hands; and the whole island, being struck with dismay, would readily have submitted to his government. But, it seems, Finow was not yet the complete warrior; or he thought, perhaps, that, having such powerful weapons in his possession, he could reduce the island at any future time.

Pangaimotoo is not more than three quarters of a mile distant from Tonga, separated from it only by a long narrow reef. To this place Finow returned with all his men, intending to go back to Tonga another day. As soon as they landed, they sat down to eat, not having taken any refreshment since morning, with the exception of some of the men, whose stomachs not being the most delicate, had partaken of some yams and plantains that they found roasting along with the bodies of the dead in the general conflagration at Nioocalofa.

[page] 105

They remained several days at this island, during which time several canoes were sent to an uninhabited part of Tonga for the purpose of procuring reeds to rebuild the fortress of Nioocalofa. This step was taken by the admonition of the gods, who were consulted on the occasion through the medium of the priests.

As the invocation of the gods, and inspiration of the priests, are circumstances that will often occur in the course of this work, it will be well to take the present opportunity of describing them.

The night previous to the consultation of the oracle, the chief orders his cooks to kill and prepare a hog, and to procure a basket of yams, and two bunches of ripe plantains. These things being got ready, the next morning they are carried to the place where the priest resides, or wherever he may be at that time: the priest is sometimes previously apprized of the circumstance, at other times not. The chiefs and matabooles clothe themselves in mats, and repair to the place where the priest is to be found: if it is at a house, the priest seats himself just within the eaves*; if at a distance, he seats

* Their houses are built somewhat in form of a shed, open all round, and the eaves coming within about four feet of the ground.

[page] 106

himself on any convenient spot of ground, and the matabooles seat themselves on either hand, so as would form a circle, or rather an ellipsis, if there was not a considerable vacant space left opposite the priest. In this space, at the bottom of the circle, sits the man who prepares the cava, the root being previously chewed by the cooks, attendants, and others, who sit be hind him: behind these again sit the chiefs indiscriminately among the people. The chiefs take this retired and humble station on account of the sacredness of the occasion, conceiving that such modest demeanour must be acceptable to the gods.

As soon as they are all seated, the priest is considered as inspired, the god being supposed to exist within him from that moment. He sits for a considerable time in silence, with his hands clasped before him; his eyes are cast down, and he remains perfectly still. During the time that the victuals are being shared out, and the cava being prepared, the matabooles sometimes begin to consult him; sometimes he answers them, at other times not; in either case he remains with his eyes cast down. Frequently he will not answer a word till the repast is finished, and the cava too. When he speaks, he generally begins in a low and very al-

[page] 107

tered tone of voice, which gradually rises to nearly its natural pitch, though sometimes a little above it. All that he says is supposed to be the declaration of the god, and he accordingly speaks in the first person as if he were the god. All this is done generally without any apparent inward emotion or outward agitation; but sometimes his countenance becomes fierce, and, as it were, inflamed, and his whole frame agitated with inward feeling; he is seized with an universal trembling; the perspiration breaks out on his forehead, and his lips, turning black, are convulsed; at length tears start in floods from his eyes, his breast heaves with great emotion, and his utterance is choked. These symptoms gradually subside. Before this paroxysm comes on, and after it is over, he often eats as much as four hungry men, under other circumstances, could devour. The fit being now gone off, he remains for some time calm, and then takes up a club that is placed by him for the purpose turns it over and regards it attentively; he then looks up earnestly, now to the right, now to the left, and now again at the club; afterwards be looks up again, and about him in like manner, and then again fixes his eyes upon hit club,

[page] 108

and so on, for several times: at length he suddenly raises the club, and, after a moment's pause, strikes the ground, or the adjacent part of the house, with considerable force: immediately the god leaves him, and he rises up and retires to the back of the ring among the people. If the company now wish for any more cava, Finow, or the greatest chief present, goes and sits at the head of the ring.

It might be supposed that this violent agitation on the part of the priest is merely an assumed appearance for the purpose of popular deception; but Mr. Mariner has no reason at all to think so. There can be little doubt, however, but that the priest, on such occasions, often summons into action the deepest feelings of devotion of which he is susceptible, and by a voluntary act disposes his mind, as much as possible, to be powerfully affected: till at length, what began by volition proceeds by involuntary effort, and the whole mind and body becomes subjected to the overruling emotion. But there is nothing new in all this: ancient times, as well as modern, afford numerous instances of this nature; and savage nations, as well as civilized, display ample testimony that false religions, and false notions of

[page] 109

religion, act upon some minds with such extraordinary impulses, that they are mistaken for divine inspirations.

It happens in the Tonga Islands, that persons, who are not priests, are often visited by the gods, particularly females, but who are never affected in the manner above described: they are generally low spirited and thoughtful, as if some heavy misfortune had befallen them, and, as the symptom increases, they generally shed a profusion of tears; they sometimes swoon away for a few minutes: the height of the paroxysm generally lasts from a quarter to half an hour! These are also called fits of inspiration, and are firmly believed to be visitations from some god who accuses the party of neglect of religious duty, not by an apparent audible warning, but by an inward compunction of conscience. But these things are also common enough in all parts of the world, at home as well as abroad. Some of the natives are such adepts at this sort of mysterious conversation with the divinities, that they can bring on a fit of inspiration whenever they feel their mind at all so disposed. Mr. Mariner, indeed, did once witness a rare instance of a man who was disappointed in this particular: finding himself, as he thought, about to be in-

[page] 110

spired, some cava was brought to him (as is usual on such occasions), but, in a little while, he was obliged to acknowledge that the god would not visit; at which all present were greatly surprised, and so the cava was taken away again.

These imaginations, however, have sometimes produced very serious consequences: to give an instance; on one occasion a certain chief, a very handsome young man, became inspired, but did not yet know by whom; on a sudden he felt himself exceedingly low spirited, and shortly afterwards swooned away; when recovered from this, still finding himself very ill, he was taken to the house of a priest*, who told the sick chief that it was a woman, mentioning her name, who had died two year before, and was now in Bolotoo † that had inspired him; that she was deeply in love with him, and wished him to die (which event was

* It is customary to take side person to the house of a priest, that the will of the gods may be known. The priest becomes immediately inspired, and remains almost constantly In that state while the sick person is with him. If be does not get better in two or three days he is taken to another priest, &c.

† Bolotoo is the name they give to their paradise, and is supposed to be an island to the north-westward.

[page] 111

to happen in a few day,) that she might have him near her: the chief replied that he had seen the figure of a female two or three successive nights in his sleep, and had begun to suspect that he was inspired by her, though he could not tell who she was. He died two days afterwards. Mr. Mariner visited the sick chief three or four times, at the house of the priest, and heard the latter foretel his death and the occasion of it.

Now we are upon this subject it may not be amiss to mention that Finow's son, who at this period of our history was at the Navigator's islands, used to be inspired by the spirit* of Toogoo Ahoo, the late king of Tonga, who it may be recollected was assassinated by Finow and Toobo Neuha. When this young chief returned to Hapai, Mr. Mariner, who was upon a footing of great friendship with him, one day asked him how he felt himself, when the spirit of Toogoo Ahoo visited him; he replied that he could not well describe his feelings, but the best he could say of it was, that he felt himself all over in a glow of heat and quite restless and uncomfortable, and did not feel his own personal identity as it were, but felt as if he had a mind different from his own

* The souls of deceased nobles become gods of the second rank in Bolotoo.

[page] 112

natural mind, his thoughts wandering upon strange and unusual subjects, although perfectly sensible of surrounding objects. He next asked him how he knew it was the spirit of Toogoo Ahoo ? his answer was, "there's a fool! how can I tell you how I knew it; I felt and knew it was so by a kind of consciousness; my mind told me that it was Toogoo Ahoo." Finow used occasionally to be inspired by the ghost of Moomooi, a former king of Tonga.

We must now return to Finow and his army at the island of Pangaimotoo.

A sufficient quantity of reeds and stakes having been procured, Finow and his army left Pangaimotoo and landed at Nioocalofa, for the purpose of rebuilding the colo (or fortress.) The plan was marked out somewhat different from the former, and larger, as being judged more suitable to their views; a vast number of hands were employed, and in two days the building was finished: a few alterations and additions were afterwards made as occasion and convenience required. During the time this was about, several of the men got dangerously wounded by falling into the lovosás and sokies,* of which there were

* Lovosás are pit-falls, dug five feet deep and four broad: several stakes of bamboo are driven into the bottom and sharpened. Sokies are smaller holes, with one stake in and large enough to admit a man's leg. These lovosas and soldes are covered over with slender sticks concealed from sight by plantain leaves and earth.

[page] 113

several on the land side of the colo. They were also much annoyed by the smell of the dead, bodies that lay every where about, but which they did not take the trouble to bury, as they were enemies, and none of them their relations. The canoes were now hauled up on the beach, and a strong fencing of stakes driven round them. The four guns were drawn into the fortress, and one placed, at each door, A few days afterwards a small party who went up into the country according to their daily custom, for the purpose of gathering cocoa, nuts, were attacked by a larger party of the enemy, when one man was killed, but the rest escaped back to the colo; Upon this, a body of two hundred set out, (Mr.; Mariner among them,) in pursuit, of the enemy: they found them, and; were kept at a running fight, till they were decoyed, beyond a place where another panty of the enemy lay concealed, who immediately rose, attacked than in the rear, and killed about thirty. The Hapai people

VOL. I. I

[page] 114

now began to run, and Mr. Mariner with four of the natives who were engaged with a separate party of the enemy, found it necessary to decamp also: in crossing a field of high grass, Mr. Mariner fell into a hole six feet deep; his four faithful friends were resolved to save him, and three defended the place with their spears, while one helped him out; one of the three was killed on the spot. Being extricated from his perilous situation, and finding a large body of the enemy close upon them, they resolved to sell their lives to the utmost advantage. At this moment, their own party looking round and seeing these four bravely make a stand, came up with all speed to their assistance, and a general battle took place, which was obstinately fought for some time, but at length the enemy was completely put to the rout. Whilst this was going forward, a Hapai chief at some distance from this party met a Tonga chief under the same circumstances: they immediately engaged with their clubs; one however being soon disarmed, and the other having broken his club, they fought a long time with their fists; and when they were so weak that they could not strike, they grappled with each other, and both fell to the ground unable to stand any longer: the Tonga chief, inca-

[page] 115

pable of inuring his antagonist in any other way got his fingers into his mouth, and gnawed then dreadfully: after having thus laid for a long time looking at each other, they gathered a little fresh strength, and by mutual agreement each crawled home to his respective for.

The Hapai men, on their way back to Nioóealofa, found several of their party in different parts of the road, who were unable to proceed on account of their wounds. But they were too weak themselves to carry them, and were obliged to leave than to the mercy of the enemy. They at length arrived at the colo, tired and fatigued beyond conception, with about fifteen prisoners.

The following day, some of the younger chiefs, who had contracted the Feejee habits, proposed to kill the prisoners, lest they should make their escape, and then to roast and eat them. This proposal was readily agreed to, by some, because they liked this sort of diet and by others because they wanted to try it, thinking it a manly and warlike habit: there was also another motive, viz. a great scarcity of provisions; for some canoes which had been sent to the Hapai islands for provisions were unaccountably detained, and the garrison was already threatened with distress. Some of the

I 2

[page] 116

prisoners were soon dispatched: their flesh was cut up into small portions, washed with seawater, wrapped up in plantain leaves, and roasted under hot stones: two or three were embowelled and baked whole the same as a pig*. Mr. Mariner was not tempted to partake of this kind of diet, though the smell of it, when cooked, was exceedingly delicious. A few days now elapsed without any signs of the canoes from Hapai, and the distress of those who did not choose to eat human flesh was very great. Mr. Mariner had been two days and a half without eating any thing: when, passing by a house where they were cooking something, he walked in, with the pleasing hope of getting something that his stomach would bear, if it were only a piece of a rat; on enquiry, he was told, they had got some pork, and a man offered him a piece of liver, which he eagerly accepted, and was raising to his mouth, when he saw, by the smile on the countenance of the man, that it was human liver; overcome by disgust, he threw it in the man's face, who only laughed, and asked him if it was not better to eat good meat than die of hunger.

When Captain Cook visited these islands,

* For their different methods of cooking, reference Must be made to the second vol. of the work.

[page] 117

cannibalism was scarcely thought of amongst them: but the Feejee people soon taught them this, as well as the art of war; and a famine, which happened some time afterwards, rendered the expedient for a time almost necessary. On this occasion they way-laid and murdered one another to supply themselves with food; and they still tell an anecdote of four brothers, who, in this time of scarcity, invited their aunt to come and partake of a large yam, which they said they had secretly procured: the poor woman, glad of the idea of getting something to eat, and pleased with the kindness of her nephews, went to their house, where they soon dispatched her, and she herself formed the materials of a repast. Since that period, there was a great scarcity at one of the fortresses on the island of Tonga, called Nookoo Nookoo: two daughters of a chief of this place agreed to play at the game of lafo* against two young chiefs belonging to the same place, upon the following conditions: if the girls won the game, they were to divide a yam, which they had in their possession, and give half to the young chiefs; but if, on the contrary, these won the game, they were still to have half the yam, but were to go out and kill a man, and

* This game will be described in the second vol. of the work.

[page] 118

give half his body to the girls: the result was, that the latter won the game, and giving half their yam to the two chiefs, waited for the performance of their agreement. The two young men set out, under cover of the darkness of the night, and concealed themselves near an enemy's fortress. Early in the morning, a man came out of the fortress to fetch some salt water from the shore in cocoa-nut shells, which he carried with him for the purpose. When he approached the place where the two lay concealed, they started out upon him, killed him with their clubs, and, at the risk of their lives, brought his body to Nookoo Nookoo, where they divided it in half, and faithfully performed their promise with the young women.

It was more than a fortnight before the canoes returned from the Hapai islands with a supply of provisions, owing to the bad state of the weather. Shortly after, the garrison of Nookoo Nookoo sent to request leave to bury the dead bodies of their relations who had fallen during the siege. This being granted, they came and singled out about half a dozen, from the 350 that lay about, whom they knew, from particular circumstances, to be their relations. These they took home to Nookoo Nookoo, leaving all the rest where they found them.

Every day a number of deserters from dif-

[page] 119

ferent garrisons came over to Finow: they all brought intelligence that Finow might shortly expect an attack from one or other of then): the fortress of Nioocalofa was, however, now well prepared to receive them. In the meanwhile, the chief of a fortress called Bea, about four miles to the eastward, entered into an alliance with Finow, or rather submitted to his dominion, acknowledging him king of Tonga. The name of this chief was Tarky.

Having remained a fortnight or three weeks in daily expectation of an attack from an enemy, and seeing yet no signs of it; Finow became exceedingly impatient; for he was desirous of returning to the Hapai islands to perform 4he ceremony of fuccalahi, which, being of a religious nature, it was indispensably necessary to do. The nature of this ceremony, and the occasion of it, requires to be explained. At the death of Tooitonga, (their great divine chief) there is such a constant feasting for nearly a month, as to threaten a future scarcity of certain kinds of provisions: to prevent which evil, a prohibiton, or taboo, is afterwards laid upon hogs, fowls, and cocoa-nuts, so that nobody but great chiefs may use them for food, under pain of death, This taboo lasts about eight months. When Mr. Mariner first arrived at these

[page] 120

islands, Tooitonga, the predecessor of the present Tooitonga, had just died, and the ceremony of his burial was being performed; though this gentleman had not the opportunity of witnessing it. All the feasting consequent upon this event being over, the taboo was imposed upon the articles above named; and now, after the lapse of eight months, comes the period to take it off, and the ceremony of doing this is called fuccalahi. It must be mentioned, by the way, that two or three plantations are not subject to this taboo, to the end that hogs, fowls, and cocoa-nuts, may be furnished for occasional religious ceremonies, and for the consumption of the higher order of chiefs. If the above ceremony is not performed in due time, it is supposed that the Gods will become exceedingly angry, and revenge themselves by the death of some of their great chiefs.

Finow, as before stated, seeing no appearance of an enemy, and being anxious to return to Hapai for the performance of this ceremony, Consulted the Gods, and was admonished by them to proceed to the Hapai islands as soon as possible. With this view, he at first intended to make some further arrangements with Tarky, and to leave a hundred of his men to garrison Nioocalofa till his return: but being

[page] 121

advised not to do so, lest this chief should prove treacherous, and put his hundred men to death, he resolved to give the fortress wholly up to Tarky's possession, and not run the risk of losing his men. He accordingly ordered the canoes to be launched, and stored with provisions; and having given up Nioocalofa to Tarky's chiefs, upon their faithful promise to take all due care of it, he went on board with all his army the same afternoon, and landed at Pangainotoo, intending to sail the following morning for the Hapai islands.

During the night, a great fire was seen at Tonga, towards the fortress of Nioocalofa, and it was suspected to be on fire; but whether 'from accident, or the treachery of Tarky', Finow was resolved to learn as soon as possible. Before sun-rise, therefore, he sent out a canoe to make enquiry: it soon returned with the information, received from a well disposed' subject of Tarky, that the place was burnt by order of that chief, whilst Finow was in sight, on purpose to vex and irritate him. At this insult, Finow was so enraged, that he resolved to go back immediately, and exterminate Tarky and all his family: but the priests persuaded him not, reminding him of the admonition of the Gods. This circumstance so affected him,

[page] 122

that it prevented his departure till the following morning. In the mean time, a Tonga chief, Filimoëátoo, and his family, having obtained permission from the superior chief of his garrison (that of Hehefo) to join Finow, as he was his relation, arrived at Pangaimotoo, and entered into Finow's service. During the day, another circumstance occurred which amused the king, and served to quiet the ruffled state of his temper. Mr. Mariner, having heard that European ships more frequently touched at Tonga than at any of the other islands, had written, while yet at Tonga, an English letter (with a solution of gunpowder and a little mucilage for ink), on some paper which one of the natives had had a long time in his possession, and addressed it to whomsoever it might be, stating the circumstances of his situation, and that of his companions. This letter he had confided to the care of the chief of Mafanga, (the consecrated place formerly mentioned) with directions to give it to the captain of any ship that might arrive at Tonga. Tooi Tooi, (the Sandwich islander) having somehow heard of this letter, mentioned it to Finow, and represented it to be a notice to European ships of the fate of the Port au Prince, and a request to take revenge for the destruction of her crew.

[page] 123

Finow immediately sent for the letter, and, under some pretext or another, obtained it from the chief of Mafanga. When it was put into his hands, he looked at it on all sides; but not being able to make anything of it, he gave it to one of the Englishmen who was at band, (Mr. Mariner not being present) and ordered him to tell him what it meant. The man took the letter, and translating part of it into the Tonga language, judiciously represented it to be merely a request to any English captain that might arrive, to interfere with Finow for the liberty of Mr. Mariner and his countrymen; staling, that they had been kindly treated by the unlives, but, nevertheless, wished to return, if possible, to their native country. This was not, indeed, the true substance of the letter, but it was what was least likely to give offence: and the chief accordingly remarked, that it was very natural for these poor fellows to wish to go back to their native country and friends*.

* The letter, in fact, was an advice to European ships to go to the Hapai islands, in preference to the island of Tonga, as being a better place for victualling: advising, at the same tine, not to suffer many of the natives to be on board at once, lest they should meet with the same fate as the Port au Prince, but, if possible, to make some of the chiefs prisoners, and keep them as hostages, till Mr. Mariner and his companions were delivered up.

[page] 124

This mode of communicating sentiment was an inexplicable puzzle to Finow; he took the letter again and examined it, but it afforded him no information. He thought a little within himself; but his thoughts reflected no light upon the subject. At length he sent for Mr. Mariner, and desired him to write down something: the latter asked what he would choose to have written; he replied, put down me: he accordingly wrote, "Fecnow" (spelling it according to the strict English orthography); the chief then sent for another Englishman, who had not been present, and commanding Mr. Mariner to turn his back, and look another way, he gave the man the paper, and desired him to tell what that was: he accordingly pronounced aloud the name of the king, upon which Finow snatched the paper from his hand, and, with astonishment, looked at it, turned it round, and examined it in all directions: at length he exclaimed, "This is neither like myself nor any body else! where are my eyes, where is my head ?—where are my legs ?—How can you possibly know it to be I ?" and then, without stopping for any attempt at an explanation, he impatiently ordered Mr.

[page] 125

Mariner to write something else, and thus employed him for three or four hours in putting down the names of different persons, places, And things, and making the other man read them. This afforded extraordinary diversion to Finow, and to all the men and women present, particularly as he now and then whispered a little love anecdote, which was strictly written down, and audibly read by the other, nota little to the confusion of one or other of the ladies present: but it was all taken in good humour, for curiosity and astonishment were the prevailing passions. How their names and circumstances could be communicated through so mysterious a channel, was altogether past their comprehension. Finow had long ago formed his opinion of books and papers (see p. 66), and this as much resembled witchcraft as any tiling he had ever seen or heard of. Mr. Mariner in vain attempted to explain. He had yet too slender a knowledge of their language to make himself clearly understood: and, indeed, it would not have been an easy matter to have explained the composition of elementary sounds, and of arbitrary signs expressive of them, to a people whose minds were already formed to other, modes of thinking, and whose language had few expressions but what

[page] 126

concerned the ordinary affairs of life. The only rational mode would have been, to have invented a system of spelling, and to have gone through the usual routine of teaching it Finow, at length, thought he had got a notion of it, and explained to those about him that it was very possible to put down a mark or sign of something that had been seen both by the writer and reader, and which should be mutually understood by them: but Mr. Mariner immediately informed him, that he could write down any thing that he had never seen: the king directly whispered to him to put Toogoo Ahoo. (the king of Tonga, whom he and Toobo Neuha had assassinated many years before Mr. Mariner's arrival). This was accordingly done, and the other read it; when Finow was yet more astonished, and declared it to be the most wonderful thing he had ever heard of. He then desired him to write "Tarky'," (the chief of the garrison of Bea, whom Mr. Mariner and his companions had not yet seen; this chief was blind in one eye). When "Tarky'" was read, Finow enquired whether he was blind or not; this was putting writing to an unfair test! and Mr. Mariner told him that he had only written down the sign standing for the sound of his name, and not for the de-

[page] 127

scription of his person. He was then ordered to write, "Tarky, blind in his left eye, "which was done, and read to the increased astonishment of every body. Mr. Mariner then told him that, in several parts of the world, messages were sent to great distances through the same medium, and, being folded and fastened up, the bearer could know nothing of the contents; and that the histories of whole nations were thus handed down to posterity, without spoiling by being kept (as be chose to express himself). Finow acknowledged this to be a most noble invention, but added, that it would not at all do for the Tonga islands, that there would be nothing but disturbances and conspiracies, and he should not be sure of his life, perhaps, another month. He confessed, however, that he should like to know it himself, and for all the women to know it, that he might make love with less risk of discovery, and not so much chance of getting his brains knocked out by their husbands.

This circumstance served greatly to amuse and interest Finow and all his chiefs during their day's stay at Pangaimotoo. The following morning they again embarked, and sailing with a favourable wind for the Hapai islands, they arrived at Namooca, and ultimately at Lefooga.

[page] 128

Orders were now issued, and preparations were speedily made for the ceremony of fuccalahi. The places, appropriated for this ceremony were two marly's, and the grave of Tooitonga. For distinction's sake, we shall call the first, marly Tooitonga's, and the second Finow's. Tooitonga's marly is near his own residence, and on this were erected four columns of yams in the following manner: four poles, about eighteen feet long, were fixed upright in the ground, to the depth of a few feet, at about four feet distance from each other in a quadrangular form; the spaces between them, all the way to the top, being crossed by smaller poles about six inches distant from each other, and lashed on by the bark of the fow (species of the Hibiscus); the interior of this erection being filled up as they went with yams; and afterwards other upright poles were lashed on to the top with cross pieces in like manner, still piling up the yams; then a third set of poles, &c., till the column of yams was about fifty or sixty feet high, when, on the top of all, was placed a cold baked pig. Four such columns were erected, one at each corner of the marly, the day before the ceremony, and three or four hundred hogs were killed, and about half baked. The following day the hogs were

[page] 129

carried to the king's marly, about a quarter of a mile off, and placed upon the ground before the house, as well as four or five wooden cars or sledges full of yams, each holding about five hundred. While this was doing, and the people assembling from all quarters, those who were already arrived sat themselves down round the king's marly. Occasionally some of them got up to amuse themselves and the meat, of the company by wrestling with one another. The king and his chiefs, all dressed in plaited gnatoo, were already seated in the house, viewing what was going forward. The company being, at length, all arrived, and having seated themselves, the king gave notice that the ceremony was to begin. The young chiefs and warriors, and those who prided themselves in their strength, then got up singly, and endeavoured in turns to carry off the largest bag: when one failed, another tried; then a third, and so on, till every one, that chose, had made a trial of his strength. To carry one of the burgest hogs is not a thing easy to be done, on account of its greasiness as Well as its weight; but it affords a considerable shape of diversion to see a man embracing a large fat baked hog, and endeavouring to raise it on his shoulder. As the hog Was found too heavy for

VOL. I. K

[page] 130

one man's strength, it was carried away by two, whilst a third followed with its liver. They were deposited on the ground near Tooitonga's marly, where the men waited till the other hogs were brought. In the mean time the trial was going on with the second hog, which being also found too heavy for one man, was carried away by two in like manner; and so on with the third, fourth, &c., the largest being carried away first, and the least last. The second, third, fourth, &c. afforded more sport than the first, as being a nearer counterbalance with a man's strength. Sometimes he had got it nearly upon his shoulder, when his greasy burden slipped through his arms, and, in his endeavour to save it, brought him down after it. It is an honour to attempt these things, and even the king, sometimes, put his hand to it. The small hogs and pigs afforded no diversion, as they were easily lifted and carried away, each by one man, and deposited, not at the outride of Tooitonga's marly along with the largest hogs, but carried at once into it, where the cars of yams were also dragged one at a time. When every thing was thus cleared from the king's marly, the company got up and proceeded to the other marly, where they again seated themselves, whilst Tooi-

[page] 131

tonga presided, and the king and his chiefs out of respect, sat on the outside of the ring among the great body of the people. The large hogs which had been deposited in the neighbourhood of the marly were now to be brought in, each by one man, and, as it had been found that one man's strength was not sufficient to raise any of them upon his shoulders, two others were allowed to lift the hog and place it upon his shoulders for him, and then he tottered in with his load, followed by another man with the liver; and in this manner all the hogs and their livers were carried in and deposited in two or three rows before Tooitonga. Their number was then counted by the head cooks of Tooitonga and Finow, and announced aloud to Tooitonga by his own head cook; the number of cars and piles of yams was also announced at the same time.

This being done, about twenty of the largest hogs were carried to Tooitonga's buryingplace, nearly an hundred yards distant: those which were too heavy for one man to lift being put upon his shoulders by two others, &c., as before, and deposited near the grave; one car of yams was also taken and left in like manner.

This portion of pork and yam being disposed of, the remainder was shared out in the

K 2

[page] 132

following manner: one column of yams was allotted to the king, to be removed in the afternoon, and to be disposed of as he pleased; (he always shares it among hi chiefs and fighting men:) another column was allotted to Veachi* and two or three other chiefs: the third was given to the gods; (the priests always take care of this portion;) and the fourth Tooitonga claimed for his own share. As to the cars of yams, they were never inquired after: Tooitonga generally takes care of them, and appropriates them to his own use, and that of his numerous household, not that he has any legal right to them beyond custom and silent consent. The hogs were disposed of in like manner: the greatest quantity to the greatest chiefs, who share them out to the chiefs immediately below them in rank, and these again to their dependants, till every man m the island gets at least a mouthful of pork and yam. The ceremony now concluded with dancing, wrestling, &c. after which, every person present having secured his portion, retired to his home to share it with his family. From this

* Veachi, like Tooitonga, is a divine chief, that is, descended from a god; he is, however, inferior to Tooitonga, but higher in rank than the king: see second vol. of the work.

[page] 133

moment the taboo, or prohibition upon hogs, fowls, and cocoa nuts, was null and void.

The hogs and yams left at Tooitonga's grave, having remained there several days, (till the pork stunk,) were shared out, by order of Tooitonga, to all who chose to apply for a portion. They belong indeed properly to the principal chiefs; but as they are accustomed to feed upto meat in a better state of preservation, they forego their claims, and allow the lower orders to eat it for them. Mr. Marinar could not learn why the pork was thus left till it was scarcely eatable—the only answer he could get was, that such was the ancient custom. It may be considered an offering to Tooitonga's ancestors, which it would be sacrilegious to take away while it was good fop any thing.

Finow had three daughters, the eldest of whom, now about eighteen years of age, had been long betrothed to Tooitonga, who having expressed his wish that the marriage should take place, Finow gave orders for the necessary preparation, about five days after the above-mentioned ceremony. Tooitonga was now about forty years of age. The particulars of this chief's marriage, which was somewhat different

[page] 134

from those of other chiefs, shall be here described.

The young lady having been profusely anointed with cocoa-nut oil, scented with sandal-wood, was dressed in the choicest mats of the Navigator's islands, of the finest texture, and as soft as silk; so many of these costly mats were wrapped round her, perhaps more than forty yards, that her arms stuck out from her body in a ludicrous manner; and she could not, strictly speaking, sit down, but was obliged to bend in a sort of half-sitting posture, leaning upon her female attendants, who were under the necessity of again raising her when she required it. A young girl, about five years of age, was also dressed out in a similar manner, to be her immediate and particular attendant. Four other young virgins, about sixteen years of age, were also her attendants, and were dressed in a manner nearly similar, but not with quite so many mats. The lady and her five attendants being all ready, proceeded to the marly of Tooitonga, who was there, waiting for their arrival, together with a number of other chiefs, two matabooles sitting before him. The lady and her attendants being arrived, seated themselves on the green

[page] 135

before Tooitonga. After the lapse of a little time a woman entered the circle with her face covered up with white gnatoo; she went into the house of the marly, and proceeded towards the upper end, where there sat another woman in waiting with a large roll of gnatoo, a wooden pillow*, and a basket containing bottles of oil. The woman, whose face was veiled, took the gnatoo from the other, wrapped herself up in it, and laying her head upon the wooden pillow, went, or pretended to go, last asleep. No sooner was this done than Tooitonga rose up, and taking his bride by her hand, led her into the house, and seated her on his left hand. Twenty baked hogs were now brought into the circle of the marly, and a number of expert cooks came with knives (procured from European ships; formerly they used bamboo) to try their skill in carving with speed and dexterity, which is considered a great recommendation. A considerable part was shared out to the chiefs, each taking his portion and putting it in his bosom †. The remainder of

* A pillow to sleep on in these islands consists merely of a rod of wood about an inch in diameter, and a foot and a half long, and raised about half a foot by two diverging pieces at each end: the nape of the neck rests upon this.

† It is a peculiarity in this ceremony, that the chiefs should put their pork in their bosoms, for they never eat it themselves; and as it is tabooed by touching them, no other native of the Tonga islands may eat it: so that it generally falls ultimately to the lot of the natives of the Feegee islands, or other foreigners present, who are not subject to the taboo of Tonga. For the nature of the taboo, reference must be made to the second vol. of the work.

[page] 136

the pork was then heaped up and scrambled for at an appointed signal. The woman who had laid herself down, covered over with gnatoo, now rose up and went away, taking with her the gnatoo, and the basket containing the bottles of oil, as her perquisites. Tooitonga then took his bride by her left hand, and led her to his dwelling, followed by the little girl and the other four attendants. The people now dispersed, each to his home. Tooitonga being arrived with his bride at his residence, accompanied her into the house appropriated for her*, where he left her to have her mats taken off, and her usual dress put on; after which she amused herself in conversation with the women. In the mean time a feast was pre-

* It must be noticed that every great chief has within his fencing several houses, one or more of which always belongs to His wives. He seldom goes to their house to sleep: he generally sends for one to sleep with him; at least, this is always the case with Tooitonga, for nobody can eat, drink, or sleep, in the same house with him without being tsbooei (see Taboo.)

[page] 137

pared for the evening, of pigs, fowls, yams, &c. and cava: this was got ready on the marly, where, about dusk, Tooitonga presiding, the company sat down to receive their portions, which the generality reserved to take home with them; the lower orders, indeed, who had but a small quantity, consumed theirs on the spot. After this the cava was shared out and drunk. The musicians (if so they can be called) next sat down at the bottom of the ring, opposite to Tooitonga, in the middle of a circle of flambeaus, held by men who also held baskets of sand to receive the ashes. The musical instruments consisted of seven or eight bamboos of different lengths and sizes, (from three to six feet long) so as to produce, held by the middle, and one end being struck on the ground, different notes according to the intended tune (all the knots being cut out of the bamboo, and one end plugged up with soft wood). The only other instrument was a piece of split bamboo, on which a man struck with two sticks, one in each hand, to regulate the time. The music was an accompaniment to dancing, which was kept up a considerable time*. The dancing

* Their dances have already been described by Captain Cook and others, the account is therefore omitted here not to interrupt the narrative: for further particulars see the second vol.

[page] 138

being over, one of the old matabooles addressed the company, making a moral discourse on the subject of chastity,—advising the young men to respect, in all cases, the wives of their neighbours, and never to take liberties even with an unmarried woman against her free consent. The company then rose, and dispersed to their respective homes. The bride was not present at this entertainment. Tooitonga being arrived at his house, sent for the bride, who immediately obeyed the summons. The moment they retired together the lights were extinguished, and a man, appointed at the door for the purpose, announced it to the people by three hideous yells, (similar to the war whoop,) which he followed up immediately by the loud and repeated sound of the conch.

[page 139]

CHAP. V.

Political intrigues of Toobo Toa against Toobo Neuha— Toobo Toa's vow—Finow's character contrasted with that of Toobo Neuha—Sentiments of Toobo Toa— Assassination of Toobo Neuha—Speech of Latoo Ila over the dead body—Specious conduct of Finow—The body laid in state—Dismal lamentations of Toobo Neuha's women—Some account of the nature of the taboo—Burial of Toobo Neuha—Heroic challenge of Chioolooa—Chiefdom of Vavaoo given to Finow's aunt—; Her hostile intentions—The heroic speech of her sister to the women of Vavaoo—Tóë Oomoo Finow's (aunt) builds a large and strong fortress at Vavaoo—Finow's determination to proceed immediately against it, notwithstanding the dissuasion of his priests—Sketch of his religious sentiments—Bravado of a Vavaoo warrior— Finow's son arrives from the Navigator's islands—His ceremony of marriage—Arrival of a canoe from Vavaoo —Finow embarks with 4000 men for Haano—By the advice of the gods he proceeds to Vavaoo with three canoes to offer peace—Is met by Toe Tangata, who addresses him—Finow makes a speech to the Vavaoo people—Their rejection of his offers—Beautiful appearance of the great garrison of Vavaoo—Return of the expedition to Hapai.

WE are now coming to a new æra in the history of the Tonga islands, occasioned by

[page] 140

the political intrigues of Toobo Toa, a natural son of Toogoo Ahoo, by one of that king's female attendants. Toobo Toa was the chief that formerly had the direction of the conspiracy against the Port au Prince: he was a man of not quite so brave and disinterested a spirit as Toobo Neuha; he partook rather of the character of Finow, with a little more ferocity, but not quite such depth of policy. It will be recollected that Toobo Neuha was the chief that assassinated Toogoo Ahoo; ever since which period Toobo Toa's desire of revenge was most implacable; and he had made a vow never to drink the milk of the cocoa-nut out of the shell till he had fully accomplished it. He had indeed all along espoused the cause of Finow against the adherents of his father, which may seem strange, as Finow himself was a principal accomplice in that assassination, though his policy did not allow him to be the immediate perpetrator. But Toobo Toa knew well that he should have no chance of success against so strong a power as that of Finow; he therefore joined him, that he might have, some time or another, an opportunity, however dangerous the attempt, of wreaking a signal vengeance on Toobo Neuha. The crisis was now fast approaching, for he

[page] 141

had well prepared the way for it, by constantly whispering into the ear of Finow something disadvantageous to the character of Toobo Neuha. At one time he represented him to be the meditator of certain conspiracies; at another as the enviable possessor of a happier island, (Vavaoo,) much more productive of every article of convenience and luxury: sometimes he insinuated that Toobo Neuha did not pay sufficient annual tribute, considering the fertility of the island and the superior dignity of Finow; at other times he represented him as ambitions, that he sought to gain too much the love of the people, and by his success in this way became too powerful: he moreover never ceased to remind the king of the frequent opposition made by Toobo Neuha to his wise measures in regard to his warlike preparations against Tonga: at last he had the boldness to propose his assassination. Finow, who was not at all startled at proposals of this nature, but who never wished, if possible, to appear to the world as a party concerned, lent an attentive ear to Toobo Toa, and half promised his assistance, but advised that the execution of his project should be deferred till some future and more fit opportunity offered.

[page] 142

To enter properly into the merit of this account, Finow's character must all along be kept in view: he was a man of a deep and designing spirit, always willing to favour any conspiracy that promised to advance his interests, but exceedingly cautious how he let any body know his intentions, even the party that proposed it. He always conducted himself with such admirable policy, that no one, not even his most intimate acquaintance, could dive thoroughly into his projects. Toobo Neuha, (his brother,) on the contrary, was a truly brave man, and, upon the whole, of an undesigning and exceedingly liberal mind; for though he had proposed and perpetrated the assassination of Toogoo Ahoo, it was believed to be not so much to avenge his own personal wrongs as those of his country: and often has he expressed to. Mr. Mariner the extent and nature of his feelings on that occasion, how he regretted that so many beautiful and innocent women should be sacrificed at the same time (that they might not spread alarm;) yet how strongly he felt that the liberty of his country was that moment in his power, whilst the desire of avenging its wrongs was like a raging thirst that overpowered every other sensation: no sooner was

[page] 143

the blow struck than he saved all that he could save, a little child of three years old, which he bore away in his arms from the scene of slaughter. The liberality of his mind will appear also from the answers he made to those who sometimes threw out hints to him that Finow was not his friend, and that it was therefore proper for him always to go armed: "Finow," he re-plied, "is my brother—he is my superior chief —he is king of these islands, and I pay him tribute as a servant; if he has any reason to be dissatisfied with my conduct, my life is at his disposal, and he is welcome to take it, for it is better to die than to live innocent and yet be thought capable of treachery;— besides, I will not arm myself against a power to which, as long as the country is well governed, it is my duty to submit."

This brave chief was still at Lefooga with all his army, in daily expectation of receiving orders from the king for their return to Vavaoo. Toobo Toa thought the opportunity too advantageous to be lost: he did not approve of the advice of Finow, to wait yet a little longer. What opportunity, he thought, could be better than the present, while Toobo Neuha was still on the same island with him, and the king seemed disposed to favour his views? He had harboured sentiments of re-

[page] 144

venge so long within his breast, and the fitness of the occasion so spurred his resolution, that every day's delay appeared in his imagination the loss of an age. Finow's feeling upon the subject was supposed not to be very far remote from that of Toobo Toa; but as he saw very clearly that this chief's determination was fully bent upon his purpose, and required no encouragement from him, he chose merely by an outward shew of moderation and wisdom to give a sort of passive consent, and to remain by this means the spectator rather than the actor in the scene, and so to avoid if possible the odium of being an accomplice in the murder of so brave and good a man.

A few days now elapsed, and Toobo Neuha was still among the number of the living. One evening, about an hour before sun-set, the king desired Mr. Mariner to accompany him and his daughter to Mahina Fekite, about three quarters of a mile off; he was going, he said, to consult an old chief, Toge he Mooana, who resided there, upon some political business, Finow usually carried out with him a large whaling knife, (the blade of which was two feet long and three inches wide;) Mr. Mariner, observing, on this occasion, that he did not take his knife, asked him if he should take it

[page] 145

and carry it for him; he replied, No, I have no need of it: Mr. Mariner obeyed, and followed* him and his daughter, unarmed. In their way they came near to a pool, and Finow stepped aside to bathe, previously sending an attendant to Toobo Neuha, to desire him to come to him. By the time he had done bathing Toobo Neuha arrived, and all four pursued their walk to the old chief's house; where, when they arrived, the two chiefs and Finow's daughter entered the inside fencing, while Mr. Mariner went into a house within the outside fencing, and remained in conversation with a female attendant of Finow's daughter. They had not been long here, before Toobo Toa came in and shortly after went out again. There entered soon after four men belonging to him, who immediately began to take down the sail, mast and sprits of a small canoe; stating as their motive, when questioned by the woman, Toobo Toa's orders to prepare a canoe†: having taken what they wanted, they went out. In about two

* When several persons walk together, it is customary for one to follow another in a row.

† The orders they had received from Toobo Toa were, in fact, to get ready a canoe to make his escape in, if his intended project against the life of Toobo Neuha should fail. These four men were his confidents.

VOL. I. L

[page] 146

hours Finow came out of the inner fencing, followed by Toobo Neuha and his own daughter; as they passed on, Mr. Mariner followed her, and the female attendant walked last.—It was now night, but somewhat moonlight. As they passed the corner of the outer fencing, Toobo Toa and the four men just spoken of rushed from their hiding place, and made a violent assault on Toobo Neuha: the first blow of a club he received on his shoulder, (intended for his head:) he immediately exclaimed "O yaooé Finow, teu máte (oh! Finow, am I to be killed ?)" and retiring a few steps set his back against the fencing: Finow, who was several paces in advance, immediately made what was thought a feigned attempt to defend him, ex-claiming "O yaooé seeoké gooa máte e tangáta! (alas! this noble man is killed!)" but he was held from his strong, yet pretended endeavour to run to his assistance, by some other attendants of Toobo Toa, who came up and forced Finow into the fencing. (It must be recollected that Finow did not choose to bring his whaling knife with him.) Toobo Neuha, who was without any offensive weapon, as he had been without any suspicion, warded off several blows with his hands and arms; till both these being broken, he was unable to lift them up, when a

[page] 147

blow from Toobo Toa, on the head, made him stagger, another knocked him down, and he was beaten as long as signs of life remained, and for some time after. At this moment a young warrior, whose name was Latoo Ila, and whose father had been formerly killed, under strong suspicions of conspiracy by Toobo Neuha, came up to the spot, possessed by a spirit of implacable revenge. He struck the body of the dead chief several times, and exclaimed, "The time of vengeance is come! thou hast been long enough the chief of Vavaoo, living in ease and luxury; thou murderer of my father! I would have declared my sentiments long ago, if I could have depended upon others to second me; not that I feared death by making thee my enemy, but the vengeance of my chief, Toobo Toa, was first to be satisfied, and it was a duty I owed the spirit of my father to preserve my life as long as possible, that I might have the satisfaction to see thee thus lie stinking! (dead!)" he then repeated the blows several times upon his stomach.

On the first noise of the scuffle, Mr. Mariner imagining that Finow himself was attacked, attempted to rush forward, though unarmed, to his assistance, but was prevented by a strong

L 2

[page] 148

man, who taking him round the body, pinioned his arms to his side. The women, on hearing the sound of the blows, and the exclamation of Toobo Neuha, ran screaming into the fencing. In about ten minutes after the affair, nearly two hundred of Finow's people assembled, armed with clubs and spears, to a party of whom, with a chief at their head, Finow gave orders to go immediately to Toobo Neuha's people, who were at their temporary houses on the shore, and command them, in his name, to go on board their respective canoes, except the principal Vavaoo chiefs, who were to come into his presence. These orders were scarcely given when one of the late chiefs adopted sons came before Finow, and striking his club against the ground, exclaimed "Why sit you there idle ? "—why do you not rouse yourself and your men, to revenge the death of the fallen hero ? if it had been your lot to have sunk thus beneath the clubs of your enemies, would he have hesitated to have sacrificed his life for your revenge ?—How great a chief he was! how sadly he died!" Finow made no reply, and the young warrior retired a little, and sat down.

The affection of the Vavaoo people for their

[page] 149

chief was great, but they thought the present a very disadvantageous opportunity of seeking revenge. They were in a part of the country where their enemies would be very numerous; their canoes would perhaps be taken from them, and their retreat thus cut off.—When they received Finow's orders, they immediately obeyed, the great body of them going into their respective canoes, and their chiefs coming into the king's presence: where, when they arrived, they sat before him, their heads bowed down in dejection and utter sadness.—Finow, in his usual style of artful eloquence, made them a speech, in which he positively declared his innocence of the murder, and his previous ignorance of its having been about to take place. He acknowledged, however, that Toobo Toa confided to him his intentions, and asked his assistance, which he promised; but that be had made this promise without meaning to fulfil it; thinking by this means to satisfy for a time the urgent solicitations of that chief: lest, not having made it, he should undertake this rash act before proper measures could be adopted to prevent it.

While he was yet speaking, his own wives and women, having been sent for, came and sat down behind him. His speech being ended,

[page] 150

half an hour's silence ensued; nobody daring to deliver his sentiments. The company then rose, by Finow's order, and followed him to his house. As he passed the body, he ordered it to be lifted up and carried before him. When the procession arrived, the body was laid down on the outside of the house, and washed all over with a mixture of oil and water (as is always customary.) This office was performed by one of Finow's wives and Mr. Mariner; nobody else offering to do it, on account of their objections to being taboo'd*. Finow's wife did not

* No person can touch a dead chief without being taboo'd for ten lunar months, except chiefs, who are only taboo'd for three, four, or five months, according to the superiority of the dead chief; except again it be the body of Tooitonga, and then even the greatest chief would be taboo'd ten months, as was the case with Finow's wife above mentioned. During the time a man is taboo'd he must not feed himself with his own hands, but must be fed by somebody else: he must not even use a toothpick himself, but must guide another person's hand holding the toothpick. If he is hungry and there is no one to feed him, he must go down upon his hands and knees, and pick up his victuals with his mouth: and if he infringes upon any of these rules, it is firmly expected that he will swell up and die: and this belief is so strong that Mr. Mariner thinks no native ever made an experiment to prove the contrary. They often saw him feed himself with his hands after having touched dead chiefs, and not observing his health to decline, they attributed it to his being a foreigner, and being governed by different Gods.

[page] 151

mind it, because she was already taboo'd from having touched the dead body of the late Tooitonga nine months before, and had consequently got accustomed to the inconveniences of it; and Mr. Mariner did not hesitate to do this last office to his friend, because he had no superstitious fears of the consequences of not submitting to it. The body, being washed, was brought into the house, laid on a large bale of gnatoo, and anointed with sandal wood oil: Toobo Neuha's wives (four in number) now came in to mourn over the dead body of their departed chief. They entered beating their breasts and faces, and screaming with all the agony and frantic agitations of mad women. They sat down close round the corpse, and in a most dismal strain began singing

O yaooé! seooké!

O yaooé! goóa máte é.

O yaooé! goóa te ófa é.

O yaooé! goóa te tángi é.

O yaooé! mówmów é.

Alas! woe is me!

Alas! he is dead!

Alas! how I respect him!

Alas! how I lament his loss!

Alas! here are his ruins!

These verses were repeated over and over

[page] 152

again, without any order, during the whole night; the mourners frequently beating their breasts and faces, and now and then making exclamations regarding themselves, as to what would become of them now they had lost their great chief and protector, and with him all their happiness and comfort. The house was lighted up by lamps with cocoa-nut oil. About one hundred and fifty persons were present, among whom were Finow and Mr. Mariner; both of whom staid the whole night. Finow'a wives retired to rest. Mr. Mariner deeply felt on his mind the depressing influence of these sorrowful lamentations. The poor unfortunate women at intervals only sobbed and mourned for a time, then broke out loudly as before; till by degrees, the voice growing weak, sunk into a hoarse murmur; as if all the powers of the soul were fast declining under a weight of anguish, never to rise again; then a heart-rending exclamation of sorrow from one spread its contagion to all the rest; and thus was the whole night spent in lamentations for the death of a good and great man; who, as for as human judgment can determine, was unjustly accused, and undeservedly sacrificed.

During all this time, the chiefs and warriors of the king kept themselves on the alarm, ex-

[page] 153

pecting every moment a revolt firma the people of Toobo Neuha. Every thing, however, remained quiet. The following morning Finow issued orders for the body to be carried on board a canoe along with him, to proceed to the island of Wiha; this was accordingly done, and they set sail, sixty or seventy other canoes following, with the Vavaoo people, and several of the king's warriors. When they arrived at Wiha, a grave was opened for Toobo Neuha in the fytoca* of his ancestors, wherein his body was deposited in the presence of all who came in the canoes, besides a considerable number of the natives of the island.†

As soon as the corpse was let down into the grave, one of those who had assassinated him, Chioolooa, a great warrior and a powerful man, advanced forward into the middle of the

* Fytoca, a burying-place, including the grave, the mount in which it is sunk, and a sort of shed over it. The grave of a chief's family is a vault, lined at the bottom with one large stone, one at each side, and one at the foot and head, and is about eight feet long, six feet broad, and eight feet deep, covered at the top with one large stone.

† The ceremony of this burial is omitted, as being similar to, though not quite so formal, as what will be described hereafter on the occasion of Finow's death.

[page] 154

circle, brandishing his club, and addressed the Vavaoo people to the following effect: "If there be any among you harbouring secret thoughts of revenge, keep them no longer buried in your bosom, meditating plans of future insurrection, but come now forth and fight me on the spot, for, by sacrificing me, you will revenge his death: I am the man who acted a principal part in his death; come on, then, one and all, and wreak your vengeance on my head!"—Nobody, however, accepted this challenge; not but there were many Vavaoo chiefs who would willingly have done it, had they not thought better to reserve themselves, to effect a future and more signal vengeance. The stone was now put over the grave, and the company dispersed.

During the whole of this time, in consequence of Finow's orders, every circumstance was attended to that might prevent an insurrection on the part of the Vavaoo warriors. The four carronades which Finow had brought with him were drawn up before the fencing in which he meant to reside during his stay: the Vavaoo people were forbidden to carry any offensive weapons, whilst those of Hapai were ordered to be under arms, and to keep themselves on the alert.

[page] 155

Two or three days after this funeral ceremony, the king summoned a private meeting in his presence of the chiefs of Hapai, and those of Vavaoo, when the latter swore allegiance to Finow with their hands placed upon a consecrated bowl*, whilst cava was being mixed in it, invoking the god, Tooi fooa Bolotoo, to whom the bowl was consecrated, and praying him to punish them with untimely death if they should afterwards break their vow, or harbour any thoughts to that intent. The cava was then shared out, and the king informed the Vavaoo chiefs, that thenceforth they were to consider Toe Oomoo, (his aunt), as their lawful chief, and to pay respect to her as such, at her cava ceremonies: they accordingly promised all due submission and obedience to their newly appointed chief; after which the assembly rose up, and dispersed to their respective houses.

The following day, Finow, and all that had

* The bowl is held consecrated because it is kept on purpose to make cava in, for the ceremonies of that god only (Tooi fooa Bolotoo), being used on no other occasion. If a great chief takes an oath, he swears by the god, (laying his hand upon the consecrated bowl); if an inferior chief takes an oath, he swears by his superior relation, who, of coarse, is a greater chief, and lays his hand upon his feet.

[page] 156

come to this island with him, went on board their canoes, and returned back to Lefooga, and, shortly after, all the Vavaoo people, except the greater part of the matabooles of the late Toobo Neuha, who were detained by Finow, pursued their course to Vavaoo.

About a fortnight after their departure, there arrived a canoe from Vavaeo with a mataboole, and thirty or forty men, who were well affected towards Finow. They brought the unexpected information, that the people of that island, at the instigation, and under the guidance of their chief, Toe Oomoo (Finow's aunt), had come to the resolution of freeing themselves from the dominion of the king, and of erecting themselves into a separate nation. Toe Oomoo, it seems, had made a speech to her chiefs, in which she declared, that she found it expedient to shake off the yoke of Finow; for, although she was his aunt, she could not but remember with gratitude the obligations she laid under to. Toobo Neuha, and the respect that was due to his memory: Toobo Neuha, she said, had been her particular friend, and she was determined to act in a manner worthy the honour of so great a man's friendship. She then appealed to her chiefs and matabooles,

[page] 157

demanding of them their opinion, and whether they also did not think it expedient to free themselves from the tyranny of Finow. Here a consultation began, which was kept up a considerable time, without coming to any determination, some arguing rather in favour of Finow's conduct, others rather against it; till, at length, an old woman (sister to Toe Oomoo), rushed into the middle of the assembly, armed with a club and spear, and brandishing them in the air, demanded, with a loud voice, why they hesitated so long in an affair, in which honour clearly pointed out the only proper path to pursue; "but," she added, "if the men are turned women, the women shall turn men, and revenge the death of their murdered chief; let, then, the men stand idly looking on, and, when we women are sacrificed in the glorious cause, the example may, perhaps, excite them to fight and die in the same spirited endeavour to support and defend their rights." The warlike declaration of this heroine roused the chiefs into a state of activity, and they speedily came to a resolution to build a large and strong fortress, and to put themselves in a state of defence against any incursions that Finow might make

[page] 158

upon them, or, rather, which Toobo Toa might spur him on to make.

The proposed fortress was to be the largest that ever was known in the Tonga islands, to be, in short, a fortified town, capable of holding all the inhabitants of Vavaoo (about 8000 in number), with their houses and buryingplaces, to be built round the Mooa*, and constructed, as usual, of reed fencings, much on the same plan as that of Nioocalofa, formerly described, but to be surrounded by a deep and firm-set bank of solid clay, about twelve feet high, with a ditch on the inner side of it, from which the clay would be furnished, and thus be proof against the guns: within this ditch, and next the fencing, was to be another bank of clay, smaller than the other. The whole of the materials of the fencing was to be proportionably strong and good.

Among a great deal of information which the old mataboole communicated, was that respecting the bravado of a Vavaoo Warrior, who declared his utter contempt of the guns. It is customary for every professed warrior, before he goes to battle, or expects the coming

* The chiefs' houses are generally situated together, and this place is called the Mooa, the metropolis of the island.

[page] 159

of an enemy, to give himself the name of some one particular person, whom he means to single out and fight. This warrior, however, instead of assuming the name of one of the enemy, proudly called himself Fana Fonnooa (a great gun), declaring that he would run boldly up to a cannon and throw his spear into the mouth of it.

When Finow was informed of these proceedings of the Vavaoo people, he immediately resolved to make a descent upon them with a powerful force, and reduce them into subjection before they could have completed their designs: but the priests dissuaded him from this hasty project, and proposed, that it would be much more acceptable to the gods to make, in the first place, an offer of reconciliation. The king, however, had not much respect for the priests, and though he sometimes conformed with their advice, it was generally because it tallied with his own opinion, or he did it for the mere outside shew of veneration for the gods: his want of religion was, indeed, almost proverbial, and, on this account, the people often wondered that he was so successful in war. In this particular instance he was so exasperated at the conduct of his aunt, that not the persuasion of the priests, nor the ad-

[page] 160

monitions of the gods, could prevent him turning his immediate attention to the necessary preparations for a speedy attack on Vavaoo. Intermediate and unexpected events, however, put a stop, for a time, to these preparations.

At this period, there arrived from Hamoa (the Navigator's islands), Finow's son and heir, Moegnagnongo, after an absence of five years; with him came another great chief, whose name was Voona, and who had formerly been chief of Vavaoo; they and their retinue had sailed from Hamoa in six canoes, one of which containing sixty persons, and all Moegna-gnongo's treasures, was lost in a gale of wind. In their way they had touched at Vavaoo, not knowing the political situation of the island, and were very near being forcibly detained; but, observing something suspicious in the conduct of the people, they put off to sea again, and thus made their escape in time.

Their arrival at Lefooga occasioned great feasting and rejoicing, which lasted many days, and served to divert the king from his immediate warlike projects.

Two daughters of chiefs had, for several years, been kept apart, and reserved to be the wives of the young prince (as we shall beg leave to call him, to avoid the frequent repe-

[page] 161

tition of his uncouth name), as soon as be should return from Hamoa. He had, indeed, brought two wives with him, natives of that place, but, finding that his friends at home had not been unmindful of him in this particular, he resolved to marry these young maidens also: and, partly to please his own humour, and partly to afford a little amusement to the Hapai people, he resolved, also, that the ceremony should be performed, for the most part, after the manner of the Navigator's islands.

On the morning of the day of marriage, which was about a week after the arrival of the prince, most of the lower class of the people were employed in bringing from different parts of the island, yams, ripe plantains, and bananas; cocoa-nuts, bread-fruit, fish, and cakes*. These were piled up on the marly in four large heaps, with a baked pig on the top of each. The people assembled on the spot, dressed up in new garments, ornamented with wreaths of flowers, and with red ribbands made of the fine membrane of the leaf of the lo aców, much resembling silk: their persons were anointed with sweet-scented oil.

* These cakes are made of flour prepared from the Mahoá root (see the Dictionary), mixed up with scraped cocoanut into a paste, and baked. They are considered a luxury.

VOL. I. M

[page] 162

The spectators seated themselves in two sections of a circle, one beginning from the right, the other from the left hand of Finow and his matabooles; at their terminations stood the Hapai people on the one side, and the newcomers (most of them Hapai people also), on the other, so as to be opposite to each other, both parties being furnished with clubs made of the green branches of the cocoa-nut tree. The prince, who was also armed with a club, stood up among his Hamoa companions.

The two brides were now conducted by their female attendants from the house of Finow (near the marly). They were dressed in the finest Hamoa mats *, but not in such profusion as described in Tooitonga's marriage, and were veiled in the finest gnatoo. They were led into the house on the marly, and seated on bales also of the finest gnatoo. Here their feet, hands, faces, and breasts, were anointed with a mixture of sandal-wood oil, and the purest turmeric, producing a deep orange tint on their skins. They remained seated in this place, to be spectators of the

* These mats are made entirely by hand, and, when very fine and large, occupy two years making; this renders them exceedingly valuable. They are so exquisitely manufactured, that one would suppose them to be woven by a loom.

[page] 163

combat that was about to ensue between the inhabitants of Hapai and their friends from Hamoa.

The two parties being ready, the challenges were given in the following way: a man from one side runs over to the opposite party and sits down before it; he then demands if any one will engage with him: the person who chooses to accept the challenge, comes forward brandishing his club, when the two combatants proceed to the middle of the circle, each attended by one from his own party to assist as second. They next determine whether they shall fight after the Tonga or Hamoa fashion; the difference of which is, that the Hamoa custom allows a man to beat his antagonist after be is knocked down, as long as he perceives signs of motion: the Tonga mode, on the contrary, only allows him to flourish his club ever his fallen foe, and the fight is at an end. This point being agreed on, the two champions for the applause of the multitude begin to engage. When they have finished, another party comes on in the same way. Sometimes there are three or four sets of combatants engaged at the same time. When a man gains a victory, his own party gives a about of approbation, wo wo, a ma to, i oi,

M 2

[page] 164

i, oi*; the champion then advances towards the chief who presides at the head of the circle (in this instance the king), sits down before him, out of respect, then rises immediately, and returns to his own party.

Such was the mode in which these clubfights were conducted: the prince engaged in several of them, and performed great feats of bravery: he fought no less than fourteen or fifteen battles, and always came off victorious.

The fighting with clubs being over, at a signal from Finow, the boxing and wrestling matches commenced. As their performances in these ways have been so accurately described by Captain Cook, it would be unnecessary to enter here into a detail.

These feats being over, the prince and his chiefs retired to the neighbouring houses to dress their heads with a sort of turban, made of white gnatoo, ornamented with small red feathers. Thus equipped, they returned to the

* The words of this exclamation have, separately, no particular meaning: in respect to the pronunciation, the o in wo must be dwelt on at least five seconds; the a is to be sounded as in ah! tar, &c. the i as e in he, we, &c.: the whole its given in a sort of recitative, and very slowly.—N. B. when an c occurs In the Tonga language, it must be pronounced like a in date, late, &c. For farther particulars on the subject at pronunciation, see the grammar.

[page] 165

marly, when the chiefs sat down again among their own party, and the prince went up to his two brides, who were still sitting in the house, raised them up, one by each hand, and led them forth upon the marly amid the acclamations of the people, who clapped their hands, whilst the matabooles exclaimed, matíe! malíe! (well done! well done!). The young chiefs and their companions from Hamoa, sung the following song, beating time with their hands: it is in the language of the Navigator's islands, and Mr. Mariner does not understand the meaning of it; he was so much in the habit of hearing the Tonga people sing in that language, which they affect to admire, though very few understand what they sing, that he neglected to enquire the meaning of this song; but the words, or rather the syllables (for it is hard to say whether they are divided quite right), he remembers perfectly well, as many of the people went about all the following night singing it, according to the custom Hamoa: the song is as follows:

Láfe láfe é, láfe láfe é,
Láfe láfe é chiniláu;
Chi a my' ta tó.
Oóa láo fía tála ou.
Móegnagnóngo é, Móegnagnéngo é;
Toobó mo Laképa é, Toobó mó Laképa é.

[page] 166

Toobo mo Lakepa was the name of one of the brides, who was a greater personage than the other.

While this singing and these acclamations were going forward, the prince led his brides to the bottom of the marly with a slow and dignified step, and then returned, amid the same acclamations, into the house, and reseated them upon the bales of gnatoo: after which he commenced a dance on the marly with the young chiefs, who had pat on turbans. This dance was also after the manner of the Navigator's islands, and seemed to afford the people much entertainment: in Mr. Mariner's opinion, there was not so great an exhibition of agility as in their own dances, but equally as much grace, and somewhat more attitude. In the mean time the brides were conducted to the residence of the bridegroom. The dance being concluded, the provisions were shared out: the two larger portions were allotted, by Finow's orders, to the new comers, (to be disposed of hereafter as they thought proper): the next largest was shared out to all foreigners, viz. natives of Fiji, Hamoa, the island of Fotoona, &c.; and the remaining heap, at an appointed signal, was scrambled for by all who chose to try their speed and dexterity.

[page] 167

This last scene afforded great diversion to all the spectators. The baked pig on the top of the heap was soon brought down, and mauled about in a most miserable way; being torn piece-meal, and so covered with sand and dirt as to be quite uneatable. The ceremony was now concluded by a general boxing-match; the men from the north of the island combating those from the south; till at length the men of the north drove their opponents entirely off the ground. On occasions of such fights the combatants are allowed to wear turbans, to resemble more nearly a real fight. It must here be observed that turbans are not allowed to be worn but in time of war, and then only by those who are going to battle, unless on occasions of formal rejoicings like the present, or at night-time among chiefs and matabooles, or among the common people when at work in the fields or in canoes. On all other occasions, to wear a head-dress would be disrespectful; for although no chief be present, yet some god may be at hand unseen. This custom is kept up with such strictness, that if a man were to wear a head-dress on other occasions, he would be sure to be knocked down by the first person he met who was a superior, and even, perhaps, if he were an equal. On

[page] 168

occasions, when a turban is allowed to be worn, it must be removed from the head when a superior happens to approach (unless in time of actual battle); but it is usual for the superior to say to one who is not much inferior, "toogoo ho faw" keep on your fow,—as we would say, keep on your hat,—which compliment is generally accepted. The king used, frequently to tell Mr. Mariner, that if he ever, met any common fellow with his head covered, he should immediately knock out his brains! Mr. Mariner was, however, allowed, like other foreigners, to wear a head-dress without any restriction, as being supposed to be governed by different gods, and accustomed to different manners.

But to return to our subject: it may be noticed that the form of the prince's marriage as here related, and which, for the most part, was according to the Hamoa custom, was not very different from that of the Tonga islands; but two parts of the Hamoa ceremony were in this instance left out, viz. the payment of something valuable to the brides' fathers by the bridegroom, such as bales of gnatoo, beads, &c. the brides being virgins: the other part of the ceremony, which in fact was to ascertain whether such payment was justly due, should.

[page] 169

have been performed by the bridegroom (digito admoto) when he had led his brides back into the house, and re-seated them on the bales of gnatoo: but the circumstance alluded to, not being thought by the natives of the Tonga islands consistent with delicacy, was accordingly omitted.

In the evening of the same day, the large house on the marly was lighted up with flambeaus. Singers and dancers of Hapai assembled, and waited the arrival of the prince and his Hamoa friends. In a short time they arrived with presents of fine mats, dried cava root, &c. (the cava root of the Navigator's islands is greatly esteemed). These they laid down at the feet of Finow and his wife, Toobo ve Holla, who were seated opposite the entrance. Her majesty returned the compliment by presenting them with three or four English wine-bottles, an hour-glass, without either sand or stand, and some pieces of iron hoop, made sharp in the form of chisels; which having received, they retired and seated themselves on one side, opposite the party of Hapai singers. These latter now began a vocal concert, in the language and after the manner of the Hamoa islands. When they had finished, those from Hamoa sung, and so on alternately for four or five hours, when the company broke

[page] 170

up. The brides were not present at this concert; and the bridegroom, not finding himself such interested in it, soon gave them the slip.

This ceremony, and these rejoicings, being over, Finow again began to turn his attention towards Vavaoo. In the first place he dispatched canoes to the different Hapai islands, with orders to each, that all the male inhabitants (excepting two of the oldest, for each plantation, to keep them clear of weeds, &c. the yams being all planted,), should assemble within ten days at Lefooga, armed with clubs and spears, and supplied with a good store of provisions. Being all arrived within the time proposed, Finow issued orders to all his forces to prepare for a review. On the appointed day they assembled on a marly', to the amount of about six thousand; all armed, and painted, and dressed according to some warlike fancy. Finow then delivered a speech, in which he declared his opinion that the Tonga mode of warfare had, hitherto, been upon a very bad principle; and that instead of running forwards and then retreating, accordingly as they met with advantages or disadvantages, they ought rather to remain together in a body, and not to retreat on every trifling occasion, but to push forward with the most determined courage, and

[page] 171

thus dash terror into the minds of their enemies; or by standing their ground with unconquerable steadiness, to strike them with astonishment at their fortitude and strength: for such he had heard was the way of fighting in England, (meaning Europe at large,) and it claimed his highest admiration:——" and," he added, "if any man sees the point of a spear advancing upon his breast, he is not to run back like a coward, but push forward upon it, and at the risk of his life, deal destruction on his foe." This last sentence he bellowed forth in a tone and loudness of voice that made every one tremble, for in this particular be was very remarkable; when powerfully and passionately excited, the sound of his voice was like the roaring of a wild beast, and might be heard at an incredible distance.

Having finished his speech, several of his warriors ran up to him, striking their clubs furiously on the ground, bidding him not to be afraid of his enemies, for that, comparatively speaking, there were no real warriors in Vavaoo: and that they would stand by him to the very last. The king then addressed them again, describing, in a more particular manner, how they were to proceed in their encounter with the enemy, on the approach of whom they were

[page] 172

all to sit down on the ground, and remain perfectly still, as if unconcerned in what was going forward; and even though the enemy were to throw spears and discharge arrows, they were nevertheless to remain motionless till they received orders to rise and rush upon them in a body; this they were to do with ardour and impetuosity; and he was quite certain, he said, that such a sudden and bold attack would put them completely to the rout. He then made them practise this manœuvre several times. Lastly, he spirited them up with thoughts of glory and honour, telling them at the same time, that death was a thing to be despised,— not to be feared by a brave man, whose name would still live with a lasting life, when his body was buried in the dust. He then dismissed them, with orders that those belonging to the northern islands might immediately return home, but were shortly to proceed to Haano, the northernmost island of all the Hapais, and there to wait the arrival of him and all his southern forces on their way to Vavaoo.

A few days after this review a canoe arrived from Vavaoo, with a few Hapai people, who were suffered to leave that island at their particular request. They brought intelligence that it was not the wish of Toe Oomoo and her

[page] 173

chiefs to be at war with Hapai, but that they considered it a duty they owed, to themselves to act with strong measures in regard to Finow, whom they esteemed of so treacherous a character, that a peace with him now, would only be the forerunner of disaster and inglorious death to themselves, and on this account, they chose rather to meet their fate in the field, than to live an idle and peaceful life for a short time, and at length be cruelly murdered to satisfy his revenge.—They moreover stated that it was the determination of the Vavaoo warriors to rush out suddenly upon the white men, and take possession of the guns.

A few days afterwards, all affairs being settled in regard to the management of the plantations, the canoes were refitted and launched, and early in the morning the king, and all the forces with him, (about 4000 strong) proceeded to Haano, about three leagues to the north, to join those who, according to orders, were waiting for them. At Haano, the king was received with customary feasting and rejoicing, and on the following day the gods were consulted in regard to the expedition. The answer was similar to the admonition formerly given, viz. that the king should first proceed to Vavaoo with three canoes only, with such men as had

[page] 174

few or no relations at Vavaoo (lest they should be tempted to desert) but above all with such also as had not been instrumental in the assassination of Toobo Neuha, nor had been formerly his adherents, lest their presence might excite still farther the anger of the Vavaoo people: and, thus accompanied, should offer terms of peace in the most friendly manner. Finow, having by this time had sufficient opportunity to reflect coolly and deliberately, and therefore more wisely, upon this business, entered readily into the measure. Three canoes were got ready, and Finow, with some of the choicest fighting men, of such description as the oracle approved of, went on board: Mr. Mariner was in the king's canoe, and two other Englishmen were on board one of the others, and they proceeded towards Vavaoo. As they approached the shores of this island they came up with several canoes belonging to it, endeavouring to make their escape, for they fancied these were only the head canoes of a large fleet drawing near to make an attack upon Vavaoo. The king, however, informed them that he was not coming with warlike intentions, but that his object was peace, and he was paying them a visit for the sole purpose of adjusting matters amicably; he then dis

[page] 175

missed them, and they paddled away immediately for that part of the island where the great fortress was situated. As the expedition passed a point about five miles to the southward of the fort, a number of natives were seen on the beach, painted and dressed after the manner of war, and armed with clubs and spears: they menaced the visitors with every martial gesture, furiously splashing up the water with their clubs, and shouting the war-whoop loudly and repeatedly. When they had proceeded a little farther, there came up to them a canoe from the garrison, with a warrior named Ta e Tangata: he wore a turban* on his head, and stated that he came, with leave from Toe Oomoo, to enquire if any of Toobo Neuha's murderers were on board, for he was ready, he said, to fight them, and lay down his life in honour of that great and matchless chief. Finow, in answer, told him the purpose of his coming, and that there were none of Toobo Neuha's murderers on board, and as to himself, he was perfectly well disposed to

* It will be recollected, that, turbans are only worn by day-time, when within tight of an enemy, &c., see p. 167. This man, therefore, came as an enemy. This head-dress may be considered a signal of defiance, or, at best, of independence and equality.

[page] 176

make a peace, and, whatever his enemies might think of him, that was the object which was nearest his heart. No sooner did the Vavaoo warrior hear this unexpected declaration, than he pulled off his turban, and, taking a piece of cava root, went on board Finow's canoe, and, having presented the cava to the king, he kissed his feet as a mark of respect. The king then dismissed him, desiring him to relate to his chiefs the object of his coming, and that he should the same evening, if they would permit him, pass on to Neafoo *, to leave cava there, and the following morning proceed to the fortress, to adjust terms of peace. As soon as the warrior departed with his message, Finow directed his course up an inlet to Neafoo, where he arrived, and landed without any opposition, and, having left cava with the usual ceremony (see p. 95), he returned on board, and passed the night in another branch of the inlet leading up to the fortress; towards which, early the following morning, he proceeded with the three canoes. At first, he intended to land in person, and ascend the hill to address the

* Neafoo is situated on the N. E. shore of Vavaoo, and is a consecrated place, like Mafánga, formerly described, where the ceremony of Tooge was performed. At Neafoo are several houses consecrated to different gods.

[page] 177

garrison; but from this he was dissuaded by his chiefs: he then determined to go near to the shore in a small canoe which they had in tow, and be led along the shelf by his matabooles, wading through the water, which was scarcely three feet deep; to this also his friends objected, being apprehensive that, if he left, the large canoe in the way he proposed, and approached so near the beach, his temper might be so worked into a rage by the insults of the natives, as to induce him to rush on shore, and run the risk of being killed; but Finow replied, by way of apology for not yielding to their advice, that it was the part of a brave man to keep himself perfectly cool and collected when insulted, and that he was resolved to act up to this character. Matters being thus arranged, he went into the small canoe, and was led along by the matabooles, As they drew near to the shore, many of the natives called out to them, saying a number of things in derision: one threw them a piece of yam, another a piece of pork, telling them it should be the last they should get from Vavaoo*; then they enquired, whether they were

* Vavaoo is famous for good yams, and great quantities of bogs, as well as for gnatoo of a finer quality, and better printed;the tree, from which the printing colour is procured, being very scarce, and very inferior, at the Hapai islands.

VOL. I. N

[page] 178

not quite tired of living upon the scanty allowance of the Hapai islands: they next threw them a piece of gnatoo, advising them, in the most friendly manner, to wear that instead of scrubbing their skins with the coarse mats of Hapai; and, as this was all they meant to give them, they were to tear it in small pieces, divide it among them, and each wear a rag. During all these insults, the king, contrary to the expectation of every one (for he was of a very irritable temper), kept himself perfectly cool, and said nothing. When he had arrived near enough to address them conveniently, he made a speech of about an hour's length, in which, with a wonderful degree of art and eloquence, he endeavoured to persuade them that he was perfectly innocent of the death of Toobo Neuha; and that he should be exceedingly sorry if their mistaken notions of his sentiments and conduct should occasion a war with Vavaoo: he told them how much he loved and respected his aunt (Toe Oomoo), and how unhappy he should be, if the late unfortunate affair, which, he could neither well foresee nor help, should occasion a quarrel with her: nothing grieved

[page] 179

him more, he said, than that his best intentions should be thus regarded with suspicion, but he hoped that their candour and liberality; upon a little cool reflection, would lead them to place that confidence in him, which his own consciousness of upright intentions gave him reason to expect, and he trusted that they would submit to his rule and government as formerly. To this, some of the Vavaoo chiefs replied, that they should be willing enough to acknowledge him king, as formerly, provided be would reside altogether at Vavaoo, and interdict all communication with the Hapai people, among whom there were many designing chiefs, of whose treacherous policy they had good reason to be afraid: or, if he did not choose to remain altogether at Vavaoo, he might reside at Hapai, and they would send him annual tribute, as usual, upon condition that neither he, nor his chiefs, nor any of the people of Hapai, would visit Vavaoo under any pretext whatsoever; for, as they were quite tired of disturbances and insurrections, they heartily wished to keep away all who were promoters of discord, all ambitious and discontented chiefs; all, in short, whose tempers were too fickle to love a peaceful and quiet life: and, as to the large fortress, they declared

N 2

[page] 180

it had been constructed merely for the purpose of self defence. Finow then took up the discourse, stating, that he could not give his consent to terms which were inconsistent with his dignity, as supreme governor both of Hapai and Vavaoo, and that it was exceedingly hard he should suffer for the rashness and impolicy of others, and that they should cease to put that confidence in his wisdom and justice which he hoped he had always merited. He then repeated the arguments in favour of his innocence, and, in conclusion, urged a proof of his love and affection for the people of Vavaoo, by reminding them of the readiness with which be formerly joined their late beloved chief, in the assassination of Toogoo Ahoo, and, by this means, freed Vavaoo and all the Tonga islands of a tyrant; and of the ardour with which he fought in alliance with that great hero, in the memorable battle of Tonga; and, although afterwards they (the Vavaoo people) opposed (from a mistaken notion), his progress in the cause of liberty, yet how happy they had been since their submission to him, and had received from his authority a good and wise chief (Toobo Neuha), and now that this great man had fallen a sacrifice to the ambition or malice of others, was it on that account that

[page] 181

they ought forego their reliance on the love, and affection which he had hitherto so conspicuously shewn them? "But, as you seem "disposed," said he, "to live in idleness and luxury, I will go and reside among a more. manly people, and prosecute war against the island of Tonga." In reply to all this, they again assured him of their love and respect for him as an individual, hut, as they were determined to live free, they would neither propose, nor accept OF any other terms. The king then ordered his matabooles to conduct him to his canoe, and, turning towards the Vavaoo people, said, "Live, then, among yourselves in "idleness, and we will return to Hapai."

During the time that Finow was addressing the Vavaoo people, the matabooles and warriors that surrounded his canoe (among whom was Mr. Mariner), appeared much moved, and several shed tears, for his powers of persuasion were such, that, in defending his own causey be seemed to be the most worthy, the most innocent, and the most unjustly used: on this account the greater chiefs and old matabooles OF Vavaoo remained in the fortress, fearing to listen to his arguments, lest, being drawn aside by the power of his eloquence, they might mistake that for true which was not, and even lead

[page] 182

the young and ardent warriors into an error, by persuading them that what he said was reasonable and just!

The fortress, on the top of a steep rising ground, as seen from the canoes, presented a most formidable and warlike appearance: its extent seemed enormous, and the tops of the white reeds, which were seen at a distance above the banks of red clay, the whole being strongly illuminated by the sun, represented to the imagination of Mr. Mariner the spears and javelins of ancient heroes, drawn up in battle array. On the top of the banks a number of warriors, armed with clubs and spears, were running to and fro, with fine light streamers*, full thirteen feet long, attached to their heads and arms, which, floating in the wind, produced a most romantic effect.

The king and his matabooles being now returned to their canoe, the expedition proceeded out of the inlet, and arrived shortly at a small island, on which they landed, and stripped it of almost all its cava root. It is here proper to mention, that all the islands adjacent to Vavaoo were deserted by order of Toe Oomoo, that all

* These streamers consist of the fine membrane stripped off from the under side of the cocoa-nut leaf, and are finer than gold-beaters' skin.

[page] 183

the people might be more safely situated in or near the fortress, in case of an invasion. The three canoes afterwards proceeded a little farther onward, and put in for the night at a small island, called Hoonga, about two miles from Vavaoo. The next morning they resumed their voyage, and arrived at Haano, the nearest of the Hapai islands, in the afternoon.

[page] 184

CHAP. VI.

Finow embarks again with all his army for Vavaoo, and arrives at Neafoo—Alarm in the nighty—Presence of mind in one of Finow's men—Plan of attack—Siege commences—An armistice—Accident to Mr. Mariner, which causes the battle to be renewed—Audacity of a Vavaoo warrior—Finow forbids the guns to be used—Sortie of the enemy—Bravery of Chioolooa—Wonderful escape of Latoo Ila—Conduct of the Hapai women—Finow's army returns to Neafoo, and builds a fortress there— Alarm in the night—Revolt of a young chief to the enemy, and the consequences—Slaughter of the enemy by an ambuscade—Sixty bodies offered to the gods—Cannibalism—Supposed treachery of Lioofau—The king returns thanks to his tutelar god—Hints of his priest— Apprehension and punishment of Mappa Haano—Regulations respecting deserters—Cruelties exercised upon four of the enemy—Desertion of Toobo Boogoo from the enemy—One of Finow's canoes surprised by an attack from Maccapapa at the island of Taoonga—Finow sends out an expedition against Maccapapa's canoes, and takes ten—Attack on the enemy's field of yams—Mr. Mariner wounded—An attempt to secure the enemy's hogs.

THE day after the return of the expedition, the gods were invoked in the usual way, and the oracular answer was, to proceed immediately

[page] 185

to war against Vavaoo. All things being in readiness, the following morning the king embarked with the whole of his forces, about 5000 men, besides 1000 women; in fifty large canoes, with the four carronades, ammunition; and every thing necessary for a vigorous attack upon the strong fortress of Vavaoo. Towards evening, the fleet arrived at Fonnooi-fooa (one of the small islands in the neighbourhod of Vavaoo), whence Finow dispatched four canoes manned with select warriors, up the inlet; towards the fortress, with orders to kill whomsoever they could. They succeeded in killing three men, and severely wounding a fourth, whom, with the three dead bodies, they brought to Finow. Killihg these three men, in the first attempt upon the enemy, was by no means to, be considered a trifling advantage, for it was Supposed to augur the protection of the gods, and great future successes.

Early in the morning, the Hapai fleet proceeded up the inlet to Neafoo (the consecrated spot formerly mentioned), where they landed safely, leaving the women in the canoes. The four carronades were planted opposite the house of a neighboring marly', ready to be drawn up the following morning to the fortress, which was About three miles off. The day was spent

[page] 186

in settling and arranging sundry matters. During the night, which was exceedingly dark, a considerable degree of alarm was excited by two or three of the enemy, who approached, and threw a spear among a number of Finow's people, asleep near the house; it happened, however, to strike a bundle of spears that was placed upright against a tree, and, throwing it, down, occasioned such a noise, that several of the men were awakened by it, who, thinking that the main body of the enemy was coming down upon them, began to run away; at this moment, one of them, more courageous than, the rest, snatching up a piece of lighted wood, applied it to the touch-hole of one of the guns, which instantly went off, and produced such an, effect on the enemy, that no more was heard of him that night. This certainly was a bold act for a man who had never before fired a gun in his life, and might, in the worst case, have been productive of the best effects, for, if the enemy had come in considerable numbers, as was at the moment falsely imagined, and this man had not had such presence of mind, all Finow's army might have been put completely to the rout, their guns taken from them, and a vast number of them slain: as it was, the report of the gun, awakening all who were yet

[page] 187

asleep, induced such a degree of consternation as is scarcely to be conceived; they ran in all directions, but most of them to the canoes, and it was some time before their fears were sufficiently calmed for them to be induced to return. The man who performed this exploit received much praise and respect for his bravery; as to promotion, it is a thing not known among them, for no man can hold a rank in society which he is not born to (see second volume); and as to other modes of reward, the merit of a good or brave action is considered its best reward, together with the admiration and respect which it creates, unless the party makes a point to boast of it, and then his merit is set almost at nought.

Early the following morning Finow divided, his army into three grand divisions: the right wing was commanded by Toobo Toa, the left by Lioofau, chief of Haano, and the centre by Finow himself: the guns were allotted, two to the centre, and one to each flank, and were managed by seven Englishmen, besides Mr. Mariner and a black native of South America, taken by the Port au Prince in one of her prizes. Matters being thus arranged, and Finow having repeated the orders he had formerly issued, viz. that his men should keep

[page] 188

themselves perfectly steady, and not attack the enemy till they were quite close to then: —the army began its much towards the garrison. After four or five hours interrupted progress, owing chiefly to the weight of the guns and the badness of the road, they arrived before the fortress, on the banks of which a vast number of the enemy were assembled. As they approached, a shower of arrows was discharged upon them; but Finow ordered a mataboole to advance forward and request an armistice, that each party might take leave of what friends and relations they might have among their opponents*; which being granted, a number came out of the garrison to take a farewell of their relatives,—perhaps the last farewell of those who were about to fight against them. Here ensued a moving scene; many tears were shed on both sides, and many

* In a civil war at these islands, as well as at other places it often happens that sons have to fight against their fathers, and brothers against their brothers; but what renders this circumstance still more common at Tonga, is the adherence to an old established custom, which binds every man in honour to join the cause of that chief on whose island he happens to be at the time the war is declared, unless some circumstance, as particular relationship between great men, engages the chief of the island, upon earnest request, to give him liberty to depart.

[page] 189

a last embrace exchanged. This affecting spectacle had lasted about two hours, when a circumstance accidentally occurred, unfortunate enough in its consequences, but which might have turned out still more so. One of the enemy, upon the outer bank of the fortress, wantonly shot an arrow at Mr. Mariner, but which fortunately missed him, and stuck in a tree close at his elbow; he immediately turned about, and discovering the man who discharged it, levelled his musket, on the impulse of the moment, and shot him dead upon the spot: instantly the enemy sounded the war-whoop, and all was uproar and confusion. The king, not understanding the cause, was in a most violent rage with Mr. Mariner, and would forthwith have dispatched him with his club, had he been near enough: his matabooles did all they could to calm his temper, but he was not easily pacified: he sent a man to Mr. Mariner to demand his musket, but the latter, feeling himself aggrieved, peremptorily refused: Finow, by this time, becoming somewhat more calm, and learning the true cause of the disaster, was speedily reconciled: In the mean time the enemy, conceiving this to be a piece of treachery, returned to his entrenchments, and assailed the besiegers with

[page] 190

showers of arrows. The king now ordered the great guns to open a fire upon the fort, but they seamed to do little or no injury to the works, owing to the height of the place and the strength of the embankment; several, however, were killed who ventured outside of it. The firing bad lasted, with occasional intermissions, during six or seven hours, when a considerable number of the enemy were perceived coming out of the fencing, and sheltering themselves behind the banks, with the evident intention of sallying forth. Upon this the king ordered all his men to sit down, and to remain perfectly quiet and steady, although the enemy should advance quite close to them, till they received his further orders to rise up and rush upon them. They accordingly sat down. A party of fifteen or sixteen now came down from the fort, and seven or eight of the Hapai people ran forward to skirmish with them. One of the advanced party of the enemy came up to within fifteen or sixteen yards of the carronade, of which Mr. Mariner had the charge, and there stood, brandishing his spear in a threatening attitude: Mr. Mariner immediately fired the gun at him, but the moment the match was applied the man fell flat on his face, and the shot missed him:

[page] 191

the moment after he sprang up again, and advanced forward to within ten paces of the gun, dancing and making sundry warlike gesticulations; he then brandished and threw his spear, intending it to enter the gun, but it struck against the muzzle. Mr. Mariner, astonished at the boldness and presumption of this warrior, was determined to punish him for his rashness, and accordingly levelled his musket, but just as he was pulling the trigger, an arrow struck the barrel of the piece, and caused him to miss his aim. The warrior then shouted aloud, and returned with all speed to the fortress. Here the reader will no doubt recollect the bravado of a man who assumed the name of Fanna Fonnooa (p. 158), and declared that he would advance boldly up to a gun and throw his spear into the mouth of it, by way of expressing his contempt for this instrument of warfare. This warrior was the man; and he no doubt would have shared a severer fate, had Mr. Mariner been prepared for him, but having treated that threat as an idle boast, he had altogether forgotten the circumstance, and did not again reflect on it till after it was over.

The main body of the enemy was still stationed behind the banks, upon places cut for

[page] 192

them to stand on, so that they were defended breast high, and thus had an opportunity of discharging their furrows in abundance, without much risk of receiving a shot in return. After a time, however, they came forth from their strong hold, and assembled on the outside, forming themselves quickly into three divisions, the same as Finow's army. Most of the greatest and bravest warriors stationed themselves in the left wing, with, the view of descending, with all their concentrated power, on Finow's right wing, commanded by Toobo Toa, along with whom were the other principal men that had assassinated Toobo Neuha, six or seven in number: against each of these twenty of the enemy's left wing had orders to throw their spears, at a signal to be given, without directing their attention particularly to any one else, each party of twenty having singled out its man. These matters having been arranged, and having stationed themselves outside the bank as above stated, the whole advanced slowly and steadily forward. Finow's men still remained seated on the ground, according to the orders that had been given them, except a few who danced before them, by way of showing their contempt for the enemy, and of provoking them to hostilities,

[page] 193

Mr. Mariner requested Finow to order these men in, that a cannonade might be opened upon the enemy; but the king objected, stating that as the enemy ventured forward in an open body he would receive their attack, and fight them upon equal terms; that these guns gave him too great an advantage over them, such as he scorned to take; that it was more honourable to fight them man to man than to use against them arms that were rather fitted for the hostilities of spirits than of men*: at the same time he returned his thanks for the advantages formerly derived from the use of these weapons, which he thought well calculated for the destruction of forts.

The enemy now advanced within thirty paces, and threw their spears: instantly the Hapai army, too eager to remain longer quiet, sprang up, and rushing upon their foes, a close engagement commenced, which was obstinately maintained for about an hour, when the enemy were repulsed, and beaten completely back into their fortress. It was now twilight, but the Hapai warriors pursued them

* The use of artillery might convey to the imagination of Finow the same idea of tremendous warfare as is inspired by the expression of our great poet—
"Battle dangerous to less than gods,"

VOL. I. O

[page] 194

to their very doors. One chief in particular, Chioolooa, although he was wounded in the breast by a five-barbed spear, the shaft of which he bad broken off, rushed even within the banks of their fortress, and there knocked out a man's brains; in making his retreat, however, be was wounded in the back by another spear, which, not being barbed, he drew out, and ran back to his own party; but the wound was mortal, and he lingered till the nest day. This was the same chief, who, on the day of Toobo Neuha's burial, challenged any of the Vavaoo people to fight him (p. 153): he came to battle, he said, with a kind of presentiment that he should be killed, and was determined, therefore, to sell his life as dearly as possible.

It is not at all extraordinary that most of those who had assisted in the assassination of Toobo Neuha should fall victims, in this battle, to the vengeance of the enemy; but it is very extraordinary that one among them, viz Latoo Ila, (who, as may be remembered, insulted the body of Toobo Neuha, and upbraided him with the murder of his father: see p. 147,) should altogether escape without a single wound or hurt worth mentioning; although he, like the test of the assassins, was

[page] 195

the object of the vengeance of twenty men combined against him. This circumstance grave, rise to the general opinion that he was defended by the gods. He certainly fought with uncommon bravery, and this was the first time that he had distinguished himself; but it must be kept in recollection, that he was fighting against a party whose late chief had slain his own father.

During this battle several of the Hapai women came to the scene of action, that they might be near their husbands to assist them if wounded. One of them, the wife of Toobo Toa, (Toobo Aho Méë,) was taken prisoner by the enemy, but extremely well used by them; and about three weeks afterwards she was sent back, from motives of respect, because she was a great egi (chief) of the family of Tooitonga (vide Rank in society, second volume): had she been of the king's family, she would no doubt have been retained a prisoner.

Night was now set in, but, by Finow's orders, a firing was kept up, merely with stones, TO avoid a waste of shot, because no good aim could be taken: this lasted for about an hour. The king's matabooles then made several speeches to the garrison, soliciting the Vavaoo chiefs to submit to the government of Finow,

O 2

[page] 196

but they objected, under the apprehension that they should be afterwards killed by the treachery of the king or of Toobo Toa. Finow then addressed them, threatening to remain there the whole night, and the next day to set about building a fort opposite theirs, and to keep up the war until they either yielded or were destroyed.

Shortly after this, however, he gave orders to his men to repair as silently and as speedily as possible to Neafoo. He deceived the enemy in this way, to prevent them proceeding by another road, and cutting off his retreat. The guns were given in charge to some of the principal warriors, with men under their command to drag them along. The labour of doing this for three miles was by no means trifling, particularly as the road was very uneven, and the task rendered the men very impatient; they swore heartily at all guns, and all Englishmen for making them, and wanted to know why they could not construct them a little lighter; or at least, as they had ingenuity enough to make the guns, they ought to have, they said, the ingenuity also to make legs for them to walk with.

Being arrived at Neafoo, the king, his chiefs, matabooles, Mr. Mariner, and some of the

[page] 197

Englishmen, went on board the canoes to pass the night. Mr. Mariner now, as well as in numerous other instances, found the advantage of having an adopted mother, by whom he was provided with plenty of good food, consisting of cooked yams, ripe bananas, and raw-fish. They had partaken of no food all the day, and even now not above thirty or forty, consisting of chiefs and matabooles, got any thing to eat, for the time was too late, and the common men too fatigued, to cook yams enough for themselves that night; and as to raw fish, it was considered too good, and at that time too scaree, to give to them*.

* The idea of eating raw fish is not one of the least revolting to the imagination: and we are readily disposed to believe, that nothing but excessive hunger could render this species of food at all palatable: hence voyagers, on witnessing this act among the natives of these islands, have reasonably supposed them to be some of the lower orders much distressed for want of food (vide Labillardiere's voyage); but the fact is, raw fish is a very palatable diet, and is accordingly eaten as a matter of choice, not of necessity. Being strongly assured of this fact by Mr. Mariner, I ventured to make the trial, and repeated it several times upon mackarel, salmon, and turbot, and found the assertion perfectly correct: all the preparation necessary, is to take off the skin, and wash the fish with a little salt water; it will then taste as relishing as the oyster, and very similar to it. If we eat the oyster raw, why not other fish?

[page] 198

The next morning, after the men had refreshed themselves, armed parties were sent out to cat reeds, for the purpose of building a fortress at Neafoo: Finow and his principal chiefs remained to lay out the plan, whilst others were employed in digging a ditch about fourteen feet wide and ten feet deep. The spot on which this fortress was planned out was so situated, that one side was close upon the sea-shore, on a steep rocky bank, and therefore requiring no farther defence, for the enemy had no large canoes, having broken up all they had to make small ones, and with these it would be imprudent to venture as far as Neafoo, lest their retreat should be cut off by Finow's larger and swifter canoes. In the course of the day the fencing and ditch were tolerably well completed, so that the following might the greater part of the army slept on shore; bat they were not without alarm, for about midnight, a small party of the enemy having come down to reconnoitre, looked through the openings of some part of the fencing that was not quite finished, and seeing several of the men sitting round a fire conversing together, they threw several spears at them, which wounded many, and struck all with a panic; the whole garrison was instantly

[page] 199

in a state of confusion; and a great number so far lost their presence of mind as to endeavour to make their escape on board the canoes; in this attempt, forgetting that it was low water, they leapt from off the banks, and fell upon the shelf of rocks below, in consequence of which several of them had broken arms and legs, and sundry contusions, which, together with the fright, producing universal spasm (tetanus*) in some of them, caused their death a day or two afterwards. In about a quarter of an hour the alarm perfectly subsided, and they passed the rest of the night quietly.

During the following day the fencing was completed, and a second ditch was planned round the former; this, however, was to be without any fencing, that the guns might be brought to bear more readily upon the enemy, in case they should make a descent upon Neafoo. This ditch was to be eighteen feet wide, and about ten deep. In three days the ditch was dug and the fortress completed. In the mean time the canoes were hauled up within the fencing, and no active operations effected on either side. Four or five women, however,

* Their mode of treating this disease, and their success in sometimes curing it, will be related under its proper head.

[page] 200

revolted from the enemy, and brought information that the chiefs of Vavaoo, having now revenged themselves on most of Toobo Neuha's murderers, had come to the resolution of waiting a little time without having recourse to any offensive measures, with a view of ascertaining what.Finow's real intentions were.

The fortress being now quite completed, and the guns stationed one at each of the four entrances, of which there were two in front (on the inland side) and one on each of the other two sides; Finow gave orders that a strong party should go forth early in the morning, towards the enemy's fortress, and destroy all the plantations they could come at, but in case of an attack, they should make their retreat as speedily as possible. In the afternoon they returned laden with yams, plantains, &c. but having met with a sudden attack from the enemy, had lost several of their men. They brought intelligence that they had discovered a large field of fine yams nearly full grown, but it was so well defended that they could not with prudence make an attack upon it. Finow however resolved to remain quiet the following night, lest the enemy should be lying in wait for him, and the night after that to proceed with a large and strong party to plunder and

[page] 201

destroy this plantation. In the mean time a young chief revolted to the enemy, and communicated Finow's intentions with certain additional details, which, however false, served to raise him in the opinion of the enemy, and establish his credit with them. He informed them, over and above the actual truth, that his own father Lioofau was to remain behind in the colo (fortress) with a small party to defend it, but that being secretly an enemy to Finow, he would without doubt readily yield up the place to them. Upon the strength of this information they laid their plan accordingly: a large party of warriors, well armed, were to conceal themselves in a thick wood at no great distance from the field of yams, through which wood passed a road leading from Finow's colo: they were to lie down on the ground and cover themselves with branches, &c. that as soon as Finow's army had passed, they might be able to cut off their retreat: at the same time another strong party was to advance upon Neafoo, and take advantage of the supposed treacherous disposition of Lioofau.

Finow having arranged his plan, set off very early in the morning with the far larger part of his men, leaving the remainder under the command of Lioofau to take care of the colo-

[page] 202

Very fortunately for Finow, before be had advanced far, he met a man who had deserted from the enemy, and who informed him of their knowledge of his expedition, their plan of frustrating his object, as well as the alleged treachery of Lioofau, The king upon hearing this, before he advanced a step farther, ordered Lioofau into immediate confinement, with a strong guard over him. This being done, he proceeded towards the fortress of Felletoa, and taking advantage of the information given him by the deserter, actually hemmed in the very party that would otherwise have done the same to him. These, finding themselves, contrary to their expectations, surrounded by Finow's army, and seeing no other resource than to endeavour to force their way through, made the attempt, and succeeded, after a hard struggle, attended by great slaughter: sixty of the enemy were killed, and fourteen or fifteen of the Hapai people also fell. The enemy now retreated towards the field of yams, to join those who were stationed there for its defence; and Finow, thinking it hazardous to make a farther attack, retired back upon Neafoo, taking with him the sixty dead bodies. The other party of the enemy that had, in the mean while, advanced to Neafoo, finding the place not under the

[page] 203

command of Lioofau, suspected some deception, and made a speedy retreat.

The king and his army being arrived at their fortress, the Sixty bodies were shared out to the different gods that had houses dedicated to them within the place. In performing this ceremony the people formed a large circle on the ground, with the king at the upper end. The bodies being placed in a row before Finow, a man rose up, and counting the bodies, declared aloud their number. The king then ordered that so many should be allotted to such a god, and so many to such another, and so of the rest. The names of these gods were Tali y Toobo, Tooi fooa Bolotoo, Lau file Tonga, Toobo lalo Tonga, and Chenitacala: the two first only are imaginary beings, the others are souls of departed chiefs; the last of all is a goddess, the soul of a female chief of that name. This being done, the bodies were carried away, and laid before the houses of the different gods to whom they were allotted: where, after they had remained three or four hours, those who had left relations among the garrison of Neafoo, were carried away and buried; and the remainder, which were only nine or ten in number, were conveyed to the water side, and there disposed of in different ways: two or three were hung up on a

[page] 204

tree; a couple were burnt; three were cut open from motives of curiosity to see whether their insides were sound and entire,* and to practise surgical operations upon, hereafter to be described; and lastly, two or three were cut up to be cooked and eaten, of which about forty men partook. This was the second instance of cannibalism that Mr. Mariner witnessed, but the natives of these islands are not to be called cannibals on this account: so far, from its being a general practice, it is on the contrary generally held in abhorrence, and where it is occasionally done, it is only by young warriors, who do it in imitation of the Fiji islanders, attaching to it an idea that there is something in it designating a fierce, warlike, and manly spirit. When they returned to Neafoo after, their inhuman repast, several persons, particularly women, avoided them, saying, "Yaooé moe ky tangata," away! you are a man-eater.

The bodies being thus all disposed of, Finow

* It is a firm belief with the people that if a man infringes upon the Taboo, (see p. 150) or commits any sacrilege, his liver or some other viscus is liable to become enlarged and schirrous: they therefore often open dead bodies out of curiosity, to see if they have been sacrilegious in their life time. The natives of these islands are particularly subject to schinreus tumours.

[page] 205

began to make enquiries respecting the alleged treason of Lioofau, and finding no one capable of urging any thing against him, and he solemnly declaring his innocence, and stating that his son must have invented this tale to answer some purpose with the enemy; moreover, having always borne a good character and been well beloved by his men, and believed to have been always firmly attached to the interests of Finow, he was set at liberty and restored to his post.

The day after this chief was reinstated, Finow ordered the ceremony of drinking cava to the priest of his tutelar god Toobo Totai, by way of gratitude for the late victory. This ceremony is exactly the same as that of invoking a god through the medium of his priest: and consists merely in the customary form of sitting down to make cava in the presence of a priest, (he presiding at the head of the ring). In this instance, after the cava, pork, &c. had been served out, one of the matabooles, in a few words, thanked the god in the person of the priest for the late signal victories. The priest in answer, after waiting for another dish of cava, declared that Finow would at length succeed in his war against Felletoa; but that this fortress was not the strongest power he had to

[page] 206

contend with, for the seeds of insurrection were already sown in his own army, sod although Lioofau was perfectly innocent of what had been alleged against him, yet there was one at no great distance from him for whom so much could not be said. The god having condescended to declare this, left his priest, and the latter arose and went away; the company then broke up. Finow pretended to take no notice of what the priest declared, not wishing the circumstance to be much noticed by others.

The following day an adopted son of Finow brought him secret intelligence that he had heard that several men had been sent off at different times, by Mappa Haano, to the fortress of Felletoa, to concert with the enemy on the subject of revolt, and that this chief had the intention of doing what Lioofau had been unjustly accused of and imprisoned for. The king immediately sent for Mappa Haano, who obeyed the summons, and came drest up in mats, with green leaves round his neck, (marks of humiliation and fear) attended by a priest. When they arrived opposite Finow's house they sat down before it; then the priest rose and advancing nearer to Finow, who was seated just within the caves of the house, he again sat down before him, and stated that Mappa Haano had requested his in-

[page] 207

termediation, to express for him the sentiments of self-accusation with which he felt himself oppressed, and his acknowledgment of the justice of his fate, If Finow should think proper to take away his life. The king replied, that he did not mean to take away his life, for that it was not the custom at Tonga, to kill those of whom one has no reason to be afraid, and that he did not think it worth his while to destroy a mere butterfly, (an insignificant being) but that he should take other measures of punishment not less exemplary. He then desired the culprit to consider himself for the future as divested of all power and rank, no longer to be the commander of men, but a single and unprotected individual; that his chiefship from that moment was null, and that consequently he was never more to take his seat as a chief at his cava ceremonies. A certain chief, who was present, observed to Finow that if he suffered this man to live, although he was deprived of power, he might nevertheless by pernicious counsel, inspire other chiefs with sentiments derogatory to the welfare of Finow's government. To which the king replied, that this was not a war between men, in whose success or ill success the gods took no interest, but one in which his tutelar god, Toobo Totai, presided in a particular manner over his fortune

[page] 208

and welfare, and that this god would take care that such pernicious attempts, on the part of the disgraced chief, should not affect the other chiefs of his army, or if they did, that he should be made acquainted with it by the priest.—The company now dispersed.

After this period Mappa Haano always wore mats as significant of his degraded state. He seldom attended any public ceremonies or assemblies, because it obliged him to sit along with the common people, and he could not brook, on such occasions, to feel so much his inferiority to other chiefs who formerly were his equals. It must not be supposed that he always wore these mats from pure humility, but rather from fear, for had he appeared without them, Finow might have been angry, and death might have been the consequence.

There being now every day some desertion or another of either army to the opposite one, the king issued orders that every deserter from the enemy should be put to death, the same as if he had been a deserter from himself. This he did the better to avoid all communication between the two contending armies.

For some time past several of Finow's men had been killed, in different instances, by three or four of the enemy, under the command of a

[page] 209

warrior named Moteitá, a most expert and daring fellow, who often ventured by night and early in the morning close up to the colo of Neafoo to kill any stragglers they could meet with. One morning a party of Finow's men, twelve or fourteen in number, among whom was Mr. Mariner, being out on a little excursion, surprised four of the enemy, who were busily employed digging ma* in a pit: these they immediately laid hold of, and dragged out of the pit, to take them home prisoners; imagining they had got Moteitá and his followers who had so often committed depredations upon them; and resolving therefore to make a signal example of their prisoners. A young chief, however, opposed this measure, and proposed that it would be better to cut off their heads at once, and take their heads home. This plan was immediately assented to, but some one observing that they had no knives with them, another casting his eyes upon the ground, remarked, there was something that would do as well; and taking up a shell from a neighbouring spot, where some persons had

* Ma is a species of prepared food, consisting of breadfruit, or plantains, or bananas; buried for a considerable time under ground, in order to ferment.

VOL. I. P

[page] 210

been eating large pearl oysters, he proposed to proceed to work with oyster-shells as substitutes for knives: this was immediately approved of, and the four unfortunate victims were taken in band. It was in vain that they begged their lives, protesting that they were not the persons they had taken them for: in vain did Mr. Mariner point out the cruelty of the act, urging them at least to kill them first speedily, and cut off their heads afterwards: to this remonstrance they answered that their prisoners deserved to be severely punished for the many atrocities they had committed; and as to killing them first, and cutting off their heads afterwards, they thought it unnecessary trouble. This horrible piece of cruelty was accordingly committed on the spot They began the operation, (after having stripped themselves, to prevent their garments from getting bloody,) by haggling at the back of the neck; they then cut gradually round the throat, till they had got through every thing but the spine, which they divided by turning the head down, and giving it a violent twist. This being done, they washed themselves, resumed their gnatoos, and proceeded with the four heads to the garrison. It was still early when they arrived, and they found the king sitting with, his friends on the

[page] 211

marly drinking cava. The four heads were brought to him by different men, and placed in the middle of the circle upright with their faces towards Finow, who returned his thanks (as customary) to those who had killed them. Mr. Mariner, having seated himself near Finow, the latter asked him why they did not kill them at once, without cutting off their heads: this question he asked partly from motives of humanity, and partly to know why they took so much trouble about them.

A few days after this event, Tooboo Boogoo, a certain priest, belonging to the colo of Felletoa, and who was a relation of Finow, having been consulted, regarding some matters of policy, gave advice which appeared to the Vavaoo chiefs more consonant to Finow's interests than their own, and they accordingly objected to it, declaring that he wanted to act a treacherous part by befriending his relation: upon which he told them that if they could place no credit in his word, nor confidence in his honesty, he was of no use to them, and therefore they had better kill him at once, or at least confine him;—or if they had a mind to behave generously towards him, permit him to go away and live with Finow: the chiefs replied that they should take a little time to con-

P 2

[page] 212

sider of it. He did not think proper, however, to wait for their decision, but made his escape early one morning, and took refuge with Finow, whom he informed of a design the enemy had of besieging him. In consequence of this information every preparation was made to put the fortress in the best possible state of defence.

Some time now elapsed in expectation of the enemy's approach; but there were no signs of them. Finow, in the mean while, came to a determination of making Vavaoo his place of constant residence. This he did for two reasons, first, because it was the largest and most fruitful of all his islands; and secondly, because by his presence he could better govern a people who appeared to be so little attached to his interests. It was now the scarce time of the year, and his stock of provisions began to grow short: it was necessary therefore to dispatch canoes to the Hapai islands for a fresh supply, that might last them till the season had so far advanced as to provide them with the vegetable produce of the surrounding country. A large canoe was therefore got ready, with orders to return with yams and ma; she had an additional number of hands on board, with which to man another canoe that they were to bring back with them, laden in like manner. Several

[page] 213

women and children also took this opportunity of going to Hapai to see their friends. One morning the canoe set sail for one of the Vavaoo islands, called Taoonga, with the intention of remaining there during the night, and of departing again very early the following morning, to prosecute the voyage. Whilst here, however, the wind unfortunately changed, and they were under the necessity of remaining at Taoonga several days. For the first two or three days they kept a good look out, lest they should be surprised by the enemy, and at night slept on board the canoe; but not finding themselves disturbed by any one, they at length relaxed their vigilance, and slept on shore by large fires; in consequence of which they met with a sad disaster. On the fifth night they had lighted their fires as usual, and the greater part had fallen asleep, when forty or fifty of the enemy's choicest warriors, commanded by Máccapápa, rushed suddenly upon them. The enemy had heard from some stragglers, that this expedition to Hapai had been obliged to remain at Taoonga; they accordingly put to sea in their small canoes, and arrived: at the opposite side of the island after dark: great part of them landed, and being guided by the

[page] 214

fires, fell upon those who were reposing in imaginary security, and with their clubs made an end of about eight and twenty: the remainder escaped to the canoe, but not without much difficulty; for some of their companions who had remained to take care of it, being alarmed by the uproar of this sudden attack on shore, had pushed off into deep water; so that those who made their escape from the beach were obliged to swim, and several of them were much wounded by spears thrown at them. Under cover of the darkness they got off to a neighbouring island; and early in the morning, the wind becoming more favourable, they proceeded on their voyage.

In the mean while a man ran away from the enemy's garrison, and brought information of the departure of Máccapápa to attack the Hapai expedition. Finow ordered several large canoes to put to sea immediately, in pursuit of them. This was speedily accomplished, and in the course of a few hours they came up with Máccapápa's canoes, and took ten of them. Many attempted to make their escape to the shore; but being prevented by the large canoes from proceeding to the regular landing places, they were under, the necessity of ven-

[page] 215

turing their necks by climbing up steep rocks that rose almost perpendicularly from the water. In this attempt some fell and were killed.

A fortnight now elapsed without any material circumstance occurring: almost every day, however, there was some little skirmish with the enemy; but which led to no particular result. At the end of this time, the canoes from Hapai not being yet returned, Finow began to turn his thoughts more seriously than ever towards the large field of yams before spoken of. He made preparations therefore for an attack upon it: hoping that if he did not succeed in procuring some yams, he should at least be able to bring the enemy to a general engagement. With this view he picked out some of the choicest of his men, about eighty in number, and gave them orders to conceal themselves, during the night, in a thicket close to the enemy's fortress, and on one side of the road. Finow in the mean while proceeded with a party of six-hundred towards Felletoa. When he arrived within a quarter OF a mile of the fort, it being yet dark, he took up his station in a field of high grass, situated in a valley, which could not be seen by the enemy. He then dispatched a hundred men to dig up the yams, and fifty more, under the command of Hala Api Api,

[page] 216

(an adopted son of the late Toobo Neuha,) to the fortress, with a view of enticing the enemy out, and leading them beyond the ambuscade. The enemy, however, kept close within his entrenchments. The fact was, there were not many men in the place, at least not great warriors, the rest having gone to another part of the island to launch a large canoe, for the purpose of bringing it round to the garrison to break up and make small ones of. But as soon as the enemy discovered Hala Api Api, they sent down to their companions at the further side (if the island, to inform them of what was going forward. They came as soon as they possibly could, but too late to save the yams. As soon as they arrived at the fort and saw the field of yams completely despoiled, they became dreadfully enraged, and rushed out in a body upon Hala Api Api, who immediately retreated, with a design of drawing them on beyond the two ambuscades. In this, for the most part, he succeeded to his wishes; for the enemy were so blinded by their rage, and pushed on by desire of revenge, that they did not reflect on the probability that there was some stratagem. They continued to follow, and he to retreat, till they passed the first ambush, whore Finow lay concealed, and were fast advancing towards the

[page] 221

second, when Finow's men, too eager for conquest, rose up and attacked them in the rear: the second ambush, hearing the noise of this attack, immediately started up, and joining Hala Api Api, a hard and close fight was kept up for about a quarter of an hour; when the enemy finding themselves too strongly opposed, retreated towards the fortress, in which they took shelter, being pursued close up to their doors by the Hapai warriors. Having recovered themselves a little from their consternation, they prepared to renew the combat, and again sallied forth, and commenced a general engagement with spears and arrows, which, lasted about three quarters of an hour; when they again took shelter within their walls. In the first engagement the enemy had forty men killed, and Finow only two: in the last attack they had only one man killed, and Finow none, though several died afterwards of their wounds; but this was only an engagement with arrows and spears, which they are very dexterous in avoiding: clubs were not used; for the enemy were upon a higher ground, and it would not have been prudent to have attacked them with the club, and risk the loss of their former advantages; and the enemy were too much discouraged to venture into the plain for this pur-

[page] 218

pose. The day was so rainy that no muskets could be well used. In the last affair Mr. Mariner received an arrow in his foot, which passed quite through the broadest part of it; luckily it was not a bearded arrow; but the wound was, nevertheless, a very bad one; for the weapon being made of a short, splintering wood, it broke in, and consequently he was afterwards disabled for several months; for the Tonga surgeons are not the most expert in the world, and the pieces of wood they took out from time to time, by no better means than cutting down upon them with sharp shells, or bamboo; which rendered the affair very tedious and painful.

The Hapai army being returned to Neafoo, Finow gave orders that no man should venture out for some time, lest the vigilance and anger of the enemy being now so strongly excited, some should fall a prey to their rashness.

About a week afterwards, a warrior, named Havili, requested leave of Finow to permit him to go in a large canoe, with an armed party, to the north-west part of the island, to secure a number of hogs, which the enemy kept there in a fencing, observing, that it would be but proper to relish the Vavaoo yams with a little Vavaoo pork. Havili was a man remarkable

[page] 219

for laying bold of every opportunity of undertaking secret expeditious by night; and he was thought to have killed more men in his life than any other warrior.

The king having granted him leave, he went on board a canoe, with forty stout men, and proceeded towards the place. The enemy, however, bad previously sent an additional force to take care of their hogs, thinking, very justly, that Finow might be encouraged to turn his attention to that quarter, from having met with such success in the field of yams. It happened, one night, that part of this body-guard, sauntering about upon the beach, perceived a large canoe coming towards them. They immediately sent word to their companions, and, separating into two parties, concealed themselves on either side of the road leading to the fencing. The canoe having reached the shore, half the men landed with Havili at their head, and proceeded towards the place where the hogs were kept. They had no sooner passed the spot where the enemy lay concealed, than the latter rushed out, and attacked them in the rear so suddenly, and with such effect, that fifteen were quickly dispatched, the enemy only losing one man, who was killed by Havili. This warrior and his four remaining

[page] 220

men effected their escape to their companions in the canoe, and pushed from the shore as quickly as possible. As they were paddling off, the enemy called out to them in derision, "What! you wanted some pork, did you ?— how do you like your treat?—but stay, here are some fine pigs for you, ready killed" (alluding to the dead bodies), "why don't you come and take them away ?"—but Havili and his men, sorely discomfited, returned home without making any farther attempt.

[page] 221

CHAP. VII.

Desertion of one of Finow's wifes, and the wife of the prince—Rencontre between one of the fugitives and Mr. Mariner—Attempt to take the enemy's women while gathering shell-fish—Dispute about the female prisoners—Return of the Hapai canoes with provisions—Palavalé's attack upon a party of the enemy, and killing a man within a sacred fencing—Strangling a child as an atonement for this sacrilege—Death of Palavalé—Finow, growing tired of the war, in an artful manner negotiates a peace—Finow's apology for the conduct of the Vavaoo people at an entertainment given them—Entertainment given by the Vavaoo chiefs to Finow and his chiefs—Sentiments respecting praise, bravery, &c.—New regulations of Finow—Toobo Toa deputed tributary governor of the Hapai islands—His arrival at the Hapai islands, accompanied by the prince and Mr. Mariner.

A FEW days after Havili's unsuccessful attempt to secure the enemy's hogs, one of Finow's wives ran away from Neafoo; being shortly missed by the rest of the women, in searching for her, it was found that one of his son's wives had taken the same step, and it was supposed they had gone together. When this was made known to the king, he left the fortress instantly, accompanied by five or six

[page] 222

men, and directed his coarse along the main road leading to Felletoa, but without any success. He returned very much dejected, and sent to his aunt, Toe Oomoo (the chief of the enemy), requesting to have his wife returned stating, that it was a war between men, and not women; but his remonstrances had no effect. These women both laboured under the jealousy and tyrannic influence of Moönga Toobo, Finow's favourite wife: partly to rid themselves of this, and partly to visit and live with relations they had in the opposite garrison, they made their escape, and took a by road near the sea-shore. On the morning of their departure, Mr. Mariner was at some distance from Neafoo, gathering shaddocks in a thicket: for, although his wound did not allow him to use any active exertions, yet he now and then went abroad by the help of a stick, which, no doubt, was one cause that rendered the cure very tedious. Bring up in a tree, he heard a rustling noise in the pushes below, and, directing his attention to the spot, was surprised to see one of Finow's wives. Prompted by curiosity, be came quickly down, and, seizing her by the arm, enquired what caused her to stray so far from the fortress, and to expose her person and her life to the

[page] 223

insults and cruelty of the enemy: she replied, that she had only come out for a walk, and was going shortly to return. To this account he objected, that it was too far, and too dangerous a walk for her to take alone, with the risk of meeting Moteita' and his followers, who often concealed themselves in those woods, and declared his suspicion that she intended to run away. She immediately fell on her knees, clasped her hands, and begged and intreated most earnestly, that he would not prevent her flight from the dominion of tyranny to the bosom of her relations, and appealed most pathetically to his own feelings and affections towards his mother, or whatever relatives he might have in his own country, and represented how hard and cruelly severe it would, be for any one to prevent him flying to them, if it were otherwise in his power. Being moved by the earnestness of her manner, and the unfortunate circumstances of her situation, he raised her up, and promised not to interfere in her escape, nor to divulge the matter to anyone, and gave her full liberty to proceed whichever way she thought proper.

Finow had, for a long time past, entertained; the idea of seizing upon several of the enemy's women, who were in the habit of assembling

[page] 224

at a certain part of the inlet, to gather shellfish, and now, that his wife had run away, he was more than ever encouraged to do this, by way of retaliation upon Toe Oomoo, for the detention of her. The place where they procured this sort of fish, was upon a shelf of rocks (about a foot and a half deep at low water), that ran across the inlet at no great distance from Felletoa. Upon this shelf they were accustomed to fish every day, wading through the water. On these occasions, several men of their own party had frequently alarmed them by rushing out upon them, pretending to be the enemy, and had repeated this so often, that, at length, they only laughed at the joke, and ridiculed the idea of running away. One evening a party of Finow's men, who had formed themselves for the express purpose of making an attack upon these women, set out in a canoe, and sailed to a part of the island where they could land unobserved, and proceed to the spot where they were fishing, without any danger of discovery, on account of the high bushes that were there in abundance. Being arrived on the spot, at an appointed signal they rushed out upon the women, who immediately set up a hearty laugh, taking them for their old friends, so

[page] 225

fond of a joke; but, when they saw two or three knocked down with clubs, they ran away as fast as their strength and the resistance of the water would let them, and the men after them in full pursuit. There were thirty of them, of which number five were killed, and thirteen taken prisoners, the other twelve escaping safe to the opposite shore. In this affair the wife of Finow's son was very nearly retaken; she ran so exceedingly swift through the water, knee-deep, and the young chief in pursuit of her exerted himself so much to overtake her, although he was near enough to knock her down with his club, that he actually fell through fatigue. It must, however, be said in favour of the chief, that the weight of his club was a great disadvantage, whereas his lovely fugitive ran without any incumbrance, for, in her endeavour to quicken her pace, her gnatoo (dress), became loose, and fell from her waist; this was the only time that she looked back, from a sense of modesty, to see if it was recoverable, but she was under the necessity of pursuing her flight without it.

The thirteen prisoners were conducted to Neafoo*, though Finow had given orders that

* They were obliged, however, by the way, to submit to the will of their captors, for this is always considered a thing of course and not at all an act of brutality. These transactions are generally conducted in neighbouring woods, and by no means in an open, public, or outrageous way. In short, notions of delicacy, in respect to the female sex, have a much higher influence in the Tonga islands than what would be commonly understood from the accounts of some travellers: among the lower orders, of course, there are abuses every where, but these do not constitute the legal customs, of a country.

VOL. I. Q

[page] 226

all that should be taken should be killed on the spot. The captors saved their lives, however, partly front motives of humanity, and partly from those of profit (as they could employ them in making gnatoo, &c.). When they arrived at Neafoo, there happened a strong dispute between several relations OF the prisoners, and those who had taken them; the former arguing that they had a claim to the women, according to the old Tonga custom, which decrees, that all persona shall be in the service of their older and superior relations, if those relations think proper to employ them: the captors, on the other band, strenuously grounded their claims on the rights of; coaquest. The dispute ran very high, and they referred it to Finow, who replied, that he should not interfere in it, and they might settle it themselves as well as they could, for they had no right to bring the prisoners there

[page] 227

at all to create disturbances, but should have knocked out their brains according to his orders. At length he condescended to give his opinion, viz. that the most proper method would be, under these circumstances, to cut each woman in two, and give one half to her relation, and the other to the captor. The affair, however, was amicably settled, without having recourse to such bloody measure; some being given up to their relatives, and others retained, upon terms mutually agreeable to all parties.

About this time the two long expected canoes arrived from Hapai, laden with provisions: they had been detained partly by contrary winds, and partly by the people going to visit their relatives at different islands.

It has already been mentioned, more than once, that places, which have been consecrated either by express declaration, or by the burial of great chiefs, are forbidden to be the scene of war, and that it would be highly sacrilegious to attack an enemy, or spill his blood within their confines. This circumstance, however, occurred a few days after the dispute about the female prisoners; the particulars of it are as follow: Palavali (brother of Havili), went out one day on a foraging party with six

Q 2

[page] 228

men in two small canoes, and landed near a consecrated inclosure, called Gnacao, one of the most fertile places in the whole island, Here they met with four of the enemy, who, perceiving their inferiority, made an endeavour to get into the consecrated place, where they would have been perfectly safe: Palavali, however, seeing their intention, got between them and the fencing, when one of the enemy made a bold push to pass his antagonist, and scramble over the reed-work, and had actually got one leg over, when Palavali struck him a furious blow on the head, and felled him dead within the place; seeing now what he had done, he was struck with fear, and ran away to the canoes, followed by his men. As soon as he arrived at the fortress, he communicated to Finow what had passed, saying, in his defence, that he was so eager in pursuit, as to be out of all self command. The king immediately ordered cava to be taken to the priest of his own tutelar god, that the divinity might be consulted as to what atonement was proper to be made for so heinous a sacrilege. The priest being inspired, made answer, that it was necessary a child should be strangled to appease the anger of the gods. The chiefs, then, held a consultation, and came to the determination

[page] 229

of sacrificing a child of Toobo Toa, by one of his female attendants*. Toobo Toa was present, and gave his consent that his child (about two years old) should be immolated to appease the anger of the gods, and turn aside their vengeance for the sacrilegious crime committed. The child was accordingly sought for; but its mother, thinking her child might be demanded, had concealed it: being, at length, found by one of the men who were in search of it, he took it up in his arms, smiling with delight at being taken notice of: Its poor mother wanted to follow, but was held back by those about her; on hearing its mother's voice it began to cry, but, when it arrived at the fatal place of its execution, it was pleased and delighted with the band of gnatoo that was put round its neck, and, looking up in the face of the man who was about to destroy it, displayed in its beautiful countenance a smile of ineffable pleasure; such a sight inspired pity in the breast of every one: but veneration and fear of the gods was a sentiment superior to every other, and its destroyer

* On such occasions, the child of a male chief is always chosen, as being worthier than others, and a child by an inferior female attendant, because it is not a chief; only those children being chiefs whose mothers are chiefs.

[page] 230

could not help exclaiming, as he put on the fatal bandage, O yaooé chi vale! (poor little innocent!) two men then tightened the cord by palling at each end, and the guiltless and unsuspecting victim was soon relieved of its painful struggles. The body was then placed upon a sort of hand-barrow, supported upon the shoulders of four men, and carried in a procession of priests, chiefs, and matabooles clothed in mats, with wreaths of green leaves round their necks. In this manner it was conveyed to various houses consecrated to different gods, before each of which it was placed on the ground, all the company sitting behind it, except one priest, who sat beside it, and prayed aloud to the god that he would be pleased to accept of this sacrifice as an atonement for the heinous sacrilege committed, and that punishment might accordingly be withheld from the people. After this was done before all the consecrated houses in the fortress, the body was given up to its relations, to be buried in the usual manner.

About four or five days after the above horrible immolation, this same Palavali was killed in a skirmish with the enemy. He went out again on a foraging excursion with about 30 or 40 men, not professed warriors, but men on

[page] 231

whose courage and honour no reliance could be placed. They met with a smaller body of the enemy, but who were all staunch fighting men; in a very short time Palavali's men turned about to run away; he vainly endeavoured to rally them, and facing the enemy again to set them the example, he received several wounds and fell. At this moment his men faced about, and seeing the perilous situation of their chief, became animated with courage, and drove the enemy a few paces back, whilst two or three picked him up and carried him back to the garrison. When they arrived they proceeded to take out four spears which had pierced him, but he desired them to desist from so useless a task, as he was certain the gods had decreed his death as a punishment for his late offence. This, too, was the general opinion of the people, and was the subject of their conversation for a long time afterwards, contributing to spread a considerable gloom throughout the garrison. Palavali died about half an hour after he was brought home.

Finow already began to grow tired of the war: it was a kind of conflict not suited to his genius, he loved rather a few hard fought engagements and a speedy conquest. The enemy shewed no disposition to come forth from their

[page] 232

strong hold and attack him; and he had found by experience, that even the guns produced no sensible effect upon their fortification, situated upon an eminence, and defended by walls of clay.* He heartily wished for a peace, but he did not choose that his wish should be known, lest it should be attributed to fear or any other unworthy motive; in short he wanted to bring about a peace, without being thought to wish for a peace; and the difficulty was to accomplish this. He was, however, by no means deficient in policy, and he soon thought of a method. From time to time he held secret conferences with the priests, chiefly either upon religious subjects or upon political matters, as connected with the will of the gods. He spoke of his determination to remain at Vavaoo and prosecute the war till his enemies were destroyed; then on a sudden, as if his heart for the moment relented, he painted in the most striking colours the evils of war, and how sorry he

* Mr. Manner could easily have devised a method to set the enemy's fortress on fire; but he considered Toe Oomoo's cause quite as just as that of Finow, and although the latter was his friend and benefactor, yet he had more than half assisted in the assassination of a man of admirable character (Toobo Neuha) who was also Mr. Mariner's friend; besides, he did not choose to be the means of dealing out destruction upon a number of innocent women and children.

[page] 233

was that the necessity of the case obliged him to punish his rebellious subjects with so dire an evil. He then represented, in the most lively colours, the blessings of peace, and on this side of the prospect touched his hearers so with the beauty of the description that they entreated him to endeavour to make a peace. He then pretended to be inexorable, but always threw in something in favour of the Vavaoo people, so that the priests at length thought there was no question at all about the propriety and honour of making a peace, and that it was their duty to persuade him to do it, for when they were inspired they bad the same sentiment, and of course they considered it to be the sentiment of the gods, and represented it to him as such; when he, pretending to submit only because it was the divine will, left the matter entirely to them to negotiate, and if they succeeded, it would afford him, he said, at least one great gratification, viz. the opportunity of again renewing his friendship with his aunt Toe Oomoo, and paying her that respect which her superior relationship required.

The day after the last conference, the priests accordingly drest themselves in mats, with wreaths of green leaves round their necks as tokens of humility, not towards the enemy, but the gods,

[page] 234

as fulfilling a commission sacred in its nature. Thus equipped, they set out on their way to Felletoa. In the mean time, Finow gave orders that none of his men, if they met with a party of the enemy, should commit any act of hostility, but should endeavour on all occasions to avoid them by as speedy a retreat as possible, for as the gods had admonished him to endeavour to make a peace, and the priests were actually fulfilling that endeavour, any act of hostility night defeat their purpose.

The priests went four or five different times to hold conferences with the chiefs of Felletoa before they could bring about a reconciliation. For although the old men seemed willing enough to listen to terms of accommodation, influenced perhaps by their prejudice in favour of Finow as their lawful king, yet the young and spirited warriors, who saw clearly enough into the artful character of Finow, with much less of the above prejudice, constantly objected to make peace with a man on whose honour and integrity they thought it impossible to rely with any degree of certainty, and who would again give room for a quarrel with the Vavaoo people whenever it suited his purpose. This was their real thought, and perhaps a just one; though they did not express their sentiments

[page] 235

with such latitude to the priests: to these they merely objected their apprehensions, that in the event of a peace, Finow would, at some fit opportunity, wreak his vengeance upon them personally for having fought against him. At length, however, they said that as their lives were not a matter of so much consequence as the peace and happiness of Toe Oomoo and her people generally, they were willing to withdraw their objections, that the affair might be speedily settled according to the wishes of the older chiefs. The priests now returned to Neafoo with the warmest assurances from the chiefs of Felletoa, that they would pay Finow an amicable visit the following day.

The next morning the chiefs and warriors of Felletoa, with several women, were seep coming towards Neafoo, advancing two and two, all armed, painted and decorated with streamers, forming altogether a very beautiful and romantic procession, bringing with them abundance of gnatoo, yams, &c. as presents to their, relations. In this way they entered the fortress of Finow, and came into the king's presence on the marly, where he was seated with his chiefs and matabooles. The Vavaoo people then laid down their spears, which were afterwards shared out to three of Finow's principal chiefs, who

[page] 236

again shared them out to all those below them in rank*. They seated themselves round the marly and cava was prepared, the young chiefs and warriors of Felletoa waiting on the company†. All this time Finow's men were un-armed‡, (agreeably to the custom on such occasions) but by his orders the greater part remained at their houses where their arms were deposited, for he was upon his guard lest his guests had some stratagem to play: but he had merely signified to his men, that it would be better for them to remain at their houses, as it would inspire the Vavaoo chiefs with more confidence than if they were present in a body.

During the time the cava was being served out, the king made a speech, addressed principally to the chiefs of Felletoa, in which he acknowledged that they were not to be blamed for their fears and apprehensions as long as

* Mr. Mariner believes this to be always the case on such occasions; but this was the only instance of a peace formally established, that ever happened while he was there.

† It is an honourable office to assist at cava parties, it is therefore generally filled by young chiefs.

‡ The visitors come armed for the sake of parade, giving up their arms afterwards as presents; those that receive them must be unarmed as a proof of their amicable disposition, and that they do not mean to get them in their power by stratagem.

[page] 237

they believed him to be the treacherous character which his enemies had represented him; but he hoped that these calumnies were now at an end. He was willing, he said, to excuse them for having fought in honour of the memory of their late chief Toobo Neuha against his murderers, for if they had not done so, he should have considered them cowards; but as most of these murderers had now by their death expiated their crime, and as he himself, as he solemnly assured them, was perfectly innocent of that affair, the present peace, he was convinced, was a most honourable one to all parties. He then made the most solemn protestations of the sincerity of his intentions towards them, and as a proof of his wish to avoid all future occasions of quarrel, he should send back all his people to the Hapai islands, except a few matabooles, who were to remain with him at Vavaoo, which, for the future, he should make his place of residence, out of the love and respect he had for them; whilst he should consign the government of the Hapai islands to Toobo Toa, to send him annual tribute.

When the cava was finished the company rose up, and the Vavaoo party returned to Felletoa, to prepare an entertainment for the Hapai people the following day.

[page] 238

Early the next morning all the chiefs, tabooles, and warriors of Neafoo painted and decorated themselves with streamers, and put on mats, in token of Finow's inferiority as a relation to his aunt Toe Oomoo, chief of the fortress of Felletoa. They took spears in their hands, and, thus equipped, marched out of Neafoo two and two, with Finow at their head, carrying with them presents for their relations in the opposite garrison. In this order they entered Felletoa, and proceeded to the marly, where all the chiefs and matabooles of Toe Oomoo were seated ready to receive them. A quantity of hogs, yams, and fowls, were placed in the middle of the circle, at the upper end of which a place was left vacant for the king to preside in, for, his aunt not being there, he was the greatest chief present. Had Toe Oomoo been present, she mast have presided at the head of the circle, and the king, as her inferior relation, mast have seated himself opposite to her, on the outside of the circle, among the common people; for no two relations of different rank can sit in the same circle together. On this account, and out of respect to Finow, he being sovereign, Toe Oomoo did not make her appearance. Finow being seated, his men, as they came in, depo-

[page] 239

sited their spears in the middle of the circle, to be afterwards shared out in the same manner as was done by the Vavaoo people at Neafoo the day before; they then retired to the outside of the circle, ready to wait upon the company. A large root of cava was then split into pieces, and distributed to be chewed as usual. While the cava was preparing, the provisions were shared out, ready to be eaten after the cava was drunk. This being done, and the provisions consumed, a second course of cava was prepared and served out, of which Finow having drunk a small quantity, retired to pay a visit to his aunt. When he arrived in her presence he went up to her, and, with great respect, kissed her hand, and she, in return, kissed his forehead*. He then sat down

* When person salutes a superior relation, he kisses the hand of the party; if a very superior relation, be kisses the foot: the superior in return kisses the forehead. There may be some doubt, as to the propriety of the term to kiss in this ceremony, for it is not performed by the lips after our usual mode, but rather by the application of the upper lip and the nostrils, and has more the appearance of smelling. When two equals are about to salute, each applies his upper lip and nostrils to the forehead of the other, or they apply their lips to the lips of the other, but without any movement of them, or smack, as in our mode. Our kiss they never adopt, not even between the sexes, but, on the contrary, always ridicule it, and term it the white man's kiss.

[page] 240

to drink cava with her and her attendants, and, as she presided, he of course sat outside, facing her. When the cava was finished, he walked out to view the fortifications, when the matabooles of Toe Oomoo waited on him, and pointed out every thing worthy of notice. They descanted on the excellence of the plan, and then gave him anecdotes of the war, telling him where such a chief was killed, where another lost his arm or his leg, where a cannon-ball had struck, &c.; and, as they viewed the outside of the works, they pointed out where the different murderers of Toobo Neuha met their fate. All this, however, they told him in answer to his queries; for it is a thing very remarkable in the character of the people of Tonga, that they never exult in any feats of bravery they may have performed, but, on the contrary, take every opportunity of praising their adversaries; and this a man will do, although his adversary may be plainly a coward, and will make an excuse for him, such as the unfavourableness of the opportunity, or great fatigue, or ill state of health, or badness of his ground, &c. In their games of wrestling they act up to the same principle, never to speak ill of their antagonist afterwards, but always to praise him. As an illustration of this character it may be

[page] 241

remarked, that the man who called himself Fanna Fonnooa, (a great gun,) who ventured his life in his hazardous approach to Mr. Mariner, and threw his spear at the muzzle of his carronade, never afterwards boasted of it, nor appeared to think he had done any thing extraordinary, or at least worthy of after-notice. Their notions of true bravery appear to be very correct, and the light in which they viewed this act of Fanna Fonnooa serves for an example: they considered it in short a rash action, and unworthy a great and brave mind, that never risks any danger but with a moral certainty, or at least reasonable expectation, of doing some service to his cause. In these respects they accuse Europeans of a great deal of vanity and selfishness, and, unfortunately, with too much appearance of justice. It must be remarked, however, that these noble sentiments belong to chiefs, matabooles, and professed warriors; not much to the lowest orders, many of whom will knock a dead man about the head with a club till they have notched and blooded it a good deal, and pretend it was done in the battle against a living foe; but such things are always suspected, and held in ridicule.

Finow hairing for a considerable time inspected the fortification, praising every where

VOL. I. R

[page] 242

the judgment with which it was planned, retired to the house which had formerly belonged to Toobo Neuha, where he passed the night. The following morning he summoned a general meeting of all the inhabitants of Vavaoo, which was soon accomplished, as the people were all at one or other of the two fortresses. He then gave directions to all the principal men respecting the cultivation of the country, which the late war had reduced to a sad state. He commanded that every one should be as frugal as possible in his food, that the present scarcity might be recompensed with future abundance. He ordered his fishermen to supply him and his chiefs with plenty of fish, that the consumption of pork might be lessened. Having settled these matters, he next gave orders that the large fortress of Felletoa should be taken down, its fencing carried away by any body who might want it, its banks levelled with the ground, and its ditches filled up; urging, as his reason, that there was no necessity for a garrisoned place in time of peace, particularly in a spot which could be so much better employed for building an additional number of more commodious dwellings. The fortress of Neafoo, he said, might remain, for it was a place not convenient to live at, and therefore it was not worth while to take

[page] 243

any trouble about it. These were his ostensible reasons, but his real motives were easy to be seen into: he was apprehensive, that, in the event of another insurrection, his enemies might again possess themselves of this strong hold; but as to the other fortress, if he did not succeed in securing it for himself, he could easily dispossess his enemies of it, by destroying it with his carronades whenever he thought proper.

These orders were begun immediately to be put into execution, under the inspection of the chiefs of the different districts of the island. The following day the king gave orders to Toobo Toa to proceed back to the Hapai islands, of which he constituted him tributary chief; the tributes* to be sent to Vavaoo half-

* The tribute generally consists of yams, mats, gnatoo, dried fish, live birds, &c.; and is levied upon every man's property in proportion as he can spare. The quantity is sometimes determined by the chief of each district, though generally by the will of each individual, who will always take care to send quite as much as he can well afford, lest the superior chief should be offended with him, and deprive him of all that he has. This tribute is paid twice a year; once at the ceremony of Inachi, or offering the first fruits of the season to the gods, in or about the beginning of October; and again, at some other time of the year, when the tributary chief may think proper, and is generally done when some article is in great plenty. The tribute levied at the time of the Inachi is general and absolute; that which is paid on the other occasion comes more in form of a present, but is so established by old custom, that, if it were omitted, it would amount to little less than an act of rebellion. It may here with propriety be observed, that the practice of making presents to superior chiefs is very general and frequent. The higher class of chiefs generally make a present to the king, of hogs or yams, about once a fortnight: these chiefs, about the same time, receive presents from those below them, and these last from others, and so on, down to the common people. The principle on which all this is grounded is of course fear, but it is termed respect.

R 2

[page] 244

yearly, as usual: at the same time, all the natives of Hapai, who had come to the war, were to return with their chief. On this occasion the young prince (Finow's son, Moe- gnagnongo) went with Toobo Toa to the Hapai islands, as he wished to look over his lands on the island of Foa; and Mr. Mariner accompanied the prince, as he preferred his character and habits to those of his father. They arrived safe at this island after a quick passage of about nine hours.

[page] 245

CHAP. VIII.

Arrival of Filimóëátoo at Foa—Description of the sport called fanna kalai—Treaty of Filimóëátoo with the chief of Hihifo, respecting the bird kalai, for Finow—Desertion of several chiefs and warriors to Tonga—Island of Tofooa, and restrictions respecting cutting down the Toa tree (Casuarina) —Volcano on this island—Certain principles among the Fiji islanders alluded to—Grave of John Norton, of Captain Bligh's boat, with some account of him—Extract from Bligh's narrative—Remarks upon the subject—Some account of a ship arriving at the island of Tonga from Botany Bay—Account given of Botany Bay by a Tonga chief and his wife, who had returned from there—Finow's ideas respecting the value and circulation of money—General slaughter of the dogs at Vavaoo, on account of their destroying the game— Their flesh cooked and eaten by several chiefs—Finow's first essay at the sport of fanna kalai with the bird from Tonga.

SHORTLY after the arrival of the prince, with Toobo Toa and Mr. Mariner, at the island of Foa, there came a canoe from Vavaoo with the Tonga chief Filimóëátoo', who, it will be recollected, was a relation of. Finow, and had joined his cause, at Pangaimotoo, leaving the island of Tonga for that purpose, by leave of

[page] 246

his superior, the chief of Hihifo. Filimóëátoo was now on his return to the island of Tonga, with a commission from Finow to treat with the chief of Hihifo respecting a particular bird of the species called kalai (trained for sport). This latter chief, although belonging to the island of Tonga, was never professedly Finow's enemy, otherwise than as Finow had been associated with the late Toobo Neuha, whom the chief of Hihifo mortally hated; but as Toobo Neuha was now dead, and consequently all cause of enmity removed, Finow was in hopes he should be able to prevail upon the chief of Hihifo to make him a present of one of the first and best trained birds, of the kind in question, that ever was known, and which this chief had trained up with great care, and had long had in his possession, though it was the envy of every chief that had seen it. This particular bird Finow was ardently desirous of, to practise the sport called fanna kalai, of which we shall give a description. The sportsman, armed with a bow and arrows, conceals himself within a large cage, made of a sort of wicker-work, covered over with green leaves, but not so much but what he may see his game: on the top of this cage is the cock bird tied by the leg, who makes a noise, and flaps

[page] 247

his wings, as if calling other birds to come and fight him: within is a smaller cage, in which there is the hen bird, who also makes a peculiar noise, as if in answer to the one on the outside; but be this as it may, both cock birds and hens are attracted towards the spot, and are shot by the sportsman. This sport is practised by none but the king and very great chiefs, for training and keeping these birds require exceeding great care as well as great expense. One man is appointed to each pair of birds, and he has nothing else to do but to attend to the management of them; and, if this is not done with great skill, they will not make the noise necessary to attract others. So much attention, in short, is paid to these birds, that their keepers are authorised to go and demand plantains for them, of whomsoever it may be, and howsoever scarce may be this article of food, even if there were a famine, and the people almost starving: if a keeper, even on such occasions, sees a fine bunch of plantains, he will go and taboo it, which he does by sticking a reed in the tree, and telling the proprietor that those plantains are tabooed for the use of the birds. These keepers live well, and are, in general, very insolent fellows, sometimes committing very great depredations, under

[page] 248

frivolous pretensions of procuring food for their birds. The sufferer sometimes makes a complaint to the king, or whatever chief the keeper belongs to; and if the chief thinks the offence really outrageous, he orders the man a severe beating, which is usually done by inflicting heavy slaps with the open hand upon his bare back, or striking him about the head and face with the fist.

Filimóëátoo soon departed from Foa, on his way to Hihifo, and arrived at this place without any accident. He was not, however, so successful in the object of his journey as he expected to be; for the chief of Hihifo was by no means willing to part with a bird, which, he said, had cost great hazard to himself, and the loss of many lives, to preserve; for he had sustained wars with so many other chiefs, who had quarrelled with him on account of his refusing to give it them, that he felt, he said, more than ever resolved to keep it: but, however, as Finow had so strong a desire for an excellent and well trained bird of that kind, he would make him a present of a pair, which, although not quite so good as the one in question, yet would be found, exceedingly valuable. Before parting, however, he qualified his refusal of the rare bird by saying, that if he

[page] 249

ever did give it away, it must be after very mature deliberation, for it had already cost him a vast deal, and was certainly the best bird that had ever been trained. He was heartily glad to hear of the death of Toobo Neuha, and declared that no personal enmity existed on his part towards Finow; but, on the contrary, felt so great an attachment for him, that he would most willingly return with Filimóëátoo to Vavaoo to pay a visit to Finow, but that his matabooles would not allow him. Filimóëátoo having remained a day and a night with this chief, returned with the two birds to Finow, and gave him an account of his interview with the chief of Hihifo. Finow received the present, but was by no means well pleased with the refusal of the bird, on which he had so much set his heart. The following morning, however, he went out to try his success with these two, and which so far exceeded his expectations, that he wanted more than ever to have the excellent bird, and he immediately set about to obtain it by rich presents. He accordingly got ready sea-horses' teeth, beads, axes, a looking-glass, several iron bolts, and a grinding stone, all of which he had procured from European ships, and chiefly from the Port au Prince. Besides these things,

[page] 250

he ordered to be got ready several bales of Vavaoo gnatoo, fine Hamoa mats, and a large quantity of cava; the whole of which he gave in charge to Filimóeátoo to take immediately to Hihifo, and present them to the chief, except some of the cava, which he was to distribute among the lower chiefs and matabooles, to engage them more readily in his interest. Finow himself accompanied Filimóeátoo as far as Haano, (one of the Hapai islands,) and took many of his principal chiefs along with him; with a view of lessening the consumption oí food at Vavaoo. On this expedition there were five canoes, all of which arrived safe at Haanó.; and from this island Filimóëátoo proceeded in one canoe with thirty men to Hihifo, where he also arrived safe, and distributed his presents.

The chief of Hihifo, on this second urgent application from Finow, after some consideration, answered, that as he could not make any use of the bird himself, his time being so much taken up in constant warfare with his neighbours, and as it would net be consistent with the character of a chief* to retain from another tint which he could not use himself he would,

* The chiefs, among themselves, use this sort of expression,—as in civilized countries one would say, it is not acting like a gentleman.

[page] 251

at once, resign the bird to Finow, notwithstanding the high value he placed on it, and the immense care and trouble it had cost him. This famous bird was accordingly consigned to the charge of Filimóëátoo, who returned with all convenient speed to tell the king the success of his journey. Finow was still at the Hapai islands, when he received his long wished-for present; but he made no use of it till about three weeks afterwards, when he had returned to Vavaoo. In the mean time Maccapapa, Lolo hea Bibigi, and three others, all chiefs and warriors, secretly left Vavaoo, and sailed for Tonga, to join Taky', chief of the fortress of Bea (who formerly burnt Finow's fortress of Nioocalofa in so treacherous a manner). They took this step, being apprehensive that the king might hereafter wreak his vengeance on them for fighting against him: the sequel will show how far their apprehensions were well grounded.

Whilst Finow was yet at the Hapai islands, Mr. Mariner accompanied the prince to the island of Tofooa, to procure iron-wood, which is found there in great abundance. The prince first obtained leave from Tooitonga, (the divine chief,) for this island is his property, and therefore considered sacred; besides, it is sup-

[page] 252

posed to be the residence of the sea gods, and on this account the people firmly believe that no sharks will hurt a man who is swimming near upon its coast, but, on the contrary, swim round him, and even pass so close as to touch him, without shewing the least hungry disposition. Mr. Mariner, however, never had an opportunity of witnessing the miraculous abstinence of this sort of fish.

On the island of Tofooa there is a small volcano, situated near the northern extremity, from which smoke almost constantly issues, and pumice-stones are very frequently thrown out. An eruption of flame takes place, sometimes twice or thrice a week, and at other times scarcely once in two months, and generally lasts from one to two or three days. The way to the top is extremely difficult; but Mr. Mariner, taking one of the natives of the island for a guide, resolved to ascend it. They began the ascent early in the morning, and, although their progress was much impeded by the quantity of loose pumice-stone, and often rendered very dangerous, they reached the top in about four hours. There was at this time no eruption of flame, which had ceased a few hours, before, after having lasted three days; smoke there was, however, in abundance, but which.

[page] 253

did not much annoy them, as they were on the' windward side: sundry explosions were also heard from within, like the noise of water being thrown upon burning pitch. The crater was about thirty feet diameter. Whilst they were here, Mr. Mariner took care not to let his companion approach too near, lest he might have some sinister intent: such precaution was by no means unnecessary, as this species of treachery, when it can he performed secretly, is not unusual, particularly among great warriors, when they have some petty interest to consult. This, however, is not to be considered the natural disposition of the Tonga people, but a practice which, along with that of war, they have learned from the natives of the Fiji islands, where a man never goes out, even with his greatest friend, without being armed, and cautiously upon his guard. Mr. Mariner had, therefore, provided himself with a pistol, as a defence against any violent measures on the part of his companion. On their return down the mountain, he told his companion that he might have shot him dead, and nobody would have been the wiser, to which the-man replied, "I see you are loto boto, like. "the Fiji people meaning that he possessed policy and caution against treachery; and

[page] 254

added, "as I am unarmed, it is a proof that I had no ill design, and therefore did not suspect any in you."

Whilst on this island, Mr. Mariner went to see the grave of an Englishman, John Norton, belonging to the boat of the Bounty, Captain Bligh, whose crew had mutinied. He was led to visit this spot from a motive of curiosity, excited by the account which the natives had given him of the death of this man. Lest, however, the reader may have forgotten this particular circumstance in the narrative of Captain Bligh, we shall first give the account as related by this gentleman. Having put into this island for supplies, and, after having remained a few days, he discovered that the natives had a design against him; in consequence of which he made the best of his way with his men to the boat: the narrative then proceeds in the following words:

"When I came to the boat, and was seeing the people embark, Nageete wanted me to stay to speak to Eefow; but I found he was encouraging them to the attack, and I determined, had it then begun, to have killed him for his treacherous behaviour. I ordered the carpenter not to quit me until the other people were in the boat. Nageete, finding I

[page] 255

would not stay, loosed himself from my hold, and went off, and we all got into the boat, except one man, who, while I was getting on board, quitted it, and ran up the beach to cast the stern-fast off, notwithstanding the master and others calling him to return, while they were hauling me out of the water.

I was no sooner in the boat than the attack began by about two hundred men; the unfortunate poor man, who had run up the beach, was knocked down, and the stones flew like a shower of shot. Many Indians got hold of the stern rope, and were near hauling us on shore, and would certainly have done it, if I had not had a knife in my pocket, with which I cut the rope. We then hauled off to the grapnel, every one being more or less hurt. At this time I saw five of the natives about tile poor man they had killed, and two of them were beating him about the head with stones in their hands.

We had no time to reflect, before, to my surprise, they filled their canoes with stones, and twelve men came off after us to renew the attack, which they did so effectually as nearly to disable all of us. Our grapnel was foul, but Providence here assisted us; the fluke broke, and we got to our oars and pulled to sea. They,

[page] 256

however, could paddle round us, so that we were obliged to sustain the attack without being able to return it, except with such stones as lodged in the boat, and in this I found we were very inferior to them. We could not close, because our boat was lumbered and heavy, and that they knew very well: I therefore adopted the expedient of throwing overboard some cloaths, which they lost time in picking up; and, as it was now almost dark, they gave over the attack, and returned towards the shore, leaving us to reflect on our unhappy situation.

The poor man I lost was John Norton: this was his second voyage with me as quarter-master, and his worthy character made me lament his loss very much. He has left an aged parent, I am told, whom he supported."

The account the natives gave was to the following purpose. Part of Captain Bligh's crew had been on shore to procure water, and had all returned into their boat, except one man, who was making the best of his way after his companions, with an axe in his hand; some of the natives, perceiving the axe, resolved to possess themselves of it, particularly one of them, who was a carpenter; they accordingly pursued him, and this carpenter,

[page] 257

throwing a stone at him, knocked him down, and, coming up, beat him on the head with stones till he was dead. They then stripped the body, and dragged it up the country towards a marly, where they left it exposed two or three days, and afterwards buried it near the spot. They said very little about a general attack, merely stating, that some of the natives threw stones at Captain Bligh's boat; and Mr. Mariner, at that time, not having read the narrative, did not enquire into such particulars as he otherwise would have done: but the most wonderful part of the story is, that the whole track of ground through which the body was dragged, had ever since been destitute of grass, as well as the spot on which it lay for two or three days. It was this circumstance, principally, that engaged Mr. Mariner to visit the place, and there, indeed, he found the bare track of ground from the beach to near the place where they say he was buried; nor has it much the appearance of a beaten path, besides that it leads to and from places, where there are but few inhabitants: at the termination of this track there is a bare place, lying transversely, about the length and breadth of a man.

However trivial such accounts may appear

VOL. I. S

[page] 258

in themselves, they are worth mentioning, with a view to contrast them with the accounts given by credible travellers, that they may tend to prove how far the statements of the natives may be depended on; besides which, in some instances, as in the present, they shew what kind of superstitions they are subject to (for another instance of this kind, see the affair of the missionaries, p. 66). As to the bare track, although it may not now have much the appearance of a beaten path, owing to the grass having grown irregularly on either side, yet there is every probability that, some years back, it was such, in a great degree, though now little trod: but those who are Willing to keep up the spirit of the wonderful, have attributed it to this supernatural cause. Superstitions, in all countries, are much of the same kind; we have similar ones in our own; but, whilst men of cultivated minds disregard them, the vulgar in general most firmly believe them, particularly where there is some sensible object that appears to corroborate the tale.

Whilst Finow was yet at the Hapai islands, he often held conversations at his cava parties with Filimóëátoo, respecting the nature of affairs at Tonga. Among other things, this

[page] 259

chief related, that a ship from Botany Bay had touched there about a week before he arrived, and which had on board a Tonga chief, Páloo Máta Móigna, and his wife Fataféhi, both of whom had formerly left Tonga (before the death of Toogoo Ahoo), and had resided some years at the Fiji islands, from which place they afterwards went along with one Selly (as they pronounced it), or, probably, Selby, an Englishman, in a vessel belonging to Botany Bay, to reside there. At this latter place, he and his wife remained about two years, and now, on their return to Tonga, finding the island, in such an unsettled state, they chose rather (notwithstanding the earnest entreaties of their friends) to go back again to Botany Bay. The account they gave of the English customs at this place, and the treatment they met with, it may be worth while to mention. The first thing that he and his wife had to do, when they arrived at the governor's house, where they went to reside, was to sweep out a large court yard, and clean down a great pair of stairs; in vain they endeavoured to explain, that, in their own country they were chiefs, and, being accustomed to be waited on, were quite unused to such employments: their expostulations were taken no notice of, and work

S 2

[page] 260

they must. At first their life was so uncomfortable, that they wished to die; no one seemed to protect them; all the houses were shut against them; if they saw any body eating, they were not invited to partake: nothing was to be got without money, of which they could not comprehend the value, nor how this same money was to be obtained in any quantity; if they asked for it, nobody would give them any, unless they worked for it, and then it was so small in quantity, that they could not get one tenth part of what they wanted with it one day, whilst sauntering about, the chief fixed his eyes upon a cook's shop, and, seeing several people enter, and others, again, coming out with victuals, he made sure that they were sharing out food, according to the old Tonga fashion, and in he went, glad enough of the occasion, expecting to get some pork; after waiting some time, with anxiety to be helped to his share, the master of the shop asked him what he wanted, and, being answered in an unknown language, straightway kicked him out, taking him for a thief, that only wanted an opportunity to steal. Thus, he said, even being a chief did not prevent him being used ill, for, when he told them he was a chief, they gave him to understand, that money made a

[page] 261

man a chief. After a time, however, he acknowledged that he got better used, in proportion as he became acquainted with the customs and language. He expressed his astonishment at the perseverance with which the white people worked from morning till night, to get money: he could not conceive how they were able to endure so much labour.

After having heard this account, Finow asked several questions respecting the nature of money: what was it made of?—was it like iron ? could it be fashioned like iron into various useful instruments ? if not, why could not people procure what they wanted in the way of barter ?— but where was money to be got?—if it was made, then every man ought to spend his time in making money; that when he had got plenty, he might be able afterwards to obtain whatever he wanted. In answer to the last observation, Mr. Mariner replied that the material of which money was made was very scarce and difficult to be got, and that only chiefs and great men could procure readily a large quantity of it; and this either by being inheritors of plantations or houses, which they allowed others to have, for paying them so much tribute in money every year; or by their public services; or by paying small sums of money for things when they were

[page] 262

in plenty, and afterwards letting others have them for larger sums, when they were scarce: and as to the lower classes of people, they worked hard, and got paid by their employers in small quantities of money, as the reward of their labour: &c. That the king was the only person that was allowed to make (to coin) money, and that he put his mark upon HU that he made, that it might be known to be true; that no person could readily procure the material of which it was made, without paying money for it; and if contrary to the "taboo" of the king, he turned this material into money, he would scarcely have made as much, as he had given for it. Mr. Mariner was then going on to shew the convenience of money as a medium of exchange, when Filimóëátoo interrupted him, saying to Finow, I understand how it is;— money is less cumbersome than goods, and it is very convenient for a man to exchange away his goods for money; which, at any other time, he could exchange again for the same or any other goods that he might want; whereas the goods themselves might have spoilt by keeping (particularly if provisions) but the money he supposed would not spoil; and although it was of no true value itself, yet being scarce and difficult to be got without giving something useful

[page] 263

and really valuable for it, it was imagined to be of value; and if every body considered it so, and would readily give their goods for it, he did not see but what it was of a sort of real value to all who possessed it, as long as their neighbours chose to take it in the same way. Mr. Mariner found he could not give a better explanation, he therefore told Filimóëátoo that his notion of the nature of money was a just one. After a pause of some length, Finow replied that the explanation did not satisfy him: he still thought it a foolish thing that people should place a value on money, when they either could not or would not apply it to any useful (physical) purpose: "if," said he, "it were made of iron, and could be converted into knives, axes, and chisels, there would be some sense in placing a value on it; but as it was, he saw none: if a man," he added, has more yams than he wants, let him exchange some of them away for pork or gnatoo; certainly money was much handier, and more convenient, but then as it would not spoil by being kept, people would store it up, instead of sharing it out, as a chief ought to do, and thus become selfish; whereas, if provision was the principal property of a man, and it ought to be, as

[page] 264

being both the most useful and the most necessary, he could not store it up, for it would spoil, and so he would be obliged either to exchange it away for something else useful, or share it out to his neighbours, and inferior chiefs and dependants, for no-thing." He concluded by saying, "I understand now very well what it is that makes the Papalangis so selfish;—it is this money!"

When Mr. Mariner informed Finow that dollars were money, he was greatly surprised, having always taken them for playing counters, and things of little value; and he was exceedingly sorry he had not secured all the dollars out of the Port au Prince, before he had ordered her to be burnt: "I had always thought," said he, "that your ship belonged to some poor fellow, perhaps to king George's cook;* for captain Cook's ship, which belonged to the king, had plenty of beads, axes, and looking glasses on board, whilst yours had nothing but iron-hoops, oil, skins, and twelve thou- sand playing counters, as I thought them: but if every one of these was money, your ship must have belonged to a very great chief indeed."

* At these islands a cook is considered one of the lowest of mankind in point of rank.

[page] 265

Finow and his chiefs having now remained at the Hapai islands nearly six weeks, resolved to return to Vavaoo, and the following day set sail: the prince and Mr. Mariner accompanying them. As soon as they arrived at Vavaoo, the king gave orders that all the dogs in the island, except a few that belonged to chiefs, should be killed, because they destroyed the game, particularly the kalai; after which he promised himself great sport with his favourite bird. As the breed of dogs was scarce at these islands, there were not more than fifty or sixty killed on this occasion; but on these several of the chiefs made a hearty repast. Finow was particularly fond of dog's flesh, but he ordered it to be called pork; because women and many men had a degree of abhorrence at this sort of diet. The parts of the dog in most esteem are the neck and hinder quarters. The animal is killed by blows on the head, and cooked in the same manner as a hog: Mr. Mariner has frequently partaken of it, and found it very good; the fat is considered excellent. At the Sandwich islands the practice was almost universal in Mr. Mariner's time, so that more dog's flesh was eaten than pork; the hogs being preserved to be used as a trading commodity with European and American vessels. At these last mentioned islands

[page] 266

most of the male dogs are operated upon, and afterwards fattened for the express purpose: and Mr. Mariner thinks their flesh is as good and tender as that of a sucking pig.

Finow having ordered all things to be got ready, went out early in the morning after his arrival, to try the excellence of his bird; and had very great sport. The day following be went out again; but the bird, from some cause or another, would not make any noise; and this put Finow into such a passion that he knocked it on the ground, and beat it with an arrow, and, after having almost killed it, gave it away to one of his chiefs, declaring how vexatious it was to have a bird that would not speak after having had so much trouble with it. He afterwards used the two birds that were first sent to him, and was tolerably well satisfied with them.

[page] 267

CHAP. IX.

Island of Hoonga—Curious cavern there, and how first discovered—Anecdote of the person who first discovered the cavern—Description of the sport of shooting rats— Popular talc of the origin of the Tonga islands—Finow's return to Vavaoo—General fono, and seizure of several chiefs—Stratagem used to secure Cacahoo—Several of the prisoners taken out to sea to be sunk; their conversation on the way—Conduct of Cacahoo whilst sinking —Conduct of the widows of the deceased, particularly of the widow of Now Faboo—Description of the plantation of Mahe Boogoo—Popular tale of what happened at this plantation in former times—Tonga song—Abundance of a peculiar fish found here—This plantation given up by Mahe Boogoo, and conferred on Mr. Mariner by Finow—A dead spermaceti whale found off one of the islands—Their method of making ornaments with its teeth—Anecdote exemplifying the high estimation in which whale's teeth are held—Still greater value of them at the Fiji islands—Arrival of Cow Mooala from the Fiji islands.

FINOW, having at this time no business of importance on which to employ his attention, resolved to go to the island of Hoonga, lying at a small distance to the southward of Vavaoo, in order to inspect the plantations there, and to recreate himself a little with the sport of

[page] 268

shooting birds and rats. Mr. Mariner, as usual, formed one of the party. On this island there is a peculiar cavern, situated on the western coast, the entrance to which is at least a fathom beneath the surface of the sea at low water; and was first discovered by a young chief, whilst diving after a turtle. The nature of this cavern will be better understood if we imagine a hollow rock rising sixty feet or more above the surface of the water; into the cavity of which there is no known entrance but one, and that is on the side of the rock, as low down as six feet under the water, into which it flows; and consequently the base of the cavern may be said to be the sea itself. Finow and his friends, being on this part of the island, proposed one afternoon on a sudden thought, to go in to this cavern, and drink cava. Mr. Mariner was not with them at the time this proposal was made; but happening to come down a little while after to the shore, and seeing some of the young chiefs diving into the water, one after another, and not rise again, he was a little surprised, and enquired of the last, who was just preparing to take the same step, what they were about ? "Follow me," said he, "and I will take you where you have never been before; and where Finow, and his chiefs and matabooles,

[page] 269

"are now assembled." Mr. Mariner, supposing it to be the famous cavern of which he had heard some account, without any further hesitation, prepared* himself to follow his companion, who dived into the water, and he after him, and, guided by the light reflected from his heels, entered the opening in the rock, and rose into the cavern. He was no sooner above the surface of the water than, sure enough, he heard the voices of the king and his friends: being directed by his guide, he climbed upon a jutting portion of rock, and sat down. All the light that came into this place was reflected from the bottom, and was sufficient, after remaining about five minutes, to show objects with some little distinctness; at least he could discover, being directed by idle voice, Finow and the rest of the company, seated like himself, round the cavern. Nevertheless, as it was desirable to have a stronger

* It is proper to mention that in presence of a superior chief, it is considered very disrespectful to be indrest: under such circumstances as the present, therefore, every one retires a little, and as soon as he has divested himself of his usual dress, slips on an apron made of the leaves of the chi tree, or of matting called gíë: the same respect is shewn if it is necessary to undress near a chief's grave; because some Hotooa or god may be present.

[page] 270

illumination, Mr. Mariner dived out again, and procuring his pistol, primed it well, tied plenty of gnatoo tight round it, and wrapped the whole up in a plantain leaf: he directed an attendant to bring a torch in the same way. Thus prepared, he re-entered the cavern as speedily as possible, unwrapped the gnatoo, a great portion of which was perfectly dry, fired it by the flash of the powder, and lighted the torch. The place was now illuminated tolerably well, for the first time, perhaps, since its existence. It appeared (by guess) to be about 40 feet wide in the main part, but which branched off, on one side, in two narrower portions. The medium height seemed also about 40 feet. The roof was hung with stalactites in a very curious way, resembling, upon a cursory view, the gothic arches and ornaments of an old church. After having examined the place, they drank cava, and passed away the time in conversation upon different subjects. Among other things, an old mataboole, after having mentioned how the cavern was discovered, viz. by a young chief in the act of diving after a turtle, related an interesting account of the use which this chief made of his accidental discovery. The circumstances are-as follow.

In former times there lived a tooi (governor)

[page] 271

of Vavaoo, who exercised a very tyrannical deportment towards his people; at length, when it was no longer to be borne, a certain chief meditated a plan of insurrection, and was resolved to free his countrymen from such odious slavery, or to be sacrificed himself in the attempt: being however treacherously deceived by one of his own party, the tyrant became acquainted with his plan, and immediately had him arrested. He was condemned to be taken out to sea and drowned, and all his family and relations were ordered to be massacred, that none of his race might remain. One of his daughters, a beautiful girl, young and interesting, had been reserved to be the wife of a chief of considerable rank, and she too would have sunk, the victim of the merciless destroyer, had it not been for the generous exertions of another young chief, who a short time before had discovered the cavern of Hoonga. This discovery he had kept within his breast a profound secret, reserving it as a place of retreat for himself, in case he should be unsuccessful in a plan of revolt which he also had in view. He had long been enamoured of this beautiful young maiden, but had never dared to make her acquainted with the soft emotions of his heart, knowing that she was betrothed to a

[page] 272

chief of higher rank and greater power. But now the dreadful moment arrived when she was about to be cruelly sacrificed to the rancour of a man, to whom he was a most deadly enemy. No time was to be lost; he flew to her abode, communicated in a few short words the decree of the tyrant, declared himself her deliverer if she would trust to his honour, and, with eyes speaking the most tender affections, he waited with breathless expectation for an answer. Soon her consenting hand was clasped in his: the shades of evening favoured their escape; whilst the wood, the covert, or the grove, afforded her concealment, till her lover had brought a small canoe to a lonely part of the beach. In this they speedily embarked, and as he paddled her across the smooth wave, he related his discovery of the cavern destined to be her asylum till an opportunity offered of conveying her to the Fiji islands. She, who had entrusted her personal safety entirely to his care, hesitated not to consent to whatever plan he might think promotive of their ultimate escape; her heart being full of gratitude, love and confidence found an easy access. They soon arrived at the rock, he leaped into the water, and she, instructed by him, followed close after: they rose into the cavern, and rested from

[page] 273

their fears and their fatigue, partaking of some refreshment which he had brought there for himself; little thinking, at the time of the happiness that was hi store for him. Early in the morning he returned to Vavaoo to avoid suspicion but did not fail, in the course of the day, to repair again to the place which held all that was dear to him: he brought her mats to lie on, the finest gnatoo for a change of dress, the best of food for her support, sandal wood oil, Cocoa nuts, and every thing he could think of to render her life as comfortable as possible. He gave her as much of his company as prudence would allow, and at the most appropriate times, lest the prying eye of curiosity should find out his retreat. He pleaded his tale of love with the most impassioned eloquence, half of which would have been sufficient to have won her warmest affections, for she owed her life to his prompt and generous exertions at the risk of his own: and how was he delighted when he heard the confession from her own lips, that she had long regarded him with a favourable eye, but a sense of duty had caused her to smother the growing fondness, till the late sad misfortune of her family, and the circumstances attending her escape, had revived all her latent affections, to bestow them wholly

VOL. I. T

[page] 274

upon a man to whom they were so justly due. How happy were they in this solitary retreat! tyrannic power now no longer reached them: shut out from the world and all its cares and perplexities;—secure from all the eventful changes attending upon greatness, cruelty, and ambition;—themselves were the only powers they served, and they were infinitely delighted with this simple form of government. But although this asylum was their great security in their happiest moments, they could not always enjoy each other's company; it was equally necessary to their safety that he should be often absent from her, and frequently for a length of time together, lest his conduct should be watched. The young chief therefore panted for an opportunity to convey her to happier scenes, where his ardent imagination pictured to him the means of procuring for her every enjoyment and comfort, which her amiable qualifications so well entitled her to: nor was it a great while before, an opportunity offering, he devised the means of restoring her with safety to the cheerful light of day. He signified to his inferior chiefs and matabooles, that it was his intention to go to the Fiji islands, and he wished them to accompany him with their wives and female attendants, but he desired

[page] 275

them on no account to mention to the latter the place of their destination, lest they should inadvertently betray their intention, and the governing chief prevent their departure. A large canoe was soon got ready, and every necessary preparation made for their voyage. As they were on the point of their departure, they asked him if he would not take a Tonga Wife with him; He replied, no! but he should probably find one by the way; this they thought a joke, but in obedience to his orders they said no more, and, every body being on board, they put to sea. As they approached the shores Of Hoonga, he directed them to steer to such a point, and having approached close to a rock, according to his orders, he got up, and desired them to wait there while he went into the sea to fetch his wife; and without staying to be asked any questions, he sprang into the water from that side of the canoe farthest from the rock, swam under the canoe, and proceeded forward into the sanctuary which had so well concealed his greatest and dearest treasure. Every body on board was greatly surprised at his strange conduct, and began to think him insane: and alter a little lapse of time, not seeing him come up, they were greatly alarmed for

T 2

[page] 276

his safety, imagining a shark must have seized him. Whilst they were all in the greatest concern, debating what was best to be done, whether they ought to dive down after him, or wait according to his orders, for that perhaps he had only swam round and was come up in some niche of the rock, intending to surprise them;—their wonder was increased beyond all powers of expression, what they saw him rise to the surface of the water, and come into the canoe with a beautiful female. At first they mistook her for a goddess, and their astonishment was not lessened when they recognised her countenance, and found her to be a person, whom they had no doubt was killed in the general massacre of her family; and this they thought must be her apparition. But how agreeably was their wonder softened down into the most interesting feelings, when the young chief related to them the discovery of the cavern and the whole circumstance of her escape. All the young men on board could not refrain envying him his happiness in the possession of so lovely and interesting a creature. They arrived safe at one of the Fiji islands, and resided with a certain chief for two yean: at the end of which time, hearing of the death of the

[page] 277

tyrant of Vavaoo, the young chief returned with his wife to the last mentioned island, and lived long in peace and happiness.

Such, as to matter of fact, is the substance of the account given by the old mataboole. There was one thing however which he stated, rather in opposition to probability, viz. that the chief's daughter remained in the cavern two or three months, before her lover found an opportunity of taking her to the Fiji islands: if this be true, there must have been some other concealed opening in the cavern to have afforded a fresh supply of air. With a view to ascertain this, Mr. Mariner swam with the torch in his hand up both the avenues before spoken of, but without discovering any opening; he also climbed every accessible place, with as little success. If the story be true, and, however romantic it may be considered, it is still very possible, in all likelihood the duration of her stay in the cavern was not much more than one fourth of the time mentioned; and if we take the cube of 40, which is about the number of feet the place extended either in height, length, or breadth, we shall have about a sufficient number of cubic feet of air to serve for the subsistence of one individual about a month, allowing

[page] 278

a cubic foot of air for every minute's natural respiration; and if the frequent visits of the young chief be taken into account, there was air enough to last them about a fortnight or three weeks. But setting calculations aside, there is one ascertained fact, viz. that the air was very pure at the time Mr. Mariner was there, and none of the company made any complaint, relating to this matter, after breathing the air for the space of two hours. After all, there may be other openings which are not accessible, and which do not admit the light, not being sufficiently straight and regular; and though these openings may be but small, they may still be sufficient to renew the whole air of the cavern in no great space of time, seeing that the rise and fall of the tide in the lower part of it would act as bellows without a valve, producing the same effect, by expiration and inspiration, as the action of the diaphragm of animals:—if, on the contrary, there be no other opening,—then the rise and fall of the tide in the cavern ought not to be so great as out of it, because the pressure of the internal air would impede its rise, and in the same proportion it would have less extent to fall, It did not occur to Mr. Mariner to

[page] 279

ascertain whether this was the fact. He believes that this place is very seldom visited by the natives.

Finow and his party having finished their cava, dived out of the cavern, and resumed their proper dress: after which they proceeded across the country, and got into the public roads, to amuse themselves with, the sport of shooting rats. These animals are not so large as in our parts of the world, but rather between the size of a mouse and a rat, and much of the same colour: they live chiefly upon such vegetable substances, as sugar-cane, bread-fruit, &c.: they constitute an article of food with the lower orders of people, but who are not allowed to make, a sport of shooting them, this privilege being reserved for chiefs, matabooles, and mooas*. The plan and regulations of the game of fonna gooma (rat-shooting:) are as follow.

A party of chiefs having resolved to go ratshooting, some of their attendants are ordered to procure and roast some cocoa-nut, which being done, and the chiefs having informed them what road they mean to take, they proceed along the appointed road chewing the

* For a description of these ranks in society, see the subject in the second volume.

[page] 280

roasted nut very finely as they go, and spitting, or rather blowing, a little of it at a time out of their mouths with considerable force, hut so as not to scatter the particles far from each other; for if they were widely distributed, the rat would not be tempted to stop and pick them up, and if the pieces were too large, he would run away with one piece instead of stopping to eat his fill. The bait is thus distributed, at moderate distances, on each side of the road, and the men proceed till they arrive at the place appointed for them to stop at If in their way they come to any cross roads, they stick a reed in the ground in the middle of such cross roads, as a taboo or mark of prohibition for any one to come down that way, and disturb the rats while the chiefs are shooting: and this no one will do; for even if a considerable chief be passing that way, on seeing the taboo he will stop at a distance, and sit down on the ground, out of respect or politeness to his fellow chiefs, and wait patiently till the shooting party has gone by: a petty chief, or one of the lower orders, would not dare to infringe upon this taboo at the risk of his life. The distributors of the bait being arrived at the place appointed for them to stop, at sit down to prepare cava, having previously given

[page] 281

the orders of their chiefs to the owners of the neighbouring plantations to send a supply of refreshments, such as pork, yams, fowls, and ripe plantains.

The company of chiefs having divided themselves into two parties, set out about ten minutes after the boóhi, (or company that distributes the bait) and follow one another closely in a low along the middle of the road, armed with bows and arrows. It must be noticed* however, that the two parties are mixed; the greatest chief, in general, proceeding first, hehind him one of the opposite party, then out of the same party with the first, and behind him again one of the other party, and so an alternately. The rules of the game are these: no one may shoot a rat that is in advance of him, except he who happens to be first in the row (for their situations change, as will directly be seen); but any one may shoot a rat that is either abreast of him or behind hunt. As soon as a man has shot, whether he hits the rat or not, he changes his situation with the man behind him, so that it may happen that the last man, if he have not shot so often as the others, may come to be first, and vice versâ, the first come to be last: and for the same reason, two or three, or more, of the

[page] 282

same party, may come to be immediately behind one another. Whichever party kills ten rats first, wins the game. If there be plenty of rats, they generally play three or four games. As soon as they arrive at any cross roads they pull up the reeds placed as a taboo, that passengers coming afterwards may not be interrupted in their progress. When they have arrived at the place where the boóhi are waiting, they sit down and partake of what is prepared for them; afterwards, if they are disposed to pursue their diversion, they send the boóhi on to prepare another portion of the road: the length of road prepared at a time is generally about a quarter of a mile. If, during the game, anyone of either party sees a fair shot at a bird, he may take aim at it; if he kills it, it counts the same as a rat, but whether he hits it or not, if he Ventures a shot, he changes place with the one behind him. Every now and then they stop and make a peculiar noise with the lips, like the squeaking of a rat, which frequently brings them out of the bushes, and they sit upright on their haunches, as if in the attitude of listening. If a rat is alarmed by their approach, and is running away, one or more cry out too! (stop!) with a sudden percussion of the tongue, and is used, we may.

[page] 283

suppose, on account of the sharp and sudden tone with which it may be pronounced. This has generally the effect of making the rat stop, when he sits up, and appears too much frightened to attempt his escape. When he is in the act of running away, the squeaking noise with the lips, instead of stopping him, would cause him to run faster. They frequently also use another sound, similar to what we use when we wish to answer in the affirmative without opening the lips, consisting in a sort of humming noise, sounding through the nostrils, but rather more short and sudden. The arrows used on these occasions are nearly six feet long, (the war-arrows being about three feet,) made of reed, headed with iron-wood: they are not feathered, and their great length is requisite, that they may go straight enough to hit a small object; besides which, it is advantageous in taking an aim through a thick bush. Each individual in the party has only two arrows, for, as soon as he has discharged one from his bow, it is immediately brought to him by one of the attendants who follow the party. The bows also are rather longer than those used in war, being about six feet, the war-bows being about four feet and a half; nor are they so strong, lest

[page] 284

the difficulty of bending them should occasion a slight trembling of the band, which would render the aim less certain.

Finow and his friends having finished their shooting excursion, and taken some refreshment, directed their walk at random across the island, and arrived near a rock, noted by the natives as being (in their estimation) the immediate cause of the origin of all the Tonga islands. It happened once (before these islands were in existence) that one of their gods (Tangaloa) went out a fishing with a line and hook: it chanced, however, that the hook got fixed in a rock at the bottom of the sea, and, in consequence of the god pulling in his line, he drew up all the Tonga islands, which, they say, would have formed one great land; but the line accidentally breaking, the act was incomplete, and matters were left as they now are. They show a hole in the rock, about two feet diameter, which quite perforates it, and in which Tangaloa's hook got fixed. It is moreover said that Tooitonga (the divine chief) had, till within a few years, this very hook in his possession, which had been handed down to him by his forefathers; but, unfortunately, his house catching fire, the basket in Which the hook was kept got burnt with its

[page] 285

contents. Mr. Mariner once asked Tooitonga what sort of a hook it was, and was told that it was made of tortoiseshell, strengthened by a piece of the bone of a whale: in size and shape it was just like a large albacore hook, measuring six or seven inches long, from the curve to the part where the line was attached, and an inch and a half between the barb and the stem. Mr. Mariner objected that such a hook must have been too weak for the purpose; Oh no, said Tooitonga, yon must recollect that it was a god's hook, and could not break;—how came then the line to break ? was it not also the property of a god ?—I do not know how that was, replied Tooitonga; but such is the account they give, and I know nothing farther about it.

A few days after this excursion, Finow having portioned out several of the smaller islands to the government of certain of his chiefs and matabooles, returned with his party to Vavaoo. As soon as he arrived at Felletoa, he issued orders for a general assembly of the people, to be present on an appointed day, at a general fono, or harangue, to be addressed to them in regard to the affairs of agriculture, and to remind them of their duty towards their chiefs, and how they ought to behave at all public

[page] 286

ceremonies; in short, upon such subjects as were more or less connected with agriculture, or with moral and political duty. These fonos are frequently held, and often upon subjects of a minor importance, such, for instance, as the expediency of repairing Finow's canoe: on such an occasion, the owner of a certain plantation would be appointed to provide the carpenters with provisions, another to provide them with canoe-timber, a third with a peculiar kind of wood for wedges, a fourth with plait, &c.—the same with more extensive matters, as constructing a large house, planting of yams or bananas, supplying provisions for feasts, burials, &c. so that in all these matters a tax is laid upon the people, every principal owner of land providing his share. The fono now about to be held was of a general nature, to be addressed to all the people, or at least to the petty chiefs: but the petty chiefs themselves often address fonos to their own dependants, when they want any thing done. It must be observed, that in all these fonos, whether general or partial, the labour and care fall entirely upon the low order of the people; for although in the general fono the petty chiefs take the care ostensibly to themselves, yet afterwards, by a minor fono, each confers it on

[page] 287

his dependants. Notwithstanding all this, the lower classes have, time enough on their hands, and means enough in their possession, to live comfortably; that is to say, they have food sufficient for themselves and their children, however large their families, and enough clothing; and withal need never be in want of a house, for that is easily built: in short, real poverty is not known among them. A fono, although it may regard some affair of a public nature, is not always upon a subject where a tax is necessary to be levied, but frequently upon some matter connected with civil policy; as for instance,—when a piece of ground is laid waste by war, certain persons are appointed to cultivate it; and the chiefs are ordered not to oppress them with taxes, or with visits on their plantations, before they can supply means. It not unfrequently happens that young chiefs molest women whom they meet on the road; then their husbands, if they are married women, make complaints to the older chiefs and matabooles, and Finow, in consequence, orders a fono to be addressed to the people, in which the impropriety of the conduct of the young chiefs is pointed out: the offenders receive a suitable admonition, and are ordered to desist from such ill beha-

[page] 288

viour for tile future. From one cause or another, there is usually a fono, either general or partial, every fourteen or twenty days. H will be easily understood that addresses of this kind are absolutely and frequently necessary, for the preservation of tolerable decency and good order, among a people who have no knowledge of any means of graphic communication. The speech is generally made by some old and principal mataboole*, as it was on this occasion, when the ceremony was held at Macave, about two miles and a half from Felletoa; after which, as usual, a large bowl of cava was provided. The chiefs and warriors of Vavaoo took a very active part in the preparation of the cava, to demonstrate to Finow their attention and loyalty. After the first bowl was drunk, while all were in expectation that Finow would give out some more cava root to be prepared,—on a sudden he pronounced aloud the word boogi (hold or arrest). Instantly all the chiefs and warriors that had been particularly active against him in the late war were seized

* The reader will recollect that the matabooles hold a rank in society next below chiefs; they an the ministers, as it were, and counsellors of chiefs: it is their duty also to attend to public ceremonies, and to keep an eye upon the morals and general conduct of the people.

[page] 289

by men previously appointed: their hands were tied fast behind them; and they were taken down to the beach, where, with the club, several were immediately dispatched; and the remainder were reserved till the afternoon, for what is considered a more signal punishment, viz. to be taken out to sea, and sunk in old leaky canoes. This transaction seemed to show how little was to be trusted to the honour of Finow, and how well founded were the suspicions of those Vavaoo chiefs, who had said that no reliance was to be placed in him; and that there was little doubt but that he would take an early opportunity of exercising his revenge: they therefore acted a wise part, who, as soon as the peace was concluded, fled at the earliest opportunity, some to the islands of Tonga, others to the Fiji islands. It must, however, be acknowledged that Finow had received information of a conspiracy which these chiefs were designing against him; and if this be true, his conduct was certainly less reproachable. Finow being apprehensive that this attempt might fail, or that the Vavaoo people, in consequence, might again rise up against him, had previously sent a canoe to the Hapai islands, with orders to Toobo Toa that he and his chiefs should hold

VOL. I. U

[page] 290

themselves in readiness to repair to his assistance at a moments's notice. There proved, however, to be no necessity for their intervention, the conspiracy succeeding in a degree equal to his expectation. Some difficulty, however, was found in securing Cacaboo, a very great and brave warrior and mataboole, amazingly courageous and strong, although he was highly diseased with scrofula; and, like most great warriors, was always (according to the Fiji practice) upon his guard against treachery. They had therefore recourse to stratagem on this occasion: Mr. Mariner's services were required as the means, for he was present at the consultation of Finow and his chiefs upon the subject, and he consented, being informed that the king's intentions were merely to confine him as a prisoner till some parts of his conduct were examined into; and had it not been for the part which this gentleman was appointed to act in the business, two or three no doubt, would have been killed, and several wounded, in the attempt. It must be mentioned that Cacahoo, owing to his diseased appearance, was not present at the cava party after the fono (indeed, he was seldom present on any public occasion, except to fight:) it was resolved, therefore, that a young warrior,

[page] 291

in company with Mr. Mariner and others, should go and present him with cava at his residence, as soon as the above chiefs were seized. Mr. Mariner was to sit next to him, and was to ask him for his spear, as if to look at it from curiosity; for this spear was a remarkably good one, headed with the bones of the tail of the fy, (sting-ray,) and which he always carried about with him: Mr. Mariner could take this liberty better than any one else, as he was more or less acquainted with him; and being a foreigner, his curiosity would appear more plausible, and less subject to suspicion: having got it into his hands, he was to throw it away, and this was to be the signal for the seizure. Before Cacahoo had time to hear of what was going forward at Macave, the appointed party arrived at his house, and presented him cava. *Mr. Ma-

* Mr. Mariner was not, in many instances, a voluntary supporter of Finow's conduct: but as necessity has no law, in some cases he was obliged to conform, where he would willingly have been excused, upon the principle, that of two evils the least is to be chosen. To an honest mind it is always an ungrateful task to use any species of deception. Mr. Mariner was in the service of the king: the latter thought proper to secure certain persons, among whom was one who could not easily have been taken without Mr.Mariner's assistance; that is to say, without bloodshed and a loss of lives. The king was on all occasions his friend and protector; be felt it therefore his duty to conform to his views, where there appeared nothing intrinsically bad. Had he known what would have been the fate of Cacahoo, viz. to be condemned without trial,—let the consequences be what they might, he would not have submitted; and, in that case, by losing Finow's friendship, and incurring his displeasure, he would not, in all probability, have lived for us to have heard of him.

U 2

[page] 292

riner took his seat next to him: and, after a while, asked him for his spear, that he might examine the head of it; which having got into his possession, he watched an opportunity, and threw ft suddenly away: in a moment his enemies were upon him; but be Sprang from the ground like an enraged lion, and burst away from them repeatedly, with such prodigious strength, that it was with the greatest difficulty they could bind and secure him. They then took their prisoner down to the sea-coast, and put him on board a canoe, to be drowned with the rest in the afternoon.

These transactions happened between (about) eight and ten in the morning; after which all the Hapai chiefs and warriors, that were with the king, appeared under arms, as also a certain Vavaoo chief, named Paoónga, a relation and confidant of Finow; all the rest of the Vavaoo chiefs and matabooles remaining un-

[page] 293

armed, lest they might excite in Finow a suspicion that they meant to take hostile measures. About mid-day, or a little after, the large canoe, in which were the prisoners, lashed hand and foot, pushed out to sea, under the command of Lolo Hea Malohi, an adopted son of Finow. They had on board three old small canoes, in a very leaky, rotten state, in which the prisoners were destined to be put, and thus to be left gradually to sink, leaving the victims to reflect on their approaching dissolution, without having it in their power to help themselves.

The distance they had to go was about two leagues: the weather being calm, the canoe was obliged to be paddled most of the way. In the mean while, some conversation passed between the prisoners, particularly between Nowfaho and Booboonoo. Nowfaho observed to Booboonoo, that it would have been much better if they had never made a peace with Finow, and, to a certain degree, he upbraided Booboonoo with not having followed his advice in this particular: to this the latter replied, that he did not at all regret the late peace with Finow, for, being his relation, he felt himself attached to his interests, and as to his own life, he thought it of no value, since

[page] 294

the king did not think his services worth having. Nowfaho stated, that he had a presentiment of his fate that very morning; for, as he was going along the road from Feletoa to Macave, he met a native woman of Hapai, and, as he passed, he felt a strong inclination, he knew not from what cause, to kill her; and this bias of his mind was so powerful, that he could not help turning back and effecting his purpose; at the same time he felt a secret presentiment that he was going to die, and this murder that he had committed appeared now to be a piece of vengeance on the Hapai people, weak, indeed, in itself, yet better than no revenge at all. Nowfaho, among other things, lamented that his friend Booboonoo had not repaired to the Fiji islands when peace was first made, and, by that means, have preserved his life: as to his own safety, he said it was not a matter of much consequence; he only lamented that he was not about to die in an honourable way. Booboonoo expressed sentiments to the same purpose. Cacahoo now and then joined in the conversation, remarking, that he only lamented his death inasmuch as no opportunity had been afforded him of revenging himself upon his enemies, by sacrificing a few of them.

They were eighteen prisoners on board, of

[page] 295

whom the greater part, before they arrived at the place where they were to be sunk, begged that the manned of their death might be changed to the more expeditious one of having their brains knocked out with a club, or their heads cleaved with an axe: this was granted them, and the work of execution was immediately begun. Having dispatched three in this way, it was proposed, for the sake of convenience, that the remainder, who begged to be thus favoured, should be taken to a neighbouring small island to be executed; which being agreed on, they disputed by the way who should lull such a one, and who another. Such was the conversation, not of warriors, for knocking out brains was no new thing to them, but of others not so well versed in the art of destruction, who were heartily glad of this opportunity of exercising their skill without danger; for, coward-like, they did not dare to attempt it in the field of battle. The victims being brought on shore, nine were dispatched at nearly the same time, which, with the three killed in the canoe, made twelve, who desired this form of death. The remaining six being chiefs, and staunch warriors of superior bravery, scorned to beg any favour of their enemies, and were accordingly taken out to sea, lashed

[page] 296

two rotten canoes which they had on board, three in each, and left to reflect on their fate, whilst their destroyers remained at a little distance to see them sink, Booboonoo, whilst in this situation, said, that he only died unhappy on account of his infant son, who would be left friendless and unprotected; but, calling to a young chief in the larger canoe, of the name of Talo, begged, for the sake of their gods, that he would befriend his child, and never see him want either clothes or food suitable to the son of a chief; upon which Talo made a solemn promise to take the most attentive care of him, and Booboonoo seemed quite satisfied. Nowfaho lamented the sad disasters of that day, saying how many great and brave men were dying an ignominious death, who, some time before, were able to make the whole army of Finow tremble: he lamented, moreover, that he had ever retreated from his enemies, and wished that, on such an occasion, he had faced about, however inferior in strength, and sold his life at a high price, instead of living a little longer, to die thus a shameful death: he earnestly requested them to remember him in the most affectionate manner to his wife. Cacahoo swore heartily at Finow, and all the chiefs of Hapai, cursing

[page] 297

them in the most bitter manner*, and their fathers for begetting them, and heaping maledictions upon all their generation; he went on in this manner, cursing and swearing at his enemies, till the water came up to his mouth, and, even then, he actually threw back his head for the opportunity of uttering another curse, spluttering the water forth from his lips, till it bereft him for ever of the power of speech. They were about twenty minutes sinking, after which the large canoe returned immediately to Vavaoo,

Booboonoo and Nowfaho were both men that bore a most amiable character; in time of war they were brave and enterprising; in time of peace, gentle and humane. The conduct of Nowfaho, in killing the poor Hapai woman,

* The curses used among the Tonga people are very numerous; but, for the most part, they are rather horrible commands than curses, and are, generally, in regard to maltreating one's relations, or eating one's superior relations; for it is considered a crime to eat food which a superior relation has touched; how much more, therefore, to eat that relation himself! For a sample;—" Bake your grandfather till his skin turns to cracknel, and gnaw his skull for your share!"—" Go, and ravish your own sister!"—" Dig up your father by moonlight, and make soup of his bones," &c. &c. Many of their sayings, in this way, are too indelicate to mention.

[page] 298

seems to make much against his humanity; but, as it was so contrary to his general sentiments and conduct, we ought to have the liberality to suppose, that it was a sudden frenzy of the mind, which, at the moment, he could no more help, than a man in convulsions can help the violent agitation of the body. Let this, however, be as it may, it is certain that he and Booboonoo were both admired for their mild and benevolent disposition, and were gaining every day, more and more, the love of the people, which, no doubt, caused the king to be jealous of them, lest their increasing power should ultimately annihilate his. Now-feho's desire of revenge was, of course, considered (in their state of society), a virtuous and manly sentiment. If we attend to their conversation at the approach of death, we shall find them both expressing sentiments of disinterested friendship for each other: Booboonoo is quite unhappy at leaving, his infant son, and recommends him strongly to the care of Talo by all that is sacred and religious; Nowfaho desires to be affectionately remembered to his wife: these are not sentiments that belong to gross and savage minds. As to Cacahoo, he certainly was not so much famed for his benevolence, as for his prodigious strength and

[page] 299

great personal courage; yet still he was much beloved and respected; and several of the Englishmen were much indebted to him, as well as to the other two, for several acts of kindness.

Mr. Mariner heard the foregoing relation from Talo, and two or three others that were in the large canoe, and considers it strictly consonant with the truth.

The widows of those who were executed on the beach in the morning, and of those who were dispatched at the small island in their way out to sea, petitioned Finow to grant them leave to perform the usual rites of burial in behalf of their deceased husbands, which the king readily acceded to: and they accomplished the ceremony with every mark of unfeigned sorrow and regret. When the last affectionate remembrances of Nowfaho were made to his widow, she appeared greatly moved; for, though she scarcely wept, her countenance betrayed marks of violent inward agitation: she retired to her house, and, arming herself with a spear and club; went about to seek for the other widows, who had lost their husbands in the same way, and urged them to take up arms, as she had done, and go forth to revenge their husbands' death, by

[page] 300

destroying the wives of Finow and his principal chiefs; finding, at length, that none of the others were willing to follow her example, she was obliged to give up the design altogether. It was suspected that Finow would have been very angry on hearing her intention, but, on the contrary, he praised it much, and approved of it, as being not only a meritorious act of bravery, but a convincing proof that her affection for her deceased husband was great and genuine.

After this transaction, all the Vavaoo chiefs paid remarkable attention to Finow, not failing to send him frequent presents of cava, gnatoo, &c., and this they were the more anxious to do, as, being the richest men in the island, they were apprehensive that, in case their conduct displeased Finow, he might form another conspiracy against them, with a view to deprive them of their possessions.; for they now found by woeful experience, that he was not a man to be trifled with, and that his honour was not safely to be trusted to.

The king now spent a considerable portion of his time in country excursions, for the purpose of shooting calai, of which sport a description has already been given. About this time a canoe was dispatched to the Hapai

[page] 301

islands, for the purpose of procuring & quantity of fish, several species being there found in much greater abundance than at Vavaoo, or, at least, there is a much better opportunity of catching them, owing to the greater number of reefs and shelves. With this canoe, a certain chief, named Mahe Boogoo, departed for Hapai, where he possessed a large property, on which he was desirous to reside for the future. He had also a plantation at Vavaoo, situated on the western coast, about a mile and a half long, and half a mile broad, one end of which ran down close to the water's edge: this property he made a present of to the king. It will be proper to give a description of this plantation, because it includes, near the sea, the most romantic spot in all the Tonga islands; which constitutes the subject of many of their songs, and is a place of resort to the young and old of both sexes, who wish to enjoy, for a few hours, the luxury of romantic scenery: it is famous, also, for having been, at a former epoch, the scene of an enterprising action on the part of some young chiefs, who took refuge there from their adversaries, and obstinately held their position for six months.

It happens that nature has assembled in this spot, not only the wildest profusion of the ve-

[page] 302

getable kingdom, over which the lofty toa tree stands pre-eminent, bat also objects of another description, overhanging rocks, hollow-sounding caverns, and steep precipices, calculated to give an aspect as bold and sublime as the imagination can well conceive, and constituting a species of scenery, which, in proportion as it is more rare, is more admired by the natives. To this retired spot you proceed along a road winch runs through the whole length of the plantation, till you arrive at a thick wood of tamanoo and toa trees, situated on a very steep descent, down which the road becomes a narrow path, winding from side to side, and beset on either hand with the myíle and jiále, and other shrubs, planted by the liberal hand of nature, whose variegated flowers perfume the air with the most delightful aromatic fragrance; whilst, from the lofty branches of the trees, the ear is soothed with the soft and plaintive voice of the wood-pigeon calling to his mate. Having proceeded with slow and lingering step along this winding path, for about five hundred yards, a flat plantation of cocoa-nut trees presents itself, through which, at a little distance, a beautiful prospect of the sea, interspersed with small islands, suddenly bursts upon the view. On each side a

[page] 303

steep and lofty ridge of rocks, in the form of a crescent, extends into the water, forming a sort of bay. The ridge of rocks on the left hand are, for the most part, the highest, but, at the termination of that on the right, one, loftier than the rest, extends upwards to a great height, like the turret of some ancient, battlement. On this rock in former times, as popular tradition records, a band of young chiefs, the heads of a conspiracy, took refuge from the rage of their adversaries, and held the place during six months *; it being quite inaccessible, except by one narrow path, exceedingly steep and dangerous, not wide enough to allow two persons to pass up abreast. This passage was, of course, perfectly under the command of those above, who, by rolling large stones down, could, at any time, hurl destruction upon whomsoever might rashly attempt to ascend. Here they remained in security as long as their stock of provisions lasted, and even when this was expended, they refused to yield, till famine and raging thirst had destroyed all but three, who, being tempted by a promise of pardon, gave themselves up to their

* They had supplied the place beforehand with ma, on which they, lived during the whole time.

[page] 304

adversaries. Scarcely was this done when they were taken before the king, who cruelly ordered them to be massacred in his presence. The number of those who died upon the rock were five, and they were buried on the spot: three of the graves are still very apparent; the other two are pointed out, but they are not in so distinct a state. The natives, now and then, ascend this rock to enjoy the sublime beauty of the surrounding scenery, or to reflect on the fate of those rebellious men, who, so long ago, departed from the scene of public tumult, by dying in an unsuccessful attempt to change the order of things. Here the moral reflections of the native are sometimes heard in the following strain; "Where now are those men who once held up their heads in defiance of their chiefs? where now is the proud boast of superiority? Their bodies lie here mingled with the dust, and their names are almost forgotten*!—But their souls! how are they affected? are they now the same ambitious spirits in Bolotoo, as they were once in Tonga, when they animated

* The names of some of these chiefs are still known to a few of the old matabooles, who have been at the pains of enquiring particulars from their fathers; but the cause in which they suffered is very imperfectly understood, and, no doubt, mixed up with a great deal of invention and surmise.

[page] 305

this silent dust which is now all that remains of them ?—are they still the partizans of sedition, tumult, and war?—but no! in Bolotoo they are all gods, and see with a clear understanding what is right, without the folly of fighting!"

Such are the reflections of those who visit this spot and view the lonesome habitations of the dead; but it is not often that such visits are made, owing to the difficulty of the ascent, and the toil and trouble which it necessarily occasions, In the estimation of the romantic, however, this trouble is amply repaid by the rich and extensive scenery on every side, whilst the murmuring of the waves, breaking upon the rocks below, soothes the mind with a pleasing melancholy easier to be conceived than described. The effect which this works upon the minds of the natives will be more easily understood when we see a sample of their descriptive songs, which in language, like that of Ossian, are plaintive and pathetic. In the first place, however, it is necessary to state a few particulars relative to this romantic and diversified spot, that certain passages of the ensuing song may be better understood.

On the right of the wood of tamartoo trees there is another wood, consisting almost wholly

VOL. I. X

[page] 306

of toa trees: here the natives frequently resort to rinse themselves with the fresh water found in the hollows, between the junctions of the large branches or limbs that come off immediately from the trunk, after having bathed themselves in the sea: for the salt water, without using such rinsing afterwards, is apt to produce in hot climates a cutaneous eruption: besides which, the fresh water washing prevents that uneasy sensation of heat in the skin, upon a little exertion, attended with a clamminess; and sometimes, on the contrary, with a pro-fuse perspiration. Here also they plait flowers which they have gathered at Matawto, (about a mile farther along the beach,) which the women put round their necks or take home to the mooa, and present to their lovers or their friends, or to superior chiefs.

The following song is very often sung by them, or, to speak perhaps more correctly, is given in a sort of recitative by either sex; and in the Tonga language has neither rhymes nor regular measure, although some of their songs have both. It is perhaps a curious circumstance that love and war seldom, form the subjects of their songs, but mostly scenery and moral reflections.

[page] 307

SONG.

Whilst we were talking of Vaváoo toóa Lico, the women said to us, let us repair to the back of the island to contemplate the setting sun: there let us listen to the warbling of the birds and the cooing of the wood-pigeon. We will gather flowers from the burying-place at Matáwto, and partake of refreshments prepared for us at Líco O'n ë: we will then bathe in the sea, and rinse ourselves in the Váoo A'ca; we will anoint our skins in the sun with sweet scented oil, and will plait in wreaths the flowers gathered at Matáwto. And now as we stand motionless on the eminence over A noo Mánoo, the whistling of the wind among the branches of the lofty toa shall fill us with a pleasing melancholy; or our minds shall be seized with astonishment as we behold the roaring surf below, endeavouring but in vain to tear away the firm rocks. Oh! how much happier shall we be thus employed, than when engaged in the troublesome and insipid affairs of life!

Now, as night comes on, we must return to the Moóa:— but hark!—hear you not the sound of the mats?—they are practising a bo-oóla* to be performed to-night on the marly at Tanéa; let us also go there. How will that scene of rejoicing call to our minds the many festivals held there, before Vaváoo was torn to pieces by war. Alas! how destructive is war!—Behold! how it has rendered the land productive of weeds, and opened untimely graves for departed heroes! Our chiefs can now no longer enjoy the sweet pleasure of wandering alone by moonlight in search of their mistresses: but let us banish sorrow from our hearts: since we are at war, we must think and act like the natives of Fiji, who first taught us this destructive art. Let us therefore enjoy the present time, for tomorrow perhaps or the next day we may

* A kind of dance performed by torch-light.

X 2

[page] 308

die. We will dress ourselves with chi coola, and put bands of white táppa round our waists; we will plait thick wreaths of jiále for our heads, and prepare strings of hooni for our necks, that their whiteness may shew off the colour of our skins. Mark how the uncultivated spectators are profuse of their applause!—'But now the dance is over; let us remain here to-night, and feast and be cheerful, and to-morrow we will depart for the Mooa. How troublesome are the young men, begging for our wreaths of flowers, while they say in their flattery, "See how charming these young girls look coming from Licoo!—how beautiful are their skins, diffusing around a fragrance like the flowery precipice of Mataloco —Let us also visit Licoo;—we will depart tomorrow.

The beautiful plantation, of which the above song is partly descriptive, is famed for the great fertility of its fields: the liberal hand of nature has there planted the bread-fruit and cocoa-nut trees in abundance; the soil is also highly favourable for the cultivation of yams, which grow there larger than in most other places. The water which terminates it at one end is noted for the vast abundance of a peculiar fish which resort to the shores of Vavaoo about the month of July. This fish they call Ooloo Caoo, and is about the size of the common: sprat, and of much the same shape and hue. The common people consider it a great delicacy, but there is considerable danger of being

[page] 309

poisoned by eating them promiscuously, for here and there is found one which, on eating, produces the most alarming and sometimes the most fatal effects*; and as there is no mark by which these poisonous ones may be known, it is always dangerous to eat of them, unless they be procured in the rocky bay of this plantation, where, they say, they never found any poisonous, and therefore eat of these without any reserve: the chiefs however seldom touch them, unless perhaps there is a scarcity of other fish. The time when they are best and in the greatest plenty is in the latter end of the month of July, when the natives flock to this plantation for the purpose of catching them, where having procured a quantity, they take them home to their families in baskets made of plaited leaves of the cocoa-nut tree.

Mahe Boogoo, the chief to whom this valuable piece of ground belonged, being about to go and reside at the Hapai islands, made a present of this delightful spot to the king. Mr.

* The symptoms produced are headach, nausea, vomiting, and diarrhœa, with violent pains in the bowels, to which death generally succeeds in the course of four or five hours. The only remedy they use (which very seldom succeeds) is to cause the patient to drink abundantly of water, or, what is considered still better, the milk of young cocoa-nuts.

[page] 310

Manner, having now nothing particular in which to employ himself, the war being at an end, begged of the king to give up this plantation to him, that he might amuse himself by seeing it properly cultivated: to this the king, after a little hesitation, consented; when Mr. Mariner requested the farther favour that he might be exempt from all taxes, that no chief might despoil his plantation, under pretext of levying any species of contribution; and this exemption, he observed, would be no more than what was consistent with the Tonga custom, which exacts no contribution from foreigners, unless indeed it be upon some sacred occasion, as the ceremony of ináchi, &c. To this also the king gave his assent, upon mutual agreement, that the whole plantation was to be considered at Finow's service, as being the father and protector of Mr. Mariner, but that he would not take any thing nor trespass upon it in any way without Mr. Mariner's consent, who was to regulate every thing regarding it just as he pleased, and Was henceforth to consider it as his property, together with all the persons who worked on it, consisting of thirteen men and eight women. To these the king gave orders they should pay the same attention and respect to Mr. Mariner as to himself or their former chief; he more-

[page] 311

over informed the matooa, or overseer, that he bad invested Mr. Mariner with full power to dispatch any of them with the club that failed in their duty, or neglected in any respect to shew proper attention to their new master. To this, in the usual form, they all returned thanks to the king for the new chief he had been pleased to appoint over them, and expressed their hopes that they should never deserve punishment by any want of respect towards the "stranger chief." As soon as Mr. Mariner entered upon his new possessions, he gave orders to get ready a large bale of gnatoo, which he sent to Finow as a present.

About a month after this a canoe came from one of the neighbouring small islands, bringing intelligence that a large dead spermaceti whale had drifted on a reef, off Vavaoo. Immediately all the chiefs ordered their canoes to be launched, that they might witness this unusual sight; and Mr. Mariner went along with them. They found the whale in a very bad state, half decayed, and sending forth no very agreeable odour: this however was a circumstance they did not much regard, their object being the teeth, of the substance of which they make a kind of necklace, by cutting it into smaller pieces, each preserving the shape of a whale's

[page] 312

tooth, from an inch to four inches long, having a hole in the broadest part, through which they are closely strung, and put round the neck; the largest being in front, and the others decreasing in size on each side, up to the back of the neck; so that, when drawn close, their pointed extremities spread out, and form a very agreeable ornament upon their brown skins, and is much prized by them, on account of its scarcity as well as beauty. This has given rise to the accounts which voyagers have given that they wear teeth round their necks, whereas they are only forms of teeth cut out of the tooth of the whale; and it is astonishing with what neatness they do this, making as little waste as would be possible to do with much better instruments than what they possess; which is nothing, in general, but a common shaped European chisel, or a piece of a saw, or in defect of these, a flattened nail rendered sharp: before they procured iron from European ships, they made use of a sharp stone. This kind of ivory they also use to inlay their clubs with, as well as their wooden pillows (see p. 135:) the high price set upon these ornaments will be exemplified in the following account, which Finow, on this occasion, gave to Mr. Mariner.

A short time after the revolt at.Tonga, when

[page] 313

Finow first became sovereign, of Hapai and Vavaoo, news was brought him of a large dead whale being drifted on a reef, off a small island, inhabited only by one man and his wife; who had the cultivation of a small plantation there. Finow immediately sailed for this place, and finding the teeth taken from the whale, questioned the man about them, who thereupon went to his house, and taking down a basket from the roof presented it to him, but in it were only two teeth. The man protested that he put them all there, and knew nothing more about them; and taxing his wife with having concealed them, she acknowledged that she had secreted one, and brought it to him, from a place in which no others were found; but this she assured him was all she had taken. The man defended his innocence on the plea that the teeth would be of no use to him; for being poor, he could not sell them for any thing else, since every chief who could afford to give their value would question his right to them, and take them from him: and, for the same reason, he could not wear them. Finow was not satisfied with this plea, and being unable to make them confess by fair means, he threatened them both with death: the man still protesting his innocence, Finow ordered him to

[page] 314

be immediately dispatched with a club; which being done, he again threatened the woman, and she as strongly protested her innocence: but when the club which had just ended the life of her husband was raised over her own head, she acknowledged that she had concealed another tooth, and accordingly brought it from a different place; and being unable or unwilling to produce any more, she shared the same fate. Finow's conduct here seems very cruel; but however, we are to place a great deal to the account of the state of society in which he lived; and at the same time, we must consider that robbery is punished with death in other countries, as well as in Tonga. But what is most worthy of reflection is the strong hold which that ridiculous passion avarice takes of the human mind, which sometimes disposes a man to suffer death rather than part with what he cannot or will not ever make use of. Both the man and woman, in all probability, were guilty; the woman certainly was; and yet she could bear to see her husband sacrificed before her face rather than confess all she knew of the matter, and entreat mercy for him at least, if not for herself. The remainder of these teeth were discovered a long time afterwards, by the particular intervention (as the natives will have

[page] 315

it) of the gods. A few years had elapsed, when there being occasion to build and consecrate a house to some god, on the island of Lefooga, it was taken into consideration what valuable article should be deposited beneath its foundation, according to the custom on such occasions. They were about to get ready a large bale of gnatoo for this purpose, when the inspired priest of the god declared it to be the wish of the divinity to have some whale's teeth; and that there were several buried together on the small island just spoken of, in such a particular spot: which place being referred to and dug up, the teeth were found in a perfect state. This discovery was most firmly and most piously believed to have been made by the sacred interposition of the god himself, who inspired his favoured priest with the requisite knowledge to make it.

In the Fiji islands, whales' teeth are held, if possible, in still greater estimation, for it would be dangerous there for a man, unless he be a great chief, and even then, if he were a foreigner, to be known to have a whale's tooth about him; the personal possession of such a valuable property would endanger his life: the axe, or the club, on some unlucky occasion, would deprive him of it for ever, and of his life too.

[page] 316

The whale of which we have been speaking as just found was, for the most part, in a very corrupted state; there were, however, some places where it was not quite so bad; and as whale's flesh was rather a novelty, (and as novelty is often a provocative of appetite) the lower orders managed to make a meal of it.

Another month now elapsed without any important circumstance occurring, when there arrived from the Fiji islands four canoes, bringing a Tonga mataboole, named Cow Mooala, and his retinue, who had been absent from Tonga about fourteen years: but a narrative of this person's adventures at foreign islands will best form a chapter of itself.

[page] 317

CHAP. X.

Cow Mooala's narrative—His early residence at the Fiji islands—Is drifted to Fotoona on his return to Tonga— Particular customs of Fotoona—Arrives at Lotooma on his return to Fiji—Character of the people—Popular tale of two giants—Arrives at Navihi Levoo, one of the Fiji islands—Character of the people—Their cannibalism —Observations—Sails for the island of Pau, the most important of the Fiji islands; its traffic—Account of an European vessel wrecked there—Anecdote of a gigantic lizard, (probably a crocodile) which did much mischief at a neighbouring isle: stratagem used to destroy it—Farther account of Pau.—Description of several customs of the Fiji islands—Description of the island of Chichia, and its strong fortress: some account of its war with Pau—Description of a cannibal feast—Feast given by Know on Cow Mooala's return to Tonga.

COW Mooala went out to the Fiji islands with a number of young men, for the sake of an excursion, and to mingle in the wars of those people; sometimes at one island, sometimes at another, from the same motives probably as actuated Tooi Hala Fatai: (see p. 74). After having been absent about two years, he set sail on his return home, and having arrived within sight of Vavaoo, the wind became unfavour-

[page] 318

able to land, and the sea running very high, he was obliged to change his course, and make for Hamoa, (the Navigator's islands;) but the wind soon increasing to a heavy gale, drifted him to the island of Fotoona, situated to the N.W. of Hamoa. As soon as the natives of this place observed his approach, a number of small canoes, (for they were not in possession of sailing canoes,) came from the shore to meet him; and, consistently with the laws and customs of the island, took possession of his canoe, and all his property. It forms an important part of the religion of this island to consider every thing that arrives there, whether of great or little value, as the property of their gods; no matter whether it be a large canoe, or a log of wood. It is first offered to the gods by the priest, with an appropriate address*, and is afterwards shared out among the chiefs. This spoliation is believed to be necessary for the welfare of the country; lest the gods should send a sickness among them, and cut them off, for infringing upon this great doctrine of their religion. This seems a very arbitrary

* This is the method of making offerings to the gods in Tonga; and, as Cow Mooala made no mention of any thing particular in this ceremony, among the people of Fotoona, it is presumed to be conducted in the same way.

[page] 319

law, and likely to have been invented for the purpose of plundering strangers, under the mask of religion; this, however, is not absolutely the case; for although they strip all strangers, without distinction, that come within their power, yet in return they fit them out with other canoes, (entirely at the expense of the chiefs who shared the plunder;) and supply them with so much of the produce of the island as may be necessary to support them in their, way home; together with presents of their gnatoo, mats, tortoise-shell, &c.; and withal behave very kindly: but not one single article that has been taken from than, however small the value, is again returned, even with the most earnest entreaty. Cow Mooala's canoe was laden with sandal wood*, esteemed a very rich commodity at Tonga, but not one splinter of it was ever returned to him; although the natives of Fotoona could make no use of it, not having adopted the practice of oiling themselves. His canoe was drag-

* Sandal wood is of the growth of one of the Fiji islands, called Pau, and of only one spot upon this island, called Vooía. It has; indeed, been planted upon other of the Fiji islands, but without coming to any state of perfection. It hat also been transplanted to the Tonga islands, but with as little success: for the wood thus produced possesses little or no scent, and consequently is unfit for their purpose, viz. to perfume the oil with which they anoint themselves.

[page] 320

ged on shore, broken to pieces, and offered up to the gods; afterwards the planks were shared out among the chiefs, who devoted them to the purpose of building smaller canoes, one large canoe making four small ones. They seem to have no inclination to visit distant islands, and never therefore build large canoes for themselves; and consequently have no personal knowledge of any country but their own, except a few individuals among them, who have gone away with strangers from motives of curiosity, in large canoes built for the purpose.

Cow Mooala described their method of fighting, (for it appears they cannot do without civil wars) which is conducted, according to his account, in two different modes, that is to say, with spears and with shark's teeth. When a man pierces his enemy with a pike, he endeavours to lift him up from the ground on one end of it, or if opportunity will allow, he calls some of his comrades to his assistance, who thrusting their pikes also into him, they lift him high in the air, and carry him in triumph. The mode of fighting with shark's teeth is as follows: the teeth being fixed in three rows on the palm and fingers of a species of glove made of the plaited bark of the heábo, and both hands being armed in this manner, every

[page] 321

man endeavours to come to a close scuffle with his antagonist, and to tear open his bowels with these horrid weapons. The supreme chief in Cow Mooala's time was a man of remarkable bodily strength, and was always accustomed to fight with this sort of gauntlet in preference to the pike, not however to tear open the bowels of his enemy, but merely to catch a firmer hold of him whilst he threw him on his face; he would then place his foot upon the small of his back, and, seizing fast hold of the hair of his head, so bend his spine as to break it: with little men or boys however he would not take so much trouble, but laying them across his knee, as one would a stick, break their backs without farther ceremony! By way of defence from the pikes of their adversaries, they wear on the left side a species of armour made of the husk of the cocoa-nut plaited thick, and stuffed and quilted on the inside with the loose husk, picked fine: this reaches from the axilla down to the hip. Their wars generally originate in quarrels about hereditary right, or the exaction of tribute.

Some time before Cow Mooala arrived, an European vessel, according to their description, (or an American) came to an anchor there.

VOL. I. Y

[page] 322

The natives as usual put off in their canoas with a view to take possession of her according to the authority with which they were invested by the gods. The crew readily allowed them to come on board, supposing them to be governed by the usual spirit of curiosity; but shewed very strong symptoms of opposition when they began, without ceremony, to plunder, and opened such peals of thunder on them that they were obliged to jump overboard and swim to their canoes with all expedition, sustaining the loss of 40 men. If this account be true, it would argue that they had not seen a ship before, or they certainly would have known her power, and not have made such an attempt. There is no ascertaining the point of time when this happened, for the natives keep no account of yean, much lees of months.

Mr. Mariner does not know how long Cow Mooala remained at Fotoona, but it must have been at least a twelvemonth, to have afforded him time to build another large canoe fit for his voyage: which having at length accomplished, he again set sail, with presents of gnatoo, mats, &c. and a sufficient quantity of provisions for his voyage, and directed his course for the Fiji islands, for the purpose of laying in another cargo of sandal wood. He

[page] 323

had now on board thirty-five of his own people, including fourteen or fifteen Tonga women, besides whom he had four male natives of Fotoona, who begged to go with him that they might visit distant countries. In his way he touched at the island of Lotooma, (about a day's sail from Fotoona) a place noted for the peaceable disposition of the inhabitants, and where be was received with an uncommon degree of respect. As they were little accustomed to the appearance of strangers, they were greatly surprised at the sight of so large a canoe, and considered this chief and his men as hotooas (gods) or superior beings, and would not suffer to land, till they had spread on the ground a large roll of gnatoo, which extended about fifty yards, reaching from the shore to the house prepared for them. At this island Cow Mooala remained but a short time: during his stay however the natives treated him with very great respect, and took him to see some bones which were supposed to have belonged once to an immense giant; about whom they relate a marvellous account, which is current at Tonga as well as at Lotooma.

"At a period, before men of common stature lived at Tonga, two enormous giants resided there, who happening on some occasion to of-

Y 2

[page] 324

fend their god, he punished them by causing a scarcity on all the Tonga islands, which obliged them to go and seek food elsewhere. As they were vastly above the ordinary size of the sons of men now-a-days, they were able, with the greatest imaginable ease, to stride from one island to another, provided the distance was not more than about a couple of miles; at all events their stature enabled them to wade through the sea without danger, the water in general not coming higher than their knees, and in the deepest places not higher than their hips. Thus situated, no alternative was left them but to splash through the water in search of a more plentiful soil. At length they came in sight of the island of Lotooma, and viewing it at a distance with hungry eyes, one of them bethought himself that if this small island was never so fruitful it could not supply more food than would be sufficient for himself at one meal, he resolved therefore wisely, out of pure consideration for his own stomach, to make an end of his companion: this he accordingly did, but by what means, whether by drowning him, strangling him, or giving him a blow on the head, tradition does not say. When he arrived at Lotooma he was no doubt very hungry, but at the same time he felt him

[page] 325

self so sleepy that he was resolved to lie down and take a nap, particularly as night was fast approaching, and to satisfy his hunger the next morning: and very lucky it was for the poor natives that he did so, (for it appears this island was inhabited at that time). He accordingly made a pillow of the island of Lotooma, and not choosing to lie in the water, he stretched his legs (for so the story goes) over to the island of Fotoona, making a sort of bridge from one place to the other. By and by he snored to such a degree that both islands, particularly Lotooma, were shaken as if by an earthquake, so as greatly to disturb the peaceable inhabitants. The people, of the latter island being roused from their slumbers were greatly alarmed, and well they might be, at this unseasonable and extraordinary noise. Having repaired to the place where his head lay, and discovering that it was an immense gigantic being fast asleep, they held a consultation what was best to be done; and came at length to a resolution of killing him, if possible, before he awoke, lest he might eat them all up. With this intention every man armed himself with an axe, and at a signal given they all struck his head at the same moment; up started the giant with a tremendous roar, and recovering his feet he stood aloft on the island of Lotooma, but being

[page] 326

stunned with the blows, he staggered and fell again, with his head and body in the sea, and being unable to recover himself, he was drowned, his feet remaining upon dry land; and thus the great enemy was destroyed."

As a proof of these facts they shew two enormous bones, which, as they say, belonged to this giant, and the natives in general believe it. The people of Tonga, however, are not quite so credulous with respect to this story, which they generally tell in a jocose way. Mr. Mariner asked Cow Mooala what sort of bones they were; he replied that they were enormously large, he could not well describe their shape,—that he was sure they were bones, though they were not at all like any human bones, and he supposed they must have belonged to some fish. To any new comer from Lotooma the first question is, "have you seen the giant's "bones?" But it would appear that communications with Lotooma were not very frequent, since the inhabitants made so sad a mistake as to think Cow Mooala and his followers gods.

Cow Mooala shortly took his departure from Lotooma, with three of the native women on board, in addition to his other followers, and sailed for the Fiji islands. Owing to the wind he deviated a little from his courte, but at length arrived safe at Navihi Levoo, (as

[page] 327

the natives call it, meaning large Fiji: the word Navihi is corrupted by the Tonga people to Fiji,) one of the Fiji islands, to the northwest Here Cow Mooala took up his residence with the chief of the island, where he remained a considerable length of time, assisting in the war with other islands. The inhabitants of Navihi Levoo are much more ferocious than those of most of the other Fiji islands; this, however, is not stated merely upon the authority of Cow Mooala, who occasionally was apt to exaggerate a little, as will by and by be seen, but upon that of Mr. Manner, who frequently saw and conversed with some of its natives, as well as with those of the other islands, who were at Tonga in his time; besides which, he has since been at Pau, one of the Fiji islands, and consequently is able to form some judgment. The inhabitants of Navihi Levoo are not only more ferocious, but they are much better skilled in war than those of the other islands, and are therefore much dreaded by them: to give, themselves a fiercer appearance, they bore a hole through the soft part of the septum of the nose, through which, in time of war, they stick a couple of feathers, nine or twelve inches long, which spread out over each side of the face,

[page] 328

like immense mustaches, giving them a very formidable appearance. The worst feature of their barbarism is the horrible practice of eating human flesh, which they carry to a greater extent than any of the other Fiji people. The chief of the island was reported to have a remarkable appetite in this way, we must not take him therefore as a sample for the rest; for he was not in the habit of sacrificing his prisoners immediately, (finding them perhaps too tough for his delicate stomach,) but of actually ordering them to be operated on, and put in such a state as to get both fat and tender, afterwards to be killed as he might want them. The hands and feet, particularly the latter, are considered the choicest parts.

It may here be remarked, that cannibalism is more or less practised on all the Fiji islands, and has its origin, no doubt, in the constant wars in which the people are engaged: not that war among savage nations universally gives occasion to so horrid a custom, (for indeed we have many instances to the contrary;) but in those uncultivated nations, where a spirit of national hatred and thirst of revenge, on some extraordinary occasions run very high, it appears to be an instinct of uncultivated nature, to crown the catastrophe by a feast at which

[page] 329

civilized humanity revolts*, particularly where a scarcity of provisions exists at the same time. At the Fiji islands war and devastation are much more frequent than at the Tonga islands, consequently scarcity is also much more frequent, and cannibalism accordingly much more practised. The island of Navihi Levoo is more troubled by intestine war than the other Fiji islands, and the people are greater cannibals. At the Tonga islands in particular, it may be remarked, that the island of Tonga (properly so called) is constantly in a state of war, and scarcity consequently is much more common there than at the other Tonga islands, and cannibalism, therefore, much less shuddered at. At the island of Tonga, indeed, this inhuman ha

* Mr. Mariner had from good authority a circumstance that may be mentioned here as illustrative of the point in question. A certain man at Tonga had a violent hatred to another, whom he sought an opportunity of killing in battle; at length he succeeded; and, cutting open the body, dissected off the liver, and took it home to his house. He tied the liver up in a piece of gnatoo, and whenever he wanted to drink water or cocoa-nut milk, he would dip it in, and then squeezing out some of the juice into his beverage, drink it off to satisfy his revenge: this fact was universally known and spoken of, but with much disgust. The cause of his enmity was the ill usage which his wife had received on being taken prisoner by the other. Mr. Mariner knew the man.

[page] 330

bit is by no means so general as at the Fiji islands, but then it has not been the scene of warfare for more than about twenty years, whereas the Fiji islands have been familiar, more or less, with this scourge of the human race, from time immemorial.

Now we are upon this subject, we may mention, that at Tonga, the natives report that some time before Mr. Mariner's arrival among them, an European ship touched there, the boat of which, on landing near Mafanga, had a quarrel with some of the natives, in consequence of which, three of her crew were killed and dragged up the country. These the natives embowelled and dressed the same as pork, and several ate heartily of them; but shortly afterwards they were all taken very ill, being attacked with nausea and vomiting to a violent degree, and three of them actually died. Some of the natives attributed this circumstance to an unwholsome quality in white: man's flesh, others to the superior power of the gods of England, in the way of revenge for killing white men. They were strongly corroborated in their opinion of the superiority of the gods of England, by the circumstance that every man who had been actively concerned in the conspiracy against the Port au Prince,

[page] 331

happened either to be killed in battle or to die of disease, during the time Mr. Mariner remained at these islands; and they would often question him whether it were not owing to the interference of the English gods as a punishment; to which he always answered them in the affirmative, with a view to his own safety, and to inspire them with respect for the invisible powers, which, according to their notions, presided over the welfare of England and of Englishmen. Some of the natives, in joke, used to say, that they would kill Mr. Mariner, to see if the hotooas (gods) of England would revenge his death, alleging their disbelief in the unsolicited agency of the English hotooas, and their opinion rather that Mr. Mariner himself had been the cause of their death by his prayers, soliciting his gods to revenge the death of his countrymen. This, however, was a notion chiefly of the lower orders: the higher classes were of opinion, that the hotooas of England operated of their own accord, without any intervention or prayer. Finow was strongly of this opinion, observing that it was but fair to suppose that, in the same proportion as the white men were superior to them in knowledge, so were the hotooas of white men superior to

[page] 332

their hotooas in divine power. But to return from this digression.

Cow Mooala, after remaining a considerable time at Navihi Levoo, sailed with his people for Tacownove, which is a district on the western side of Pau, the largest of the Fiji islands. Pau is much resorted to by American vessels, and vessels from Port Jackson, for sandalwood, which grows to perfection only at a certain part of the island, called Vooi'a. The principal market for this article is China; and the demand for it is so great, in proportion to the smallness of the place which produces it, that it is now growing scarce, and, consequently, dearer. Formerly they would give a considerable quantity for a few nails, but now they demand axes and chisels, and those, too, of the best quality, for they have gradually become judges of such things: whales' teeth are also given in exchange for it. The chiefs of the Fiji islands very seldom oil themselves, and, consequently, require very little of this wood, the principal use of it being to scent the oil. The natives of the Tonga islands, however, who require a considerable quantity of it for the above purpose, complain heavily of its scarcity; and what renders the matter still worse for them, is, that the Fiji people, demanding a

[page] 333

greater number of axes and chisels for a given quantity of the wood, these implements are growing very scarce at the Tonga islands, and plentiful at Fiji. Before the Tonga people acquired iron implements, they usually gave whales' teeth, gnatoo, mats for sails, and platt; but whales' teeth are exceedingly scarce, and the other articles are too bulky for ready exportation. The sting of the fish called stingray was also occasionally given, but these stings, which they use for the points of spears, are by no means plentiful. This fish is found in the greatest quantity at an island called Ooea, which lies about mid-way between Vavaoo and Hamoa. Another article of exchange is a peculiar species of shell, which they find only at Vavaoo, and is also scarce. It has already been remarked (see note, p. 319) that the sandal-wood tree will not bear to be transplanted to Tonga.

During the time Cow Mooala was at Pau, a vessel was wrecked on a reef off that island. All the crew, except a couple, perished. The wreck was taken possession of by the natives; they got out of her a number of dollars, and a quantity of muslins, with some other East- India commodities. From these circumstances it would appear that she was an American

[page] 334

smuggler on her return from Peru, with part of her original cargo undisposed of. One of the men was afterwards killed in a quarrel with the other. Mr. Mariner could not learn the name of the vessel.

The people of Pau gave Cow Mooala an account of an enormous lizard, which they supposed must have come from Bolotoo, and sent by the gods. They stated that, late one evening, a canoe put in at a neighbouring small island, to remain there for the night, being on her way to some more distant island. The weather being very hot, and the crew much fatigued, they resolved to sleep out the night upon the open beach. When they had been asleep some time, they were awakened on a sudden by the loud cries of one of their companions; starting up, they observed by the light of the moon, with the utmost astonishment, a prodigious lizard (as they termed it), plunge into the water. At this they were greatly alarmed, and, missing a man, they went farther up the country for safety. Early in the morning, one of them (a young lad), went into the sea to bathe, and was also snatched away by the monster. The whole island was soon in a state of alarm, every body, on hearing the news, flocked to the

[page] 335

beach, but no lizard was to be seen. In the course of the day, those who belonged to the canoe took their departure. A few days elapsed, during which the prodigy was no where to be seen, and they supposed it was gone away altogether, imagining it to have been a visitation from a god for some crime they had committed. One evening, however, while a woman was washing some talo root in a salt water lake, about a quarter of a mile from the beach, surrounded by thick rushes, the monster suddenly made his appearance, and, seizing the unfortunate woman, plunged with her into the lake. The people of the neighbouring houses having given the alarm, all the inhabitants of the island were soon up in arms, and, running to the spot, uttered loud exclamations, and threw stones and various things into the lake; in consequence of which, the animal, being disturbed, rushed out, and made towards the sea, pursued by a number of men, who threw spears at him; but these were of no avail, his hard scales proved impenetrable to such weapons, and this circumstance, filling them with increased alarm and wonder, made them dreadfully afraid of him, and confirmed them in the opinion that it must be a god, for they saw him escape unhurt into the sea. In this way

[page] 336

he had destroyed nine people at different places, partly on this island, and partly on another small island, close in the neighbourhood, when an old man, who had observed that he came on shore every morning at one particular place near the lake, in which he afterwards concealed himself, boldly devised a method to destroy him. Between the beach and the lake was a large fehi tree; and the old man's plan was this:—to procure a long rope, and, passing it over a strong branch of this tree, to let one end, at which there was a running noose, hang near the ground, whilst the other end was to be in the possession of about fourteen or fifteen strong men, concealed at a little distance in high grass. The old man, who was a staunch warrior, and well fitted for such a perilous task, having engaged the solemn promise of his confederates to act their parts with steadiness and fidelity, undertook to walk about on the beach at the time the monster was to be expected, and, at his approach, to recede behind the noose, through which the animal must necessarily pass his head to lay hold of him; at which moment he would call out to them to pull the rope, and noose him tight. Matters being thus adjusted, the expected enemy made his appearance, and

[page] 337

ran towards the old man, who took his station behind the noose, and, the moment the animal put his jaws through it, he sprang back, and gave the appointed signal; instantly the cord was drawn tight, and their, prey was caught with his head and one paw through the noose.; they soon secured the rope, and, running up, beat him about the head, and pierced him wherever they could, till, at length, after much hard work, they killed him. When their toil was over, the first thing they thought of (for these people have a strange genius), was, to try if he was good to eat: they accordingly cut him up, and, selecting those parts which they thought the tenderest, they baked a sufficient quantity, and, finding it very good, made a hearty meal. Cow Mooala saw the bones of this animal, from the description of which; as well as what he had heard concerning the living animal, Mr. Mariner supposes that it mast have been a crocodile that, by some accident, had made its way from the East Indies: and, as it was the first animal of the kind the natives bad ever seen, or ever heard of, we need not wonder that they supposed it to be a supernatural lizard, sent by the gods from Boloteo, as a punishment for their offences.

Pau is decidedly the largest of the Fiji

VOL. I. Z

[page] 338

islands, and much larger than Vavaoo: but Cow Mooala gave an exaggerated account of its size, describing it to be so large, that many of the people in its interior had never seen the sea, owing to their distance from it; and that the people living on the mountains, and who constantly resided there to avoid the frequent wars and disturbances on the plains below, very seldom came down; and when they did, and law fish for the first time, would not believe but what they were hotooas, (gods,) and wondered very much to see people eat them. The mountains on the western side, called Tacownove, are the highest. On the base of one of these mountains are two hot springs, situated near together, at which a neighbouring garrison generally boil their yams and plantains, by putting them into a vessel with boles in the side, and suffering the boiling water to pass through it.

The natives of the Fiji islands are much more curly headed than those of the Tonga islands; and all of them, both men and women, powder their hair with the ashes of the bread-fruit leaf, or with powdered lime, prepared from the coral, or else with soot collected from the smoke of the tooi-tooi. The pulverized lime is only worn now and

[page] 339

then with a view to stiffen their hair, which it does remarkably well. In using either of these substances, they plentifully diffuse it through water, in which they dip their heads; and when the hair is dry they dip again, repeating this operation three or four times: the hair becoming now replete with the powder, when quite dry they work it up with great care and attention, occupying three or four hours in frizzing it out with a sort of comb, to a considerable distance from the bead, resembling an immense wig, from four to nine inches thick, being raised equally from the head, at the top, back, and sides. Like the Tonga people, they generally go bareheaded; but to preserve this fine head-dress from being injured by the dews of the night, they usually cover it with about a square yard of white gnatoo, beaten out very fine, so as to appear the more light and elegant; and this is quite sufficient to keep off the moisture? they tie it on with remarkable neatness.

At the Fiji islands the boys and girls go quite naked, the girls till they are about ten years old, the boys till they are about fourteen: after which periods the girls wear the usual dress of the women, which consists merely in a sort of circular apron, about a

Z 2

[page] 340

foot or fourteen inches broad, worn quite round the waist: when they grow old, it is increased to about a foot and a half in breadth. At the age of fourteen the boy begins to wear the mahi, or usual dress of the men, which has been accurately described by Captain Cook, as seen by him at the Sandwich islands, where they use the same, though at the Fiji islands it is of much greater length, being wrapped round the body many times: one end of it passes between the legs, so as to represent, when adjusted, what in surgery is called a T bandage*.

Children are married by their parents (or rather betrothed to each other) when they are three or four years old. This circumstance gives rise to the complaint usually made by the natives of Tonga who visit Fiji, that they can find no woman but who is under the protection of a jealous husband. This Cow Mooala sadly complained of; and it leads us to the inference, that the women there are very faithful to their husbands. A man may have

* At these islands they perform circumcision at fourteen years of age, after the Judaic method, i. e. by drawing forward the præputium, and cutting off a section. At the Tonga islands they only make a longitudinal incision of the upper part of the præputium.

[page] 341

several wives; but the greatest chief, that is, she who is of the best family, is the principal wife; and in respect to her,—if her husband dies, first, she must be strangled on the day of his death, and afterwards buried with him. Mr. Mariner, knows this fact, from what happened at Vavaoo, a short time after the peace with Toe Oomoo; and as it was not mentioned at that time, the present is a fit opportunity to relate it. Among Finow's followers, there was a certain chief, a native of Fiji, who about that period fell ill and died: his wife, who was also a native of Fiji, in accordance with the religious notions in which she had been brought up, considered it a breach of duty to outlive him; she therefore desired to be strangled. All her Tonga friends endeavoured to dissuade her from what appeared to them so unnecessary and useless an act; but no! she was determined, she said, to fulfil her duty, in defect of which she should never he happy in her mind,—the hotooas of Fiji would punish her; and thus, by living, she should only incur fresh miseries. Her friends, finding all remonstrance in vain, allowed her to do as she pleased: she accordingly laid herself down on the ground by the side of her deceased husband, with her face upwards; and desiring a couple

[page] 342

of Fiji men to perform their duty, they put a band of gnatoo round her neck, and pulling at each end, soon ended her existence*. In the evening they were buried together in the same grave, in a sitting posture, according to the Fiji custom. Mr. Mariner happened not to be present when she was strangled, but arrived in time to see them buried, and to hear the account of the recent event from those who had been eye-witnesses.

Both sexes at the Fiji islands adopt the custom of making an incision in the lobe of each ear, and introducing a piece, about an inch long, of the stem of the plantain leaf, to keep it distended: when healed, they introduce a thicker piece, and afterwards a still larger piece of the wood of the tree itself, so as to cause the lobe of the ear to spread and hang down considerably. This practice, as it is considered ornamental, the women carry to a much greater extent than the men; and at length introduce such large pieces, that the lobe of the ear hangs down almost as low as the shoulder, the opening thus made being about ten inches in circumference. Fre-

* It used to be the custom at Tonga, when the divine chief, Tooitonga, died, to strangle his chief wife; but this absurd practice was left off during Mr. Mariner's time.

[page] 343

quently, by overstretching the lobe, it splits.; and there are many women seen with it hanging down in two slips!! Their skins are by no means so smooth and sleek as those of the Tonga people, owing, probably, to the circumstance of their not oiling themselves.

The gods are consulted much in the same way as at Tonga: there are, indeed, some few trifling differences in the ceremony, but these Mr. Mariner is not sufficiently acquainted with to state accurately; although he was afterwards at Pau, he had not an opportunity of seeing this ceremony.

Close to Pau lies a very small island, called Chichia, which is in itself a fortress almost impregnable. The nearest part is not more than a hundred yards from Pau; and, at low water, joins it by a ridge of sand. At the place where this ridge joins Chichia, there is a high rock, almost perforated by nature, and which art has rendered completely so. This rock is converted into a strong fortress, commanding the whole island, which, indeed, is rendered inaccessible in every part, by a heavy surf and dangerous rocks, except just to the left of the large rock, and that part is defended by a high fencing. On this small but strong island several natives of Tonga resided, for

[page] 344

the chief was partial to them, because his wife was a native of that place; he therefore readily admitted Cow Mooala and his men to come also and reside with him. Cow Mooala took an active part with the chief of Chichia in his war againist the people of Pau.

This war had been kept up for a long time, the people of Chichia constantly committing depredations on the people of Pau, without these being at all able to retaliate. From time to time they had taken a great number of prisoners, which were kept apart for a purpose directly to be mentioned. A few days before the period that Cow Mooala had fixed on for his return to Vavaoo, the chief of Chichia made a sortie from his strong hold, and gave a general battle to the people of Pau. The men of Chichia were victorious, and returned in triumph to their little island. The chief, elated by these victories, resolved now to have an extraordinary feast before the departure of Cow Mooala. On the following day, therefore, a grand warlike dance was performed by the men, with bracelets of fringed bark under their knees, and of shells round their arms. Their bodies and faces were painted with various configurations, in black and yellow, producing, no doubt, a

[page] 345

strange appearance. Each man was armed with a club and spear; and, thus equipped; the whole body of them exhibited various warlike attitudes, such as throwing the spear, striking with the club, &c.—shouting and singing alternately. When they had finished their dancing, they sat down to drink cava; after which the chief gave orders to his cooks to bring forward the feast: immediately they advanced two and two, each couple bearing on their shoulders a basket, in which was the body of a man barbacued like a hog. The bodies were placed before the chief, who was seated at the head of his company, on a large green. When all these victims were placed on the ground, hogs were brought in like manner; after that, baskets of yams, on each of which was a baked fowl. These being deposited in like manner, the number of dishes was counted, and announced aloud to the chief, when there appeared to be two hundred human bodies, two hundred hogs, two hundred baskets of yams, and a like number of fowls. The provisions were then divided into various portions, and each declared to be the portion of such a god; after which they were given to the care of as many principal chiefs, who shared them out to all their dependants, so that every man and woman in the island had

[page] 346

a share of each of these articles, whether they chose to eat them or not.

It would be perhaps increasing the horror of this picture beyond the truth to state that every person present partook of human flesh; these unfortunate victims were sacrificed and cooked more for a matter of form, probably, than any thing else; but it must be confessed that the chiefs, warriors, and more ferocious part of the company, partook of this inhuman diet, and several of them feasted on it. Such, at least, was the account of Cow Mooala; and Mr. Mariner has too much reason to think it true, because he afterwards heard the same account from several of the natives of Chichia who visited Tonga.

A few days afterwards Cow Mooala set sail for Vavaoo, where he arrived safe with about fifty attendants, as formerly noted, consisting of Tonga people, natives of Fiji, and others. As soon as his arrival was made known to Finow, he issued orders to the owners of the different plantations of Vavaoo to bring to the marly at Neafoo whatever they could afford, as presents to Cow Mooala and his companions*.

On this occasion there were wrestling, fight-

* It is always customary to make presents in this way to any newly arrived party, particularly to persons much respected, as was Cow Mooala, or who have been long absent.

[page] 347

ing with clubs, cava drinking, &c., as formerly described. It must be remarked, however, that when these great exhibitions of wrestling and fighting are shown on account of the arrival of visitors or persons who have been long absent, it is customary for the new comers to be challenged by any one or every one of the island who chooses, so that in the end they are pretty certain of getting a thorough beating. No man, however, is obliged to accept the challenge, nor is it thought dishonourable to refuse it: in short, as they merely beat one another in a friendly way, it is considered a sport for general entertainment, in which any man may take an active part, if he feels himself at all so disposed. In these encounters they frequently get their arms broken; but this gives no one any concern, scarcely even the party who suffers, who immediately gets it set by any one in the company, (and they are all tolerably expert at this from frequent practice,) and bound up with bandages of gnatoo, using splints made from the cocoa-nut tree.

[page] 348

CHAP. XI.

Arrival of a canoe from the island of Tonga, bringing a chief and two young matabooles, with a petition from Toobo Malohi: they give an account of the late transactions there, viz. Teoo Cava, chief of Hihifo, being joined by the chiefs and men that formerly belonged to Nioocalofa, makes an attack on the fortress of Noókoo-Noókoo, and takes it: the enemy return in the night, and set fire to it—Teoo Cava, making his escape, is stopped and killed by a Fiji islander—Conduct of Ata in the defence of Hihifo, and the bravery of Máccapápa—Grief of Teoo Cava's widows for his loss—Reference to an anecdote in the missionary voyage respecting Eliza Mosey (note)—Petition of Toobó Malóhi and his chiefs to Finow: their reception by him, and ceremony of pardon—Toobo Malohi's conversation with Finow, and his ultimate departure for the Hapai islands.

SOON after Cow Mooala's arrival from the Fiji islands, Finow received intelligence from Toobo Toa (chief of the Hapai islands) that a canoe had arrived at Lefooga, from the island of Tonga, with a chief, and two young matabooles. They came to petition Finow for pardon, in behalf of a great chief, named Toobó Malohi, elder brother of Toobo Toa, who had been long resident at the island of Tonga, and

[page] 349

had defended the cause of Finow's enemies. As this chief brought very interesting information of all the recent events at the island of Tonga, we shall give an account of these transactions in the order in which they happened, and conclude with the ceremony of pardon, granted by Finow to Toobo Malohi and his followers.

The reader will recollect, perfectly well, the fortress of Nioocalofa, on the island of Tonga, which Finow besieged with the four carronades, and afterwards burnt to the ground, with great daughter of the garrison. Toobo Malohi was chief of this fortress at the time; and in consequence of Finow's vigorous attack, he left it, with such of his followers as could save themselves, and fled up the country, to seek refuge in some other fortress. This chief had all along been unfortunate: at the time of the great revolution of Tonga, and the early success of Finow, be had fled to the Fiji islands with his followers, and had resided there some-time; gaining experience in the art of war. On his return to Tonga, he built the fortress of Nioocalofa; from which he was afterwards driven by Finow, as already related: he next took refuge in some other fortress; from which, owing to the jealousy of the chief, or some other

[page] 350

cause, he was obliged to depart, and seek shelter in a third; from whence he was driven by some untoward circumstance; and thus he became, in fact, quite a refugee; nobody being willing to receive him in a sincere and friendly way: at length, however, he considered himself to have found a permanent asylum in the fortress of Hihifo, with Teoo Cava, the chief who had made Finow a present of the extraordinarily well trained bird. Teoo Cava received him and his followers in a very friendly way, considering them a great acquisition to his strength; for they had the reputation of being all great warriors, well schooled in the military practices of Fiji.

Teoo Cava, at length finding that no enemy thought proper to attack him, resolved to lay siege to the garrison of Nookoo Nookoo: he was successful in his attack, and took it with an inconsiderable loss of men. This being done, he determined, contrary to the advice of his matabooles, to garrison both fortresses The reason the matabooles gave for the impolicy of this conduct, was the readiness with which the enemy made their retreat; which they thought argued their intentions of returning speedily, with fresh strength. Ambition, and desire of larger possessions, blinding him

[page] 351

however, to his own proper interests, he neglected sage counsel; and, dividing his forces, reserved the choicest half for his own personal safety in the garrison of Nookoo Nookoo, and commissioned the rest to defend Hihifo. Ho had with him Toobo Malohi and his warriors. In the course of the following night, the enemy came down again, and made a desperate attack upon them: having resolved to burn the place to the ground, they had appointed four hundred men to effect their purpose, each of whom was armed with a spear, and a lighted torch fixed at about a foot from the point of it. At a signal every man threw his flaming weapon at the fencing, or into the garrison, and, by the aid of this new invention, the place was set fire to, in several points at once. The besieged, with the view of rendering themselves more secure, had removed all the draw-bridges over the dry ditch round the fencing, except one; there was no ready means of escape, therefore, from the conflagration, which soon spread for and wide, except by one narrow path: hundreds consequently were compelled to leap into the ditch, the Sides of which were too steep to climb. Among these was Teoo Cava, who, with several other great chiefs and warriors, managed to get out, by climbing up the backs of

[page] 352

those whose fidelity prompted them to lend their superiors this friendly assistance at the utmost peril of their own lives. Teoo Cava, having thus got out of the ditch, was making the best of his way unarmed to Hihifo, when he was met by a native of Fiji, belonging to the enemy's party, who gave him the watch-word, which he was unable to answer; instantly the Fiji warrior struck him so violent a blow on the head with his club, that he buried it in his brains: the club had got so locked into the broken skull, that he could not immediately withdraw it; and he probably would have left it there, but discovering what a great chief he had killed, his club from that moment became exceedingly valuable to him; the pledge as it were of future great successes, as long as he kept it in his possession: the triumph of his feelings, therefore, prevented him from seeing or hearing another man, who was fast approaching; and whilst he was in the act of disengaging his club, his own brains were knocked out, and his speculations as suddenly destroyed, by one of Teoo Cava's men, whose swiftness of foot brought him just in time to revenge his fallen chief, by laying his enemy prostrate by his side: but dangers were thickening round him, and he was compelled to

[page] 353

leave the body of Teoo Cava on the field, and secure his own existence by a speedy flight to Hihifo; where all who succeeded in making their escape quickly arrived. The body of Teoo Cava was soon found by the enemy; if was conveyed to their fortress, cut to pieces, and (must it again he said!) dressed for food.

Among the garrison of Hihifo there was a chief named Ata; he was not an old man, but he had a great reputation for political wisdom, and military skill. He was a native of the island, but at the time of the revolution his friends and acquaintance had all gone over to the Hapai islands for peace and Safety. He however resolved to remain for the sake of his oldest and most sincere friend, Teoo Cava, and to assist and stand by him to the last; (for Ata was endowed also with some of the best qualities of the human heart). As Teoo Cava was now no more, Ata, conscious of his skill in war, and the confidence which all the men placed in him, proposed to take upon himself the command of the garrison; and his offers were gladly accepted. The other garrisons of the island soon hearing of the death of Teoo Cava, and the great losses he had sustained, several of them entered into league against Hihifo, and shortly

VOL. I. A A

[page] 354

commenced a siege, which lasted fourteen days; but at length, quarrelling among themselves, and finding the besieged hold out so manfully, and withal being struck with awful astonishment, at the extraordinary bravery of Maccapapa*, who was said to be invincible by the peculiar protection of the gods;—they raised the siege, and each party repaired as quickly as possible to its own fortress, lest it should be taken possession of by some enemy. During the siege, all the women made themselves remarkable by their resolute assistance in the defence of the place; lest, for want of men, it should be taken by the enemy. The widows of Teoo Cava†, however, were so afflicted at

* It will be recollected that Maccapapa was formerly in the service of Toe Oomoo; but at the peace he left Vavaoo, apprehensive that Finow might play him some treachery.

† Speaking of Teoo Cava calls to mind a circumstance, mentioned in the second Missionary Voyage, respecting Eliza Mosey and a black woman, both belonging to the American ship Dulce of Portland, Captain Lovat Melon; the date is not mentioned. Through the treachery of Teoo Cava, (who from mistake of pronunciation they call Ducava,) the crew were all murdered, excepting three or four persons, among whom, were Eliza Mosey, and the black woman. The letter was still at the Hapai islands when Mr. Mariner left; she latterly became insane, but lived as a sort of domestic, (being harmless,) with a certain female chief, who treated her kindly. Eliza Mosey became one of the wives of Teoo Cava, who was much envied by the otter chiefs on that account, she being a white woman. She made; her escape afterwards, in the Union of New York, and arrived at Port Jackson, where she remained. Mr. Mariner has since accidentally heard from a woman who had been at Port Jackson, that Elisa Mosey returned afterwards to Tonga, with a ship that went for the purpose of laying in a cargo of pork, but which was shortly afterwards wrecked among the Fiji islands.

[page] 355

his loss, that many of them, it is said, strangled themselves.

At this time Toobo Malohi sent word to his brother Toobo Toa, (chief of the Hapai island,) that being weary of his unquiet and harassing life at Tonga, and being desirous to settle at Hapai, he wished his brother to petition the king in his behalf; and to obtain, if possible, his pardon for having fought against him at Nioocalofa, and to procure leave for himfself and his chiefs and matabooles to reside at Hapai, and be henceforth tributary to him. This message was brought to Toobo Toa by a chief and two young matabooles, as before stated. Toobo Toa having communicated this request of his brother and his followers to the king, the latter, after a little consideration, gave his consent that they should reside at the

A A 2

[page] 356

Hapai islands upon condition that Toobo Toa would keep a strict eye upon his brother's conduct, and be answerable for him, which was immediately agreed to. Toobo Toa thereupon got ready a large canoe, and proceeded to Hihifo to receive his brother, who came on board with all his chiefs and choice warriors; the remainder of his attendants followed afterwards in another canoe. Having touched, in their way, at the Hapai islands, they proceeded on to Vavaoo, to pay their respects to Finow, and to receive his pardon.

As soon as the king heard of their arrival at Vavaoo he repaired with all his chiefs and mitabooles to the house on the marly at Neafoo, having, besides their usual dress, small mats round the middle, significant of its being a solemn occasion, and out of respect, too, for Toobo Malohi (although he came as an humble suppliant), for be was a very great chief, superior even to Toobo Toa, as being his elder brother. Toobo Malohi being informed that the king was already seated in the large house on the marly', ready to receive him, he and his followers, being all dressed in large mats, expressive of their very great respect, with leaves of the ifi tree round their necks as a mark of submission, went forth, with due

[page] 357

sentiments, thus habited, and accompanied by a priest, to a house dedicated to Taliái Toobó, and sat down before it. The priest then addressed the divine spirit that was supposed to reside there, to the following purpose: "Here thou seest the men who have come from Tonga to implore thy pardon for their crimes; they have been rebels against those chiefs who hold power from divine authority, but, being sorry for what they have done, they hope that thou wilt be pleased to extend thy protection towards them for the future." The priest then rose up, and laid a piece of cava root under the eaves of the house: after which he proceeded towards Finow, with the suppliants all following him, one close after another in the order of their rank, their heads bowed down, and their hands clasped before them, and, entering the house on the side opposite the king, they seated themselves before him and his matabooles, their hands still clasped together, and their heads bowed down almost to touch the ground. After a little time, the priest, who sat between them and the king, addressed the latter to the following purpose: "You here see Toobo Malohi, and his chiefs and followers, who have been to implore the pardon of Taliái Toobó, and are

[page] 358

now come to humiliate themselves before you; not that they expect you will pardon them after so obstinate a rebellion, but they come to endeavour to convince you of their sorrow for so great and heinous a crime: they have no expectation but to die, therefore your will be done*." After a short pause, the priest again said, "Pass your senfence, Finow:" he then rose up, and retired among the people. In a little, time, Finow said to the supplicants," Toogooá he lo ifi," Take off the ifi leaves (which is a sign of pardon): of which command they took no notice, as if unwilling to believe so great a mercy was shewn to them. Finow again said, "Toogopá he., lo ifi," upon which each took off his ifi leaves, but they all remained in the same posture. Before we go further, it must be observed, that there were vacant places left among Finow's chiefs and matabooles for Toobó Malohi and his principal followers, who were of sufficient rank, to be called to after they had received their pardon; but for a great chief, circumstanced as was Toobo Malohi, to obey this summons (which is always pronounced by

* This speech of the priest is to be considered more a matter of form than the real sentiments of the suppliants.

[page] 359

the mataboole sitting next to Finow) would neither be so respectful nor so prudent as to remain where he was, and take no notice of it, as if altogether unworthy of being so exalted; whilst a chief of less noble rank would not hesitate to obey the command, and take the seat appointed for him. All this is done upon the principle, that a great chief, so offending, ought to keep himself as humble as possible, lest, having great power and authority, be might be suspected of intentions to equalize himself with his superiors, and ultimately to revolt: whereas minor chiefs, having but little power, are not liable to excite jealousies: besides which, these minor chiefs, being governed by their superior, are thought to be less criminal than he who leads them astray by his authority. This formed a subject of dispute, beforehand, among the company: some thought that Toobó Malohi would instantly obey the order to take his appointed seat, conscious of his exalted rank, and fearless of the jealousy of Finow: the greater part, however, were of opinion, that he would remain where he was, knowing well the revengeful disposition of the How, and his promptitude to sacrifice those whom be suspected. In a little time this matter was put

[page] 360

out of dispute. The mataboole on Finow's right hand exclaimed aloud, "Toobo Malohi! here is a place for you." The chief seemed not to hear the summons, keeping his head bowed down to the earth: the mataboole again said, "Toobó Malóhi! here is a place for you but his ears were still shut, and he preserved the same humble posture. The mataboole then said to the others successively (mentioning their names in the order of their rank), "here is a place for you;" and they accordingly seated themselves as their names were called over, in the places appointed for them (i. e. those who were of sufficient rank to sit in the circle, the others retiring among the people), leaving Toobo Malohi seated by himself in the middle of the ring. Cava now prepared, and served out to the company, each in his turn, according to his rank, not excepting Toobo Malphi, who, in this case, was served the fourth: when the cava was presented to him, he neither took it nor raised up his but speaking to somebody who sat a little behind him, that person stretched his arms forward, and, receiving it for him, took it away, reserving it for Toqbo Malohi, to drink after the pava party should be dis-

[page] 361

solved. The company, having finished their cava, dispersed, and Toobo Malohi retired to take his.

This chief and his followers remained at Vavaoo about a fortnight before they sailed to the Hapai islands; during which time he entertained Finow with an account of different transactions at Tonga, relating what conspiracies had been devised, what battles had been fought, what brave chiefs and warriors had fallen. Every time he mentioned the death of a hero, Finow struck his breast with his fist, exclaiming, "What a warrior has fallen in a useless war!" or something to that purpose.

Before Toobo Malohi and his chiefs took their departure, Finow repeated his orders to Toobo Toa to keep a watchful eye upon them, and to give him the earliest information, if he discovered any symptoms of conspiracy, for he said he expected something of the kind, as they were all choice warriors, and had been well experienced at the Fiji islands.

[page] 362

CHAP. XII.

Finow's younger daughter falls sick—Petitions to the gods —Farther account of the mode of invocation—Finow's illness—Debate among the gods respecting Finow— Supposed effect of Finow's illness and recovery on his daughter—His daughter conveyed to the island of Ofoo —Her death—Ceremony of her burial—Strange custom of the people of Hamoa—Finow's illness—Petitions to the gods—Strangulation of a child in the way of sacrifice —Finow's death—Political state of the Tonga islands, occasioned by this event—Grief of Finow's daughter— Mr. Mariner rebuked by the prince for his grief at Finow's death—Suspicious conduct of Voona—Con, sultation of the god Toobo Toty'—Report of what had been Finow's intentions previous to his death—The prince consults with his uncle on matters of political government relative to his succession.

SHORTLY after Toobó Malóhi and his followers had departed for the Hapai islands, Finow's younger daughter, named Sáwaw mái Latángi (which, in the Hamoa language, means descended from the sky), about six or seven years of age, fell sick; on which occasion she was removed from her father's house to another inside a fencing, consecrated to Tali-y-Toobo,

[page] 363

the patron god of the Hows. Almost every morning a hog was killed, dressed, and presented before the house, as an offering to the god, that he might spare her life for the sake of Finow. On these occasions, one or other of the matabooles, and sometimes two or three in succession, made an address to the invoked divinity (for he had no priest), to the following purpose: "Here thou seest assembled Finow and his chiefs, and the principal matabooles of thy favoured land" (the Tonga islands, taken collectively), "thou seest them humbled before thee. We pray thee not to be merciless, but spare the life of the woman* for the sake of her father, who has always been attentive to every religious ceremony†: but if thy anger is justly excited by some crime or misdemeanor committed by any other of us who are here assembled, we entreat thee to inflict on the guilty one the punishment which he merits, and not to let go thy ven-

* On such occasions they call the person for whom they intercede, however young, either a man, or woman, according to the sex, although they have appropriate words to express boy, girl? and child.

† Finow was noted for his want of religion: the above words, therefore, were used as mere form, and because no one dared to say otherwise.

[page] 364

geance on one who was born but as yesterday. For our own parts, why do we wish to live but for the sake of Finow; but if his family is afflicted, we are all afflicted, innocent as well as guilty. How canst thou be merciless! dost thou not see here Finów,— and is not A'foo here, who descended from ancient Tonga chiefs now in Bolótoo;—and is not Fótoo here, and did he not descend from Moomoo'e formerly How of Tonga;— and is not A'lo here, und Niucápoo, and Toobó!—then why art thou merciless ?" (spoken in rather an impatient and peremptory tone) "have regard for Finow, and save the life of his daughter."

Every morning, as before stated, for about a fortnight, a hog was killed and offered to the god, and addresses were made similar to the above, and repeated five, six, or seven times a day, but the god seemed to hearken not to their petition, and the child daily got worse. In about fourteen or sixteen days, finding their prayers unavailing, they took her to another fencing in the neighbourhood, consecrated to Too'i foo'a Bolótoo. Here the same ceremonies were practised for about a week, with as little good result. Finow, finding his daughter getting worse instead of better, ordered his

[page] 365

large canoes to be launched, and his wives, chiefs, matabooles, in short his whole household, to go on board. His sick daughter was conveyed into the canoe which he and his wives occupied, Mr. Mariner also being on board, They set sail for the island of Hoonga, which belonged to a priest called Toobó Téa, who was accustomed to be inspired by Finow's tutelar god Toobó Totái. On this island several enclosures or fencings are consecrated to this god: to one of which his daughter was carried, and the same offering and same kind of address was frequently made; but in this case, not before the consecrated house where the sick child lay, but wherever the priest happened to be, which was generally at his own house or at Finow's. It must here be remarked that those gods who have priests are invoked in the person of the inspired priest wherever he may happen to be: those who have no priest are invoked at the consecrated house by a mataboole, as was the case in the late instance with Tali-y-Toobó, who has no priest.

Toobó Totái was thus invoked everyday, in the person of his priest, during a fortnight or three weeks. Seated at the head of the cava ring*,

* See the form of invocation, p.105.

[page] 366

he seemed much affected, and generally shed a profusion of tears. To their earnest entreaties he scarcely ever made any answer, and when he did, it was, for the most part, to the following effect; "Why do you weary yourselves with entreating me ?" (speaking as if he were the god) "if the power to restore the woman rested solely with me, I would do it: be assured it is all done by the will of the gods of Bolotoo." Every day he visited the sick girl, frequently sat down by her, took her hand and shed tears. During this time the matabooles frequently repaired to the house of the priest, and laying cava before him, consulted him privately. On one of these occasions, Finow not being present, he told them that if they knew why the child was sick they would not come thus to invoke him: he then declared, in general terms, that it was for the common good. Finow, being informed of this, addressed the priest at the consultation on the following morning, asking him (or rather the god within him) what he meant by the general good ? "If my spirits are oppressed, are not those of all my subjects so likewise ? but if the gods have any resentment against us, let the whole weight of vengeance fall on my head: I fear not their vengeance,—but spare toy child;

[page] 367

and I earnestly intreat you, Toobo Totái, to exert all your influence with the other gods, that I alone may suffer all the punishment they desire to inflict." To this the god returned no answer, and the priest retiring among the people, the company separated.

As soon as Finow arrived at his house, his spirits no doubt much agitated, and his pride, in all probability, much hurt, he laid down on his mat, and felt himself much indisposed. His illness hourly increased, and feeling, as he said, a secret presentiment of approaching death, his female attendants ran out and informed his chiefs and matabooles, who in consequence immediately repaired to his house, and found him unable to speak; for as soon as he saw them he endeavoured in vain to give utterance to his ideas, and seemed choked by the vehemence of his inward emotions. At length a flood of tears coming to his relief; he acknowledged the justice of the gods, but lamented greatly that he was about to meet his death on a bed of sickness instead of going to brave it in the field of battle. After a little pause, he said in a calm but firm tone of voice, "I tremble at the approaching fate of my country for I perceive plainly, that after my death the state of affairs will be much altered for the worse.

[page] 368

"I have had daily proofs that the obedience of my subjects is not excited by their love bat by their fears."

Several chiefs and matabooles who, owing to the crowd, we're not able to get into the house, but overbeard what passed, went immediately to the priest of Toobo' Totái, and presenting him cava root, sat down before hint. An old mataboole then addressed him, stating that they bad firm belief in the power which the gods possessed of inflicting what punishment they chose upon mortals: bat be entreated the god to use his influence, with the other powers of Bolotoo, that they might not take offence at what Finow had said in the morning, which was merely spoken on the impulse of the moment, when warmly agitated with sentiments of affection for his daughter, and not from any real disrespect to the gods: he supplicated him also to have regard to the general good of the islands, and not by depriving them of Finow, to involve the whole nation in anarchy and confusion. The priest remained some time in silence, and was much affected: at length he announced that the gods of Bolotoo had, for a long time past, debated among themselves in regard to the punishment they should inflict upon Finow, for the many

[page] 369

instances he had shewn of disobedience to religious precepts, and of exceeding disrespect for divine power; that they had at first resolved upon his death, but that he (Toobó Totái) having repeatedly interceded in his behalf, some of the other gods also took his part; in consequence of which there arose very violent dissensions in Bolótoo; not, as he explained to them, by actual fighting, for gods are immortal, and can neither be killed, wounded, nor hurt, but by urgent and potent arguments, which had occasioned, he said, the late high winds and tremendous thunder. That they had consequently come to a resolution of saving his life, seeing that his death would be a greater evil to his people than to himself, and of punishing him in another and perhaps more severe way, viz. by the death of his most dear and beloved daughter, who must therefore be inevitably taken from him: for as it had been decreed, beyond all revocation, that either he or his daughter must die, her life could not be saved without taking away his. As a sort of proof of this decree, he bade them remark that whilst Finow was at this time ill, his daughter was much better, and comparatively full of life and spirits, (which was actually the case.) Tomorrow, he said, her father would be tolerably

VOL. I. B B

[page] 370

well, for the gods had not decreed his immediate death, but only a temporary illness, to impress on his mind a sense of their power, and then his daughter would relapse, and be as bad or worse than ever.

The priest being now silent, the chiefs and matabooles left him, with a strong belief of the truths he had been telling them. When they arrived at Finow's house they found him somewhat better, but did not communicate what they had heard from his priest. This however was soon rumoured among the other chiefs and matabooles, in the king's cook-house, where they generally resort for cava, and which from custom has become a sort of rendezvous to pick up or retail news. Mr. Mariner, who had been with Finow (his patron, father, and protector,) during his illness, coming to the cook-house and hearing what the priest had said, went out of curiosity to Finow's daughter, and was surprised to find her sitting up, eating ripe bananas, and in very good spirits, talking at intervals to her female attendants.

In the evening Finow, feeling himself for the most part recovered, visited his daughter, and found her much worse than, as he was informed, she had been in the morning. He now expressed his intention of passing the

[page] 371

night at her house, which he accordingly did. When he awoke in the morning he felt himself perfectly recovered; but going to his daughter's mat, he found, to his utmost grief, that she was worse than ever. In the course of the morning he went down to the sea-shore, to give some orders respecting an alteration he designed in the sail of his canoe, in which he also employed himself (to distract his thoughts probably) the greater part of the day. At night be again slept at the house of his daughter; and very early the following morning gave orders for all his chiefs, matabooles, and attendants, to go on board his canoes, and gave directions for his daughter also to be carried on board; then following himself, made sail for the island of Ofoo, with intention of consulting Alái Váloo, the tutelar god of his aunt Toe Oomoo. They arrived after two hours sail; and immediately, on landing, went and presented cava root to the priest of that god (the name of the priest Mr. Mariner has forgotten). In the mean time the sick child was taken to the god's consecrated house. The company being seated in the presence of the priest, a bowl of cava was presented to him,—when the god said—" It is in vain that you come here to invoke me

B B 2

[page] 372

upon a subject on which you have obtained all the information that it is necessary for you to know. Toobó Totai has already instructed you in the will of the gods, and I can communicate nothing farther." The priest baring said this, Finow and his attendants rose up and went their way. In the course of the afternoon the supposed victim of divine vengeance was removed to several other consecrated houses in the same island, and was suffered to remain about half an hour or an hour in each, with the hope that she would derive benefit from the auspices of either of the deities, who were imagined to reside in those places. Removal, however, appeared to make her worse; and at length She was almost speechless. During the night her father, with anxious solicitude, sat by the side of her mat, watching, with sighs and tears, the progress of her disorder. The next morning, which brought no sign of returning health to enliven the hopes of an afflicted parent,—Finow gave directions to proceed to Macàvë, the place at Vavaoo where (as the reader will recollect) Booboonoo, Cacahoo, and several other great warriors, were seized by Finow's orders. By the time they had got a little more than half way to Vavaoo, the poor

[page] 373

child died. Immediately all the female at, tendants began to lament in a most woful strain, beating their breasts with violent agitation, and exhibiting every mark of sorrow and despair;—but Finow sat in silence and dejection, weeping for the fate of his daughter. In a little time they reached the coast of Vavaoo, and took the body to a large house, called Böóno, (six posts,) on the marly at Neafoo, followed by Finow, his wives, chiefs, matabooles, and attendants, all habited in mats. The body was laid out on a fine and beautiful Hamoa mat, and then washed over with a mixture of oil and water: after which it was anointed with sandal-wood oil.

It must be here noticed, that the king had determined, in the event of his daughter's death, not to bury her exactly after the Tonga fashion, but partly according to that, partly agreeably to the custom of Hamoa, and partly according to a fancy of his own. After the body was washed and anointed with oil, it was wrapped up in fourteen or fifteen yards of fine East India embroidered muslin, which had formerly belonged to one of the officers of the Port au Prince. It was next laid in a large cedar chest, which had been made on board the same ship, for the use of Mr. Brown, out

[page] 374

of some cedar planks taken in a prize. Over the body were strewed wreaths of flowers, made for the purpose by her female attendants. Orders were now issued by Finow, that nobody should wear mats, (although it was customary on such solemn occasions,) but should dress themselves in new tapas (this is the Hamoa custom); and instead of ifi leaves round their necks, he ordered that they should wear wreaths of flowers, (this was an idea of his own,) as if dressed for some occasion of rejoicing. The chest was placed on two large bales of gnatoo, in the middle of the house, and the body laid thus in state for the space of twenty days; during which time Mooónga Toobó, Finow's principal wife, and all her female attendants, remained constantly with the body. In the course of the first night the mourners broke out in a kind of recitative, like that on occasion of the death of Toobo Neuha, (p. 151,) but in a very imperfect way, because Finow had ordered that no appearance of sorrow or sound of lamentation should be made; but, in spite of this injunction, they occasionally could not restrain their grief, beating their breasts with every mark of deep- felt anguish. It is difficult to conceive the reason of Finow's whimsical conduct on this

[page] 375

occasion, unless it were (as generally interpreted) an impious and revengeful endeavour to insult the gods, by ordering those ceremonies not to be performed which were considered objects of religious duty en such sacred occasions. Every morning and evening provisions and cava were brought for the entertainment of those who attended on the body. On the nineteenth day it was removed from the cedar chest, and deposited in the model of a canoe, about three feet and a half long, made for the: express purpose, and nicely polished by one of Finow's carpenters (this is the Hamoa custom). By this time the body had become much inflated, and extremely offensive but the office of removing it was performed by some natives of Hamoa, who wore accustomed to such tasks*. During the whole of this day, and the following night, the body inclosed in

* At Hamoa (the Navigator's islands) it is the custom to keep the dead above ground for a considerable length of time, as above related: as the body, during this period, is apt to become very inflated, it is the duty of a relation to prevent this happening to a great extent, by the practice of most disgusting operation, via making a hole in some part of the abdomen, and, the mouth being applied, sucking out the putrescent fluids, and spitting them into a dish: and this is done out of love and affection for the deceased, without any apparent signs of disgust! Mr. Mariner had this from several natives of Hamoa.

[page] 376

the canoe, with the lid closely fastened down, remained in the house: in the mean time Finow issued orders for a general assembly of all the inhabitants of the island, to take place the ensuing morning before the house, and nobody to be absent under any pretext whatsoever, not even that of illness.

Early the following day all the people, according to Finow's orders, assembled before the house, where there was a large supply of provisions and cava for the conclusion of the ceremony. In the mean time the body was conveyed to the Fytóca, where it was deposited, inside the house, without any pomp or form, not within the grave, but on the top of it, that Finow might see the coffin whenever he pleased, and take it away with him whenever he went to a distance.

On this extraordinary occasion, which the caprice of Finow rendered a scene of rejoicing rather than of mourning, after the provisions and cava were shared out, they began the entertainments of wrestling and boxing as usual at festivals. After the men had shown their strength and dexterity in these feats by single engagements, the king gave orders that all the women who resided north of the mooa should arrange themselves on one side, ready to com-

[page] 377

bat all the women who resided south of the mooa, who were to arrange themselves on the other. It was not a very rare occurrence for women to fight in pairs on occasions of rejoicing; but a general engagement like this, with about fifteen hundred women on each side, was a thing altogether new, and beyond all precedent, and quite unexpected at a funeral ceremony. The women, however, readily engaged, and kept up the contest, with obstinate bravery, for about an hour, without a foot of ground being lost or gained on either side; nor would the battle have subsided then, if Finow, seeing the persevering courage of these heroines, had not ordered them to desist, the battle having cost them several sprained ancles and broken arms. They fought with a great deal of steadiness, and gave fair hits, without pulling one another's hair. The men now divided themselves in like manner into two parties, and began a general engagement, which was persisted in a considerable time with much fury, till at length that party which belonged to the side of the island on which Finow dwelt began to give way: instantly he rushed from the house in which he was seated, to reanimate his men by his presence and exertions, which he effected to such a degree,

[page] 378

that the opposite party in their turn fell back, and were completely beaten off the ground.

This contest being now ended, the company dispersed, each to his respective home, whilst Finow retired to a small house, which had been built since his daughter's death, near Böóno (the large house on the marly); and there, feeling himself much exhausted, he laid down to rest from his fatigue. He had not been long in this posture before he found himself very ill: his respiration became difficult; he turned himself repeatedly from side to side; his lips became purple, and his under jaw seemed convulsed: from time to time he groaned deeply and most horribly: all the by-standere were much affected, the women shed a profusion of tears, and the men were occupied no doubt with the thoughts of what commotion might happen in the event of his death, what blood might be spilt, and what battles won and lost. The king, in the mean while, seemed perfectly sensible of his situation: he attempted to speak, but the power of utterance was almost denied to him; one word alone could be clearly distinguished, fonnooa (land or country); hence it was supposed that he meant to express his anxiety respecting the mischiefs and disturbances that, might happen to the country in the

[page] 379

event of his death. After waiting a little time, finding he did not get better, the prince, and a young chief named Voogi, went out to procure one of Finow's children by a female attendant, to sacrifice it to the gods, that their anger might be appeased, and the health of its father restored*. They found the child in a neighbouring house, unconsciously sleeping in its mother's lap: they took it away by force, and retiring with it behind an adjacent Fytóca, strangled it, as quickly as possible, with a band of gnatoo; they then took it, with all speed, before two consecrated houses and a grave, at each place hurrying over a short but appropriate prayer to the god to interfere with the other gods in behalf of Finow, and to accept of this sacrifice as an atonement for his crimes. This being done, they returned to the place where Finow lay, but found him with scarcely any signs of life, speechless and motionless;—his heart, however, could be just felt to beat. In the mean time he had been placed on a sort of hand-barrow, which had been made on purpose, during the time the child was strangled. Fancying there were still some hopes of his recovery, his friends carried

* For farther particulars respecting this ceremony, see p. 228.

[page] 380

him on this bier to different consecrated houses, although he had, almost beyond a doubt, breathed his last, with violent struggles, about ten minutes before. He was first carried to the house dedicated to Táli-y-Toobó, where an appropriate prayer to the god was hurried over as quickly as possible: the corpse (for it was now perhaps nothing more, for there was no pulse at the wrist; and Mr, Mariner, applying his hand to the region of the heart, found it had ceased sensibly to beat) was conveyed to the house of the god Toói-foóa-Bolótoo, where a similar prayer was preferred. Not contented with this, they next carried it to the grave of a female chief named Chinitacala, and her spirit was in like manner invoked. Some hope still remained; and his body was carried a mile and a half up the country, on the road towards Felletoa, to the residence of Tooitonga, their great divine chief, at Nioo Lolo. When arrived here, the body was conveyed to Tooitonga's cook-house, and placed over the hole in the ground where the fire is lighted to dress victuals: this was thought to be acceptable to the gods, as being a mark of extreme humiliation, that the great chief of all the Hapai islands, and Vavaoo, should be laid where the meanest class of mankind the

[page] 381

cooks, were accustomed to operate. All this time Tooitonga remained in his own house, for his high character, as a descendant of the gods, rendered it altogether unnecessary, and even degrading and improper, that he should interfere in this matter.

By this time, his friends losing all hopes, and being convinced that he was really dead, brought the body back to Neafoo, where it was placed in the large house on the marly, called Böóno. In the mean while, many chiefs and warriors secretly got ready their spears, (which were tied up in bundles,) and put them loose, ready to be seized at a moment's notice; and selecting out their clubs, arranged them, in order to be used on the urgency of occasion; expecting every moment the shout of war from one quarter or another: and if we just take a cursory view of the state of affairs, at this critical juncture, we shall find that such apprehensions were by no means groundless.

No sooner was the late How deceased, than all those principal chiefs who bad, or imagined that they had some claims to the government of Vavaoo, were expected to take up arms to assert their cause. Among these was Voona Lahi, otherwise Tooa Caláo; who it may be

[page] 382

recollected returned from Hamoa with the late king's son (see p. 160), and was chief of Vavaoo at the period of the Tonga revolution*; but was afterwards dispossessed of his island by the late How.—Toobo Toa was another chief who it was thought would lay claim on this occasion, on account of his great strength in fighting men, and for having killed the late chief of Vavaoo, (Toobo Neuha). A third chief was Finow Fiji, the late How's brother; who perhaps had a greater claim than either of the two before mentioned, on account of his relationship; he was also a brave warrior, and considered to be a man of great prudence and wisdom: by some it was not supposed that he would lay any claim; for, although he was a brave warrior, when occasions called forth his courage, he was still a very peaceable man, remarkable for sage counsel, and for strong aversion to every kind of conspiracy or dis-

* It is proper here to take the opportunity of correcting an error in p. 88, where it is asserted that Voona was tributary to Toogoo Ahoo: this was not exactly the case; he ought to have been, but he neglected to pay his regular tribute, though he occasionally made large presents to the How: the latter, therefore, winked at the neglect, for Voona was a great and powerful chief; and the distance of Vavaoo from Tonga prevented Toogoo Ahoo from risking a war with him.

[page] 383

turbance whatsoever. It was the prince and his party who entertained this high idea of his moderation; two other chiefs and their dependants thought otherwise of Finow Fiji, and expected he would prove a very powerful claimant*. Apprehensions were also entertained respecting the young chief Voogi, who assisted in strangling the child, for though it was not supposed he would lay claim to the sovereignty, yet being known to be strongly in the interest of Toobo Toa, his conduct required to be strictly watched. These were the chiefs, whose behaviour at this moment the young prince had to notice with a watchful eye. He had considerable confidence, however, in the sincerity of his uncle:—Toobo Toa was at the Hapai islands: Voona and Voogi therefore were the two whose designs he had most immediately to be apprehensive of.

Such was the state of political affairs at the

* Finow originally had two brothers, viz. Finow Fiji, and Toobo Neuha, but by different wives. Finow's lengthened name was Finow Ooloocalála. The proper family name is Finow, but no member of the royal family is allowed to assume the family name till his appointment to the sovereignty, unless his father chooses to give it him as a sort of first name, to which his own proper name is attached, as was the case with Finow's brother, who was called Finow Fiji.

[page] 384

time of Finow's death. As soon as his body was deposited on the bales of gnatoo, as before mentioned, one of his daughters, a beautiful girl of about fifteen, who stood by at the time, went almost frantic with excess of sorrow. The expressions of her grief were at first in loud and frequent screams, or in broken exclamations: O yaooé! ecoo tammy' é! O yaooé! Alas! —Oh! my father!—alas!—Her sorrow was so great that, at times, she appeared quite bereft of reason; and her truly pathetic expressions of it, joined to those of the widows, and female attendants of the late king, all beating their breasts, and screaming from time to time, rendered the house truly a house of mourning, beyond the power of the imagination to picture. The place was lighted up at night, by lamps with cocoa-nut oil, (used only on such occasions) presenting a scene, if possible, still more affecting than that which happened on the occasion of Toobo Neuha's death.

In the course of the night, Mr. Mariner went into the house several times, partly out of curiosity indeed, but principally moved by feelings of regret for the loss of his great and kind patron;—for though he could not in every point of view admire him as a man,—yet he could not but esteem him and reverence

[page] 385

him as a benefactor: he had received from him great and numerous favours; and notwithstanding his faults, there was a something essential in his character which commanded respect; and Mr. Mariner felt that, in losing him, he had sustained a very great loss. The prince checked him in these frequent visits to the house; urging, that as he was a man, he ought to feel as a man, and not mingle his sorrows with those of women; but if he wished to express his love for Finow, who had adapted him as his son, and had given him the name of a son whom he had lost some years before*, he should demonstrate that love and respect for the memory of so good a father, by engaging his attentions; in the interests of his family, particularly in those of, himself, who was his lawful heir;—and not show his affliction by a silly profusion of tears and sighs, which was beneath the exalted character of a warrior.

* The name of this son was Tógi Oócumméa, (an iron axe) and was also the name of one of the gods of the sen; for as they only obtain iron axes from across the sea, they naturally attribute the advantages which they possess, in having such a useful instrument, to the bounty of a sea god, whom they have accordingly designated by this name. Finow's son, who was so called, was a great favourite of his father, who, when he adopted Mr. Mariner, gave him the same name, as a proof of his real esteem. Mr. M. always went by this mime, or for shortness sake, Tógi.

VOL. I. C C

[page] 386

About the middle of the night, no actual disturbance had taken place, but some of the prince's confidents, who were dispersed about to be on the watch, brought intelligence that Voona was holding secret conferences with some of the natives of Vavaoo. The prince, however, thought it advisable not to take any active measures, nor to appear to notice it: he therefore merely ordered his spies to keep a strict eye upon their proceedings, and to obtain all the farther information they well could, without incurring suspicion. At the same time he resolved in his own mind, as soon as the consent of the people should establish his authority, to banish all suspicious chiefs to the Hapai islands. About ah hour afterwards, he learnt that Voogi the preceding day had ordered sundry parties of his men to post themselves behind the bushes, on each side the road to Nioo Lalo, during the time that Finow's body was being carried there, with orders to rush out and kill all who accompanied the body, in case a fit opportunity presented itself: but no such opportunity having offered, his men had assembled armed along with him, at a house near the water side, with his canoe close at hand, and had been there all the preceding part of the night. The prince ordered that no notice should be taken of his hostile position, but that all

[page] 387

his own men should keep themselves well armed, and in perfect readiness to meet the enemy in case of a revolt: he also dispatched men to watch as narrowly as possible other chiefs, whom he began to think might be connected with Voogi. Daring the remainder of the night, no disturbance took place. In the morning, as soon as it was light, the people began to assemble on the marly, out of respect to the departed chief; and sat on the ground, waiting for the commencement of the ceremonies usual on such extraordinary occasions.

In the mean time, the prince, and his uncle, Finow Fiji, prepared cava at a neighbouring house, and presented it there to the priest of Toobo Totai, out of respect to that god, who was now become the tutelar deity of the young prince. By the mouth of his priest the god desired him not to fear rebellion; for who should dare to rebel against a chief who was the peculiar care of the powers of Bolotoo ? He commanded him moreover to reflect on the circumstances of his father's death, as a salutary lesson to himself: "Your father," said the god, "is now no more;—but why did he die?—because he was disrespectful to the gods!" The conference here ended. A short time after, the prince, whilst, reflecting on the words of the oracle, was addressed by a woman, who was sitting

C C 2

[page] 388

behind him in waiting, and who was much respected by the late king and his family, on account of her having given him some information respecting a real or supposed conspiracy, on the part of the Vavaoo chiefs; (Booboono, Cacahoo, and others, who were seized in consequence at Macare, and afterwards, put to death: seep. 288). This woman remarked to the prince that his father, just before he was taken ill, had sent two men to her to procure, a rope, (she having the care of a store-house,) with orders to bring it to him secretly. These two men, whose names were Toehengi and Baboto, (the former the son of Toobo Boogoo, a priest, the latter a cook,) happening now to be present, the prince turned to them, and asked if they knew the purpose for which his father wanted this rope;—whom he meant to bind with it ?— Hearing this question, Mr. Mariner, who was sitting close to him, exclaimed "What! did you not know that he intended to bind and afterwards to kill Toobo Tea, the priest of Toobo Totai, to be revenged on this god for not bringing about his daughter's recovery*?"

* This intention of the king had only been cautiously whispered about, among a few chiefs and were constantly with him; and his sudden sickness and speedy death, which prevented him putting his threats into execution, had so occupied every body's thoughts, that the circum-stance for a time was forgotten.

[page] 389

This fact was afterwards confirmed by other persons, and particularly by certain warriors, who had actually received orders to seize Toobo Tea, and murder him. Thus was a plan of sacrilegious wickedness brought to light, which made all those who now heard it for the first time shudder at the mere thought:

"No wonder!" (for such was the general exclamation) "no wonder that he died! a chief with such dreadful thoughts!" Mr. Mariner then stated, in addition, "that he had heard the king say more than once, (a few days before he died,) 'How unmindful are the gods of my welfare!—but no! it is not the decree of the gods in general;—it is to that vexatious Toobo Totai, that I owe my misfortunes; he does not exert himself for my good: but wait a little, I'll be revenged!— his priest shall not live long*!'"

* Finow had often stated to Mr. Mariner his doubts that there were such beings as the gods:—he thought that men were fools to believe what the priests told them. Mr. Mariner expressed his wonder that he should doubt their existence, when he acknowledged that he had more than once felt himself inspired by the spirit of Moomóe (a former How of Tonga): "True!" replied the king, "there may be gods; but what the priests tell us about their power over mankind, I believe to be all false."

[page] 390

The prince and his uncle, Finow Fiji, next held a consultation together respecting their mode of conduct, particularly in regard to certain chiefs, who were suspected of not being well disposed towards their family. Finow Fiji, for his own part, said, that he had no other wish than to coincide in whatever should seem likely to establish the peace and welfare of Hafooloo How (the name given to Vavaoo and all its neighbouring small islands, taken collectively), and that the only method of doing this would be to send all those chiefs, who pretended to have a right to the sovereignty, or who were suspected of such pretensions, away to the Hapai islands. As to his nephew, he said, that there could not well arise any dispute to his right of succession (except on the part of ill disposed chiefs), in as much as he was the late king's heir, and was well beloved by the Vavaoo people, on account of his having been the adopted son of the late Toobo Neuha, and also because he was born at Vavaoo, and brought up there. The prince agreed with his uncle on the propriety of sending the pretenders to the Hapai islands, particularly Voona, who was of the line of those chiefs who governed Vavaoo before the revolt of Tonga; and also Voogi, who was at the head of a strong party

[page] 391

of men, and was known to be in the interest of Toobo Toa. The prince concluded by saying, "But let us wait as quietly as possible, till the burial of my father, and then we shall have a different scene in the affairs of Vavaoo: when all promoters of civil discord are banished, the earth shall be cultivated, and shall appear again flourishing; for we have had war enough!" To which every body present replied, "'Tis all we wish for."

From the above sentiments of the two chiefs, it will appear to be their intention to confine the new sovereignty to the island of Vavaoo, and its neighbouring isles, without receiving tribute (unless voluntarily paid, which was not at all likely to be the case), from the Hapai islands, now in possession of Toobo Toa, against whom the prince had no intention of waging a new war, and shedding more blood for the mere purpose of obliging him to continue that tribute as heretofore.

The conference being ended, the two chiefs turned their attention to the removal of the body of the late How to Félletóa to be buried, as there were no fytócas at Neáfoo but such as belonged to the family of Tooitonga; and it would have been contrary to custom to have buried an individual of the How's family in a grave belonging to that of Tooitonga.

[page] 392

CHAP. XIII.

Ceremony of Finow's burial—Grief of his widows—Self inflictions of the mourners —Funeral procession to Felletea—The policy of the prince—Description of the grave, and ceremony of interment—Ceremonies after burial— Respect paid by persons passing the grave—The prince's intimation to Voona that be should exile himself—The prince receives authority as HOW at a cava party—His noble speech on this occasion—Farther exhortations to his chiefs and matabooles respecting the cultivation of the country—Half mourning commence—The ceremony of the twentieth day after burial—Description of the dance called Méë too Buggi—Heroic behaviour of two boys at the grave—The late How's fishermen exhibit proofs of their affection for the deceased—Moral and political character of the late How—His personal character—A brief comparison between the characters of the late and present How.

ALL the chiefs and matabooles were now assembled on the marlý at Neafoo. Among the rest was Voona, to whom the prince went up, and intimated the necessity of removing the body of his father to Félletóa. It would have been thought very disrespectful if he had not mentioned this to Voona before he issued orders

[page] 393

respecting it, because Voona was a very great chief, even greater than Finow himself, and such a reserve on such a public occasion, towards a superior, would have been an act offensive to the gods. It may appear strange that Voona was a greater chief than the son of the king, yet it is a frequent occurrence, that the king is chosen from family not of the highest rank, on account of his superior wisdom or military skill, and this was the case with the present royal family; so that the king is often obliged to pay a certain ceremonious respect (hereafter to be noticed), towards many other chiefs (even little children), who are greater nobles than he.

The company were now all seated, habited in mats, waiting for the body of the deceased king to be brought forth. The mourners (who are always women), consisting of the female relations, widows, mistresses, and servants of the deceased, and such other females of some rank, who choose, out of respect, to officiate on such an occasion, were assembled in the house, and seated round the corpse, which still lay out on the bales of gnatoo. They were all habited in large, old, ragged mats, the more ragged, the more fit for the occasion, as being more emblematical of a spirit broken down, or,

[page] 394

as it were, tom to pieces by grief. Their appearance was calculated to excite pity and sorrow in the heart of any one, whether accustomed or not to such a scene: their eyes were swollen with the last night's frequent flood of grief, and still weeping genuine tears of regret; the upper part of their cheeks perfectly black, and swollen so that they could hardly see, with the constant blows they had inflicted on themselves with their fists; and their breasts, also, were equally bruised with their own misplaced and untimely rage.

Among the chiefs and matabooles who were seated on the marly, all those who were particularly attached to the late king, or to his cause, evinced their sorrow by a conduct, usual, indeed, among these people at the death of a relation, or of a great chief (unless it be that of Tooitonga, or any of his family), but which, to us, may well appear barbarous in the extreme; that is to say, the custom of cutting and wounding themselves with clubs, stones, knives, or sharp shells; one at a time, or two or three together, running, into the middle of the circle, formed by the spectators, to give these proofs of their extreme sorrow for the death, and great respect for the memory of their departed friend.

[page] 395

The sentiments expressed by these victims of popular superstition were to the following purpose: "Finow! I know well your mind; you have departed to Bolótoo*, and left your people under suspicion that I, or some of these about you, were unfaithful; but where is the proof of infidelity ? where is a single instance of disrespect ?" Then, inflicting violent blows, and deep cuts in the head with a club, stone, or knife, would again exclaim, at intervals, "Is this not a proof of my fidelity ? does this not evince loyalty and attachment to the memory of the departed warrior ?" Then, perhaps, two or three would run up, and endeavour to seize the same club, saying, with a furious tone of voice, "Behold! the land is torn with strife! it is smitten to pieces! it is split by revolts! how my blood boils! let us haste and die! I no longer wish to live! your death, Finow, shall be mine! but why did I wish hitherto to live, it was for you alone! it was in your service and defence, only, that wished to breathe! but now, alas, the country is ruined! Peace and happiness are at an end! your death has insured ours! henceforth war and destruction alone can

* Paradise.

[page] 396

"prosper." These speeches were accompanied with a wild and frantic agitation of the body, whilst the parties cut and bruised their heads every two or three words, with the knife or club they held in their hands.

Others, somewhat more calm and moderate in their grief, would parade up and down with rather a wild and agitated step, spinning and whirling, the club about, striking themselves with the edge of it two or three times violently upon the top or back of the head*, and then, suddenly stopping, and looking stedfastly at the instrument, spattered with blood, exclaim, "Alas! my club, who could have said that you would have done this kind office for me, and have enabled me thus to evince a testimony of my respect for Finow! Never, no, never, can you again tear open the brains of his enemies! Alas! what a great and mighty warrior has fallen! Oh! Finow, cease to suspect my loyalty! be convinced of my fidelity! But what absurdity am I talking! if I had appeared treacherous in your sight, I should have met the fate of those numerous warriors who have fallen victims to your just revenge: but do not think, Finow, that I

* They understand tolerably well how to avoid the situation of the larger arteries.

[page] 397

reproach you; no! I wish only to convince you of my innocence, for who, that has thoughts of harming his chiefs, shall grow white-headed like me? (an expression made use of by some of the old men). O cruel gods! to deprive us of our father, of our only hope, for whom alone we wished to live! We have, indeed, other chiefs, but they are only chiefs in rank, and not like you, alas! great and mighty in war!"

Such were their sentiments and conduct on this mournful occasion. Some, more violent than others, cut their heads to the skull with such strong and frequent blows, that they caused themselves to reel, producing afterwards a temporary loss of reason. It is difficult to say to what length this extravagance would have been carried, particularly by one old man, if the prince had not ordered Mr.Mariner to go up and take away the club from him, as well as two others that were engaged at the same time. It is customary on such occasions, when a man takes a club from another, to use it himself in the same way about his own head; but Mr. Mariner, being a foreigner, was not expected to do this; he therefore went up, and, after some hesitation and struggle, secured the clubs, one after another, and returned with

[page] 398

them to his seat, when, after a while, they were taken by others, who used them in like manner.

After these savage expressions of sorrow had been continued for nearly three hours, the prince, having first signified his intentions to Voona, for reasons before stated, gave orders that the body of his father should be taken to Felletoa to be buried. In the first place, a bale of gnatoo was put on a kind of hurdle, and the body laid on the bale: the prince then ordered that, as his father was the first who introduced guns in the wars of Tonga, the two carronades should be loaded and fired twice* before the procession set out, and twice after it had passed out of the marly'; he gave directions also that the body of Finow's daughter, lately deceased, should be taken out of the fytoca, in the model of a canoe, and carried after the body of her father; that during his life as he wished always to have her body in his neighbourhood, she might now at length be buried with him. Matters being thus ar-

* It should be mentioned that the young prince had now in his possession only two carronades, the other two being at the Hapai islands with Toobo Toa. But then Toobo Toa had only half a barrel of gunpowder, and no iron shot, whereas the prince had seven or eight barrels, and a considerable number of balls.

[page] 399

ranged, Mr. Mariner loaded the guns, and fired four times with blank cartridge. The procession then went forward; the wives of the deceased and women attendants proceeded first in silent sorrow, next followed the body of Finow, the body of his daughter, the matabooles, and lastly the young prince and his retinue. When the procession had got out of the fortress, (the marly, of which we are speaking, being in the middle of the fortress of Neafoo) and had passed the place where the guns were drawn up, Mr. Mariner fired two more rounds, then loaded them with canister shot, lighted a march, to keep in readiness in case of need, and ordered the guns to follow the procession, whilst he went last to see that they were property drawn. It was not the prince's intention to order another salute, but he had previously told Mr. Mariner to load them again, not with blank cartridge but with shot, and to carry a lighted match in his hand, for "perhaps," said he, "we may have need of it." This, it may be easily seen, was a measure of policy; he ordered them to be fired that he might have a plea for carrying them in the procession along with him, and he ordered them to be loaded a third time, as if they were to be in readiness for another salute at the grave, but in fact for

[page] 400

his own safeguard, lest certain chiefs, should take the opportunity to revolt.

In the course of two hours they arrived at Felletoa, where the body tat laid in a house on the marly at some distance from the grave, till another and smaller house could be brought close to it*; and this was done in the course of an hour, the corner posts being taken up, the four pieces which compose the building (a kind of shed in a pyramidal form, the caves reaching within four feet of the ground) were brought by a sufficient number of men, and put together at the place where it was wanted. This being done, the body was brought on the same hurdle or hand-barrow to the newly erected building, (if it may be so termed), and then being taken off the hurdle it was laid within on the bale of gnatoo, and the house was hung round with black gnatoo, reaching from the eaves to the ground†. The women,

* The body is always placed in a house in front of the fytoca during the time the grave is dug: if there be no house near, a small one is immediately brought for the purpose, which, from the construction of their houses, is readily done by the aid of 90 or 60 men.

† Thu black gnatoo, or father gnatoo of a dark colour, having a deep brown ground with black stripes, is not chosen on account of its colour, but because it is come and common (emblematical, of poverty and sadness). They have a kind gnotoo of very superior quality, but of the same color and pattern, and this is used an occasions of rejoicing.

[page] 401

who were now all assembled and seated round the body, began a most dismal lamentation, similar to that at Neafno; in the means time a number of people, whose business it is to prepare graves, were digging the place of inferment within the fytoca, under the direction of Lanagi, a mataboole whose office is to superintend such affairs. Having dug about ten feet, they came to the large stone vault, such as was described in the note p. 153; a rope being then fastened double sound we end of the stone, which always remains a little raised for this purpose by means of certain bodies placed underneath; it was raised by the main strength of 150 or 200 men, pulling at the two ends of the rope, towards the opposite edge of the grave, tell is was brought op on end the body, being oiled with sandal-wood oil and then wrapped in Hamoa mats, was handed down on a large bale of gnatoo into the grave; the bale of gnatoo was then, as is customart, taken by the before mentioned metaoole as his prequisite. Next, the body of the daughter, in the model of a canoe, was let down in like manner and placed

VOL. I. D D

[page] 402

by his side*. The great stone was then lowered down with a loud shout. Immediately certain matabooles and warriors ran like men frantio round and about the fytoca, exclaiming, "Alas! how great is our loss! Finow! you are departed; witness this proof of our love and loyalty!" At the same time they cut and bruised their own heads with clubs, knives, axes, &c.

The whole company now formed themselves into a single line, the women first and afterwards the men, but without any particular order as to rank, and proceeded towards Lice (or the back of the island, as they term it, because there is no opening for large canoes), for the purpose (at customary) of getting a quantity of sand in small baskets, for the use directly to be described. The guns were not

* This graves, which was considered a hope one, is capacious enough to hold thirty bodies. Two bodies which Mr. Mariner saw there, and which were in a very dry but perfect state, had been buried, as be was told by old men, when they were boys, consequently must have been there upwards of forty years; while several others, of which nothing remained but the bones, had not been buried to long: this circumstance the natives suppose to be owing to different kinds of constitutions, though, in all probability, to the kind or length of disease of which they died.

[page] 403

however taken in the procession, as the young prince considered the measure now unnecessary, every thing appearing perfectly quiet, for if any party had intended to revolt, they would have done it on their way from Neafoo to the grave, whilst they had clubs and spears in their possession, and not during the ceremony of burial, before which every man, according to custom, deposits his arms in the neighbouring houses. It is true they might afterwards have taken up their arms again and planned mischief, but the prince, who had always his spies about, neither perceiving nor hearing of any symptoms of disturbance, did not wish to seem fearful of revolt, which would have been the case had he taken the guns with him to the back of the island, and which he could not have done with any plausible pretence, such as he had for carrying them to Felletoa.

In their road to the back of the island they sang loudly the whole way, as a signal to all who might be in the road or adjacent fields to hide themselves as quickly as possible, for it is sacrilegious for any body to be seen abroad by the procession during this part of the ceremony; and if any man had unfortunately made his appearance, he would undoubtedly have been pursued by one of the party, and

D D 2

[page] 404

soon dispatched with the club So strictly is this attended to, that nobody in Mr. Mariner's time recollected a breach of a law so well known. Even if a common man was to be buried, and Finow himself was to be upon the road, or in the neighbourhood of the procession, whilst going to get sand at the back of the island, he would immediately hide himself; not that they would knock out the king's brains on such an occasion, but it would be thought sacrilegious and unlucky, the gods of Bolotoo being supposed to be present at the time. The chiefs are particularly careful not to infringe upon sacred laws, lest they should set an example of disobedience to the people, The song on this occasion, which is very short, is sung first by the men, and then by the women, and so on alternately, and intimates (though Mr. Mariner has forgotten the exact words) that the fala (which is the same of this part of the ceremony) is coming, and that every body must get out of the way.

When they arrived at the back of the island, where any body may be present to see them, and, on this occasion, it was at the part called Mofooé, every one proceeded to make a small basket of the leaves of the coopa-nut tree, holding about two quarts, and to fill it with

[page] 405

sand: this being done, each of the men carried two upon a stick across the shoulder, one at each end—while the women only carried one, pressed, in general, against the left hip or rather upon it, by the hand of the same side, and supported by the hand of the opposite side, brought backwards across the loins, which they consider the easiest mode for women to carry small burdens*; they then proceeded back the same way, and with the same ceremony, to the grave. By this time the grave above the vault was nearly filled with the earth lately dug out, the remaining small space being left to be filled up by the sand, which is always more than enough for this purpose, that the mount, of which the fytoca consists, may be strewed in like manner, it being considered a great embellishment to a grave to have it thus covered, and is thought to appear very well from a distance, where the clean sand may be seen on the outside of the fytoca; besides which, it is the custom, and nobody can explain the reason why,—which is the case with several of their customs. This

* This mode, which the women use, is called fafa; that which the men use, as just described, ámo; carrying in the h and by the side, taggi-taggi;— whilst the general term for any mode of carrying is fooa. *

[page] 406

being done, the temporary house is taken to pieces, and thrown behind the fytoca in the hole, out of which the earth was originally dug to raise the mount on which the fytoca stands*: in this hole also are thrown all the baskets in which the sand was brought, as well as the remaining quantity of earth not used in filling up the grave. The ground within the fytoca is now covered with mats, similar to what are commonly used in the houses, and which are made of the leaves of the cocoa-nut tree. During the whole of this time the company was seated on the green before the fytoca, still clothed in mats, and their necks strong with the leaves of the ifi tree: after this they arose and went to their respective habitations, where they shaved their heads, and burnt their cheeks with a small lighted roll of tápa†, by applying it once upon each cheek bone; after which, the place was rubbed with the astringent berry of the matchi, which occasions it to bleed, and with the blood they smeared about the wound, in a circular form,

* Or rather the house upon the fytoca, for the latter is a term given merely to the mount and the grave within it, for they have several fytocas which have no houses on them.

† Tápa differs from gnatoo merely by its not being stamped or imprinted with any pattern.

[page] 407

to about two inches in diameter, giving themselves a very unseemly appearance*. They repeat this friction with the berry every day, making the wound bleed afresh: and the men, in the mean time; neglect to shave, and to oil themselves during the day; they do, however, at night, for the comfort which this operation affords. After having, in the first place, burnt their cheeks and shaved their heads, they built for themselves small temporary huts, for their own accommodation during the time of mourning, which lasts twenty days. The women, who have become tabooed by touching the dead body, remain constantly in the fytota, except when they want food, for which they retire to one or other of these temporary houses, to be fed as mentioned in the note, p. 150, but they sleep in the fytoca. The provisions with which these tabooed women and mourners in general are provided: were sent, on this occasion, with bales of gnatoo, first to the young prince, by the different chiefs and matabooles; the prince then ordered the greater

* Those whose love for the deceased is very great, or who wish it to be thought so, instead of burning their checks in the way mentioned, rub off the cuticle by beating and rubbing their cheeks with platt wound round their hands, made of the husk of the cocoa-nut; and this is a most painful operation.

[page] 408

part of them to be sent to the tabooed women; and they were accordingly carried and placed on the ground, at some distance form the grave, or else laid down before the temporary house, to which the chief of the tabooed women retires to be fed; and she orders them to be distributed to the different chiefs and matabooles who again share them out in the usual way. The fifth and tenth days of each a ceremony are, however marked by a greater quantity of provision than ordinary being sons, for which they give no reason but that of custom. On the twentieth day there is also an unusually large quantity sent; and this is by way of finishing the funeral ceremony. With these provisions they also send every day a supply of tomes*, to light up the fytota during the night: these tomos are held by a women who, when fatigued with this office, is received by another: those who sake the light into their charge are of the lower ranks. They, as well as the others, when not oppressed by sleep, indifferent subjects, During these twenty days also, if any one passes the fytoca, he must not proceed in his ordinary careless way, swinging his arms, but with a slow pace, his head

* The tóme is a sort of torch.

[page] 409

bowed down, and his hands clasped before him, if he have no burden; and if be have, he must lower it, (from his shoulder for instance,) and carry it in his hands, or upon his bended arms:—but if he can conveniently do it, he will go a circuitous route, to avoid the grave Here it may be observed, that, on all occasions, when a man with a burden passes a great chief, or the grave of a great chief, particularly if there is any one near to see him, he lowers his burden out of respect. Every day also, one or more approach, and sit before the grave for two or three hours, beating their faces with their fists, or bruising their heads with clubs, in which latter case they stand up*. These are the uniform and essential circumstance which always take place during this part of the ceremany of burying chiefs,— we now come to speak of those which were peculiar to this particular instance.

On the day after the decreased How was put an the ground, the principal chiefs and matabboles requested the prince to intimate to

* Finow's chief widow, Mooónga Toobó, every morning, attended by her women, cut the grass short before the grave with knives and sharp shells, sweeping away leaves and loose blades with brooms blade of th e stem of the cocoa-nut leaf: they also procured sweet-scented plants, principally the jiále, and planted them before the grave.

[page] 410

Voona, and certain other chiefs, their wish that they should go to the Hapai islands: this he did; but, at the same time, gave them liberty to stop till the funeral ceremony was concluded. Voona received this intimation in a becoming manner, acknowledging the impropriety of his stay, if the people were any way jealous of his presence. The prince apologized for this step, urging the wish of his people as his sole motive; and expressed, with great warmth, his wish that he who had been so long his friend and companion would still remain his associate.

The following day, at a general assembly of the chiefs and matabooles, after the cava was prepared, and the two first cups handed out, the third, which, according to custom, is presented to the chief who presides, was next filled; and when an attendant, as usual, declared aloud that the cup was filled, all eyes were fixed on the prince, whilst the mataboole who sat next to him exclaimed, "Give it to Finow!"—and it was accordingly handed to him, whilst be assumed an appearance of perfect unconcern at the name by which, for the first time, he was called*. And this was a matter of no small importance; for had he

* See note* p. 383.

[page] 411

appeared elated at this circumstance, he would have been thought a man of a weak mind, little calculated to be a supreme chief: whereas the character of such a personage should be, in their estimation; (and very rightly too;) that of superiority over the influence of petty passions, and such trifling emotions as are fit only for the vulgar tribe of mankind. As soon as all the cava was served out and drunk, Finow addressed the company to the following purport.

"Listen to me, chiefs and warriors!" If any among you are discontented with the present state of affairs*,—now is the time to go to Hapai; for no man shall remain, at Vavaoo with a mind discontented and wandering to other places. I have seen with sorrow the wide destruction occasioned by the unceasing war carried on by the chief now lying in the marly; and what is the result?—the land is depopulated! if is overgrown with weeds, and there is nobody to cultivate it: the principal chiefs and warriors are fallen, and we must be contented with the society of the lower class. What madness! is not life already too short ? Would not a

* Or, as he expressed it in the Tonga language, "with the way in which we sit here."

[page] 412

"men's time be better employed in increasing his pleasures and happiness ? What folly then to seek for war to shorten that which is already too short! Who is there among us who can say, ' I wish to die—I am weary of life ?' Have we not then been acting like those of no understanding ? Have we not been madly seizing the very thing which deprives us of what we really want ? Not that we ought to banish all thoughts of fighting! If any power approach us with the front of battle, and attempt to invade our rights, our fury and bravery shall be excited more, in proportion as we have more possessions to defend. Let us therefore confine ourselves, as much as possible, to the cultivation of our own land; for as it is more than sufficient to Maintain us, why seek for any other ? But perhaps I am not speaking to you wisely ? the old matabooles are present; if I am wrong, let them say so. I am but young, and, on that account, should be unfit to govern, if my mind, like that of the deceased chief, sought not the advice of others: for your loyalty and fidelity towards him, however, I return you my sincere thanks, Finow Fifi, who is present, knows that I consult both him and the matabooles as to matters of govern-

[page] 413

ment: you cannot therefore say, why do we listen to the prattle of a boy ? Recollect, I speak the sentiments of Toe Oomoo, Ooloovaloo, Afoo, Alo, Fotoo, and all the elders of Vavaoo. But I again observe, that if any among you have possessions at Hapai, or are not content with your present situation, now is the only opportunity to depart, for henceforth there shall be no intercourse whatever either with Hapai or Tonga: choose then now your places of abode! There are Fiji, Hamoa, Tonga*, Hapai, Fotoona, and Lotooma, for none shall remain at Hafoolo How but those whose minds agree in keeping a lasting peace:—not that I wish to suppress the courage of any warlike spirit, —Behold! the islands of Tonga and Fiji are constantly at war; let him there display his courage. Arise! go to your respective habitations; and recollect, that to-morrow the canoes depart for Hapai†."

Finow, having finished his speech, got up and went to his house, accompanied by the

* Meaning the island of Tonga, properly so called.

† It is to be observed, that no phrase is used in this translation of Finow's speech but what is consistent with his own language: all the figures are the same; and as to the word behold, it is truly a proper translation of their phrase vaciý angi, look towards! and is most frequently used as an interjection, like our word behold!

[page] 414

sons of his chiefs and matabooles, who, together with his warriors, formed his retinue. After a repast, provided beforehand*, he again made an address, but in a more familiar and conversational way, on the advantages of cultivating land for one's own food, and eating the produce of one's own labour; and to strengthen his argument, he observed, that, hitherto in Tonga†, it had been the custom for those who formed the retinue of chiefs to subsist on the provision which those chiefs thought proper to share out to them from their own store; and during the great famine (which happened many years before, while he was yet but a boy), he had remarked that more of these men (chiefs' dependants), had died than of the lower orders, who tilled the ground for their own support, as well as that of their chiefs, because they always found means to reserve food for themselves, however great might be the tax; while those who depended on the bounty of their chiefs got but a very scanty allowance. He then went on, "You do not know how much pleasure such men feel

* They often have cava rings where little is eaten, which was the case with that where he made the above speech; those who are fond of cava seldom eat much with it, conceiving that food destroys the genuine taste of it.

† By Tonga, he here means the Friendly Islands at large.

[page] 415

"when they view the work of their own hands thriving daily; and, whilst eating, when they reflect that their labour has been repaid by the increate of their stores: therefore let us (chiefs, and attendants of chiefs), apply ourselves, as we have nothing else to do, to agriculture: follow my example; I will order a piece of ground to be cleared, and, during the next rain, I will assist in planting it with hiabo."

No other circumstances worthy of note happened during the twenty days concluding the burial ceremony. On the tenth day, those who were not relations of the deceased, nor constituted his household, wore a sort of half mourning; that is to say, under their mats they wore a piece of gnatoo, not to be seen, but merely to be more comfortable to the skin than the mats, which, on these occasions, are not of the finest texture. After the twentieth day they wore their ordinary dress, and went to their proper habitations; so did also the relations of the deceased, but then these wore mats for about two months afterwards, though with gnatoo under, them.

We now come to speak of the transactions of the twentieth day, which concludes the whole ceremony.

[page] 416

Early in the morning of that day, all the relations of the deceased chief, together with those who formed his household, and also the women who were tabooed by having touched his dead body, whilst oiling and preparing it, went to the back of the island (without any particular order or ceremony) to procure a number of flat pebbles, principally white, but a few black, for which they made baskets on the spot to carry them in as before mentioned, when they went to procure sand. With these they returned to the grave, and strewed the inside of the house with the white ones, as also the outside about the fytoca, as a decoration, to it: the black pebbles they strewed only upon the white ones, which covered the ground directly over the body, to about the length and breadth of a man, in the form of a very eccentric ellipsis. After this, the house ever the fytoca was closed up at both ends with a read fencing, reaching from the eaves to the ground, and, at the front and back, with a sort of has ket-work, made of the young branches of the cocoanut tree, split and interwoven in a very curious and ornamental way, which remain till the nest burial, when they are taken down, and, after the conclusion of the ceremony, new ones are put up in like manner. A large quan-

[page] 417

tity of provisions was now sent to the marly' by the chiefs of the different districts of the island, ready prepared and cooked; as also a considerable quantity prepared by Finow's own household: among these provisions was a good supply of cava root. After the chiefs, matabooles, and others, were all assembled, the provisions and cava were served out in the usual way. During this time no speech was made, nor did any particular occurrence take place. The company afterwards repaired each to his respective house, and got ready for a grand wrestling-match and entertainment of dancing the Méë too Buggi (literally, the dance, standing up with paddles. See second volume).

During the intervals of the dances, several matabooles, warriors, and others, ran before the grave, bruising and cutting their heads with clubs, axes, &c., as proofs of their fidelity to the late chief: among them, two boys, one about twelve, the other about fourteen years of age (sons of matabooles), made themselves very conspicuous in this kind of self infliction; the youngest in particular, whose father was killed in the service of the late chief, during the great revolution at Tonga, after having given his head two or three hard knocks, ran

VOL. I. E E

[page] 418

up to the grave in a fit of enthusiasm, and, dashing his club, with all his force against the ground, exclaimed, "Finow! why should I attempt thus to express my love and fidelity towards you ? my wish is, that the gods of Bolotoo permit me to live long enough to prove my fidelity to your son:", he then again, raised his club; and, running about, bruised and cut his little head in so many places, that he was covered with streams of blood. This demonstration on the part of the young hero was thought very highly of by every one present, though, according to custom, nothing at that time was said in his praise; agreeably to their maxim, that praise raises a man's opinions of his own merit too high, and fills him with self conceit. The late How's fishermen now advanced forward, to shew, their love for their deceased master in the usual way; though, instead of a club or axe, each bore the paddle of a canoe, with which he beat and bruised his head at intervals, making similar exclamations to those so often related. In one respect, however, they were somewhat singular; that is, in having three arrows, stuck through each cheek, in a slanting direction, so that, while their, points came quite through, the cheek into the mouth, the other ends went over

[page] 419

their shoulders, and were kept in that situation by another arrow, the point of which was tied to the ends of the arrows passing over one shoulder, and the other end to those of the arrows passing over the other shoulder, so as to form a triangle; and with this horrible equipment they walked round the grave, beating their faces and heads, as before stated, with the paddles, or pinching up the skin of the breast, and sticking a spear quite through; all this, to prove their love and affection for the deceased chief.

After these exhibitions of cruelty were over, this day's ceremony (which altogether lasted about six hours) was finished by a grand wrestling-match, which being ended, every one retired to his respective house or occupation; and thus terminated the ceremony of burying the king of the Tonga islands.

Finow's character, as a politician, at least in point of ambition and design, may vie with that of any member of more civilized society; he wanted only education and a larger field, of action, to make himself a thousand times more powerful than he was. Gifted by nature with that amazing grasp of mind which seizes every thing within its reach, and then, dissatisfied with what it has obtained, is ever restless in

E E 2

[page] 420

the endeavour to obtain more, how dull and irksome must have been to him the domïnion of a few islands, which he did not dare to leave to conquer others, lest he should be dispossessed of them by the treachery of chiefs, and the fickleness of an undisciplined army. His ever restless and ambitious spirit would frequently vent itself in such expressions as the following: "Oh, that the gods would make me king of England! there is not an island in the whole world, however small, but what I would then subject to my power: the king of England does not deserve the dominion he enjoys; possessed of so many great ships, why does he suffer such petty islands as these of Tonga continually to insult his people with acts of treachery ? Where I he would I send tamely to ask for yams and pigs? No, I would come with the front of battle;* and with the thunder of Bolotane † I would shew who ought to be chief. None but men of enterprising spirit should be in possession of guns; let such rule the earth, and be those their vassals who can bear to

* Mooa tow, which literally means the front or fore-part of battle, is a very usual expression among them.

† The expression they use for the noise of guns; the word Britain they cannot pronounce in any other way than Bolotánë.

[page] 421

"submit to such insults unrevenged!" With such sentiments as these would he now and then break forth in presence of Mr. Mariner, after conversing on the power of the king of England. Hence his character, as to ambition, is drawn by himself with bold and decided lines. As to intrigue and design the reader may refer to the history of his conduct in the revolution of Tonga, (p. 77) where he suffered Toobo Neuha's revenge to be the tool of his ambition, pretending to have no strong wish for the death of Toogoo Ahoo; hence Toobo Neuha took upon himself the charge of assassination, whilst Finow remained on the outside of the house with his men waiting the result: thus he did not draw upon himself the odium of any one, as an actual murderer of Toogoo Ahoo; all which fell upon the shoulders of Toobo Neuha, equally as great and brave, but a more honest and a worthier man. For a more striking instance, look to his deep design in the history of the assassination of Toobo Neuha, who had been his own ally, and was then his most faithful servant (see p. 144); here again he made use of another man's revenge to effect his purpose; and mark the admirable caution with which he steps in this affair throughout He acknowledges that he promised Toobo Toa

[page] 422

his assistance, but then states, as his reason, that he did it with the view of putting off Toobo Toa's intention for a time, under the false pretence, he says, that it was not yet a fit opportunity; but in reality, as ht tells the Vacaoo people, that be might find an occasion to prevent the mischief altogether! But who can doubt, after having observed closely the features of that transaction, but that Finow meant to bring about the murder of Toobo Neuha that very night, else why did he tell Mr. Mariner not to bring his whaling knife with him: was it not that he wished to be unarmed, that he might not have an opportunity of defending Toobo Neuha ? Again, he did not, before he set out from his house, send for Toobo Neuha to accompany him, but when he had got half way on his road he stopped to bathe, and in the mean while, as if it were a second and a casual thought, he sent for his victim to accompany him to the old chief's house, where they remained above two hours. Toobo Toa was not present, and Toobo Toa's men were getting ready a canoe for him to escape, in case he were unsuccessful. When the first blow was given, Finow could not defend Toobo Neuha, because he was purposely unarmed, and because Toobo Toa's men held him, which they would

[page] 423

not have dared to have done had they not been so ordered by their chief. Need any more he said to shew his policy?—Once more notice him, when he wishes to make a peace with the Vavaoo people, after he had kept up for some time a fruitless contest (p. 232). To have expressed this wish might have weakened him in the opinion of his enemies; what does he in this case ?—he takes frequent, opportunity to convene with the priests: he does not tell them that be wishes for peace, but he observes that peace would be much more advantageous for his subjects; lamenting, at the same time, that, the disobedience of the Vavaoo people obliges him to have recourse to warlike, measures: the minds of the priests, however, be-coming strongly impressed with the advantages of peace, when inspired they advise him to make a peace; he, pretending to do as the gods admonish him, yields to the solicitation, and permits his priests to make overtures, as if this step was originally designed by them, or rather by the gods, and that he consented merely because it was a point of religious duty to do so. Thus we find him an admirable politician, although the picture is occasionally marked with traits which do no honour to his character as a man. Farther instances of this

[page] 424

kind may be noticed, such as his cruelty towards his conquered enemies, by starving his prisoners to death in the shocking manner related p. 84, for which he could have no excuse, unless to deter others from rebellion. As to his seizing several of the Vavaoo chiefs at a cava ring (p. 288), and ordering them to be killed, it may perhaps be that they were meditating an insurrection, as he was informed; hence such strong measures became almost necessary in a state of society like that. But it would be rather severe to consider cruelty so great a crime among these people as it would be among us; the evil to society may be perhaps quite as great, but the demerit certainly falls not so heavy upon the perpetrator, nor does the victim, in all probability, feel the evil so much. To return to the subject, Finow was by no means destitute of the spark of humanity: it was remarkable in him that, although he was rather arbitrary, he hated to see oppression in others, and would frequently take the part of the oppressed, against those who were punishing them harshly; and this Mr. Mariner is confident did not arise from caprice, nor from pride, as willing to make himself the only person to be feared, but from far better motives. As a proof of his sentiments in this respect, the

[page] 425

following anecdote is worthy of notice: When Mr. Mariner was first able to explain himself in their language, young chiefs and warriors would frequently flock about him, (particularly those who were active in taking the Port au Prince,) and question him as to the use of various things they had seen on board that vessel, and then they would describe the difficulty they had in killing some of the men, mentioning, at the same time, who killed such a one and who killed another, and expressed, by their actions, how much such a man was convulsed when he died, and how deeply he groaned. Whilst talking upon such subjects, Finow passing that way, and overhearing the discourse, would command them not to talk upon a matter which must be so disagreeable to Mr. Mariner's feelings; that the fate of his companions was too serious a subject to be thus slightly spoken of: to which some of the chiefs replied, "but he does not make that a subject of consideration, for none of them were his relations."— "Though none perhaps were his relations," rejoined Finow, "they were nevertheless his countrymen." Remarks like these, if not made out of pride, or from a spirit of contradiction, (and Mr. Mariner firmly believes they were not,) may very well serve to convince us

[page] 426

that Finow's mind was by no means destitute of humanity; and though he was at times cruelly severe with his prisoners, in putting them to death by ways not the least painful, still this was perhaps on all occasions, to a certain degree, justifiable, as examples to keep others in terror: a method undoubtedly not the best, but such as may be easily overlooked in a state of society like that in which he lived. It should here also be observed, that Finow's temper was uncommonly irritable; when once excited into anger, his rage was terrible: this he acknowledged himself, and would frequently say that his quick temper was the infliction sent him from Bolotoo*: and in some measure to obviate its ill effects, he frequently charged his matabooles to hold him whenever they saw him getting violently angry! This they always did, and in about ten minutes or a quarter of an hour he would become quite calm, and thank them for their interference. This admirable conduct is, no doubt, a beautiful trait in the character of a savage: and there is perhaps at this time many a man living at the Tonga islands

* They believe that every man has some deep seated evil, either in his mental or bodily constitution, sent him by the gods; but for which they assign no other reason than the delight they take in punishing mankind.

[page] 427

who owes his present existence to this circumstance; whose brains would undoubtedly have been knocked out long ago, but for this laudable artifice on the part of their chief. Nor was he on all occasions unable to master his temper without these secondary means; for if we observe him when he approached the shores of Vavaoo, to address the people with a view of persuading them to amicable measures, we shall see that all the scoffs and insults of his enemies did not in the least ruffle his temper, contrary to the expectation of his friends. But, however, his temper was no doubt very irritable, and with such a temper, and in such a state of society, it is not to be wondered at that he should occasionally be very harsh in his measures towards those who rebelled against him.

As to his moral character in general, not much can be said in his favour; he was suspected of harbouring revengeful designs against individuals for years, and would wreak his vengeance at a fit opportunity and kill them, as if from a momentary impulse of passion, when nobody was near to restrain him. His revenge in this way was sometimes wreaked upon chiefs, who, as he imagined, did not pay him so much tribute as their plantations could have afforded;

[page] 428

at least such was supposed to be his motive, by those who knew him best.

In describing the character of an extraordinary man, the picture is unfinished, unless we furnish also a portraiture of his person, and of his personal manners; otherwise the imagination of the reader is sure to describe for itself a body, as a substratum on which all these mental qualifications are superinduced; and hence, incongruities are mingled together; the harmony of the picture weakened, if not quite destroyed; and an imperfect artificial construction is substituted for a perfect natural production. To give an example of the propriety, if not the necessity of this,—one might imagine from the character above given of Finow that he was of a vindictive and cruel disposition, because, we have given a few instances in confirmation of it: one might suppose him therefore to have a countenance harsh and severe, a lowering, sullen brow, a haughty deportment, &c.—But nothing can be more remote from his true personal character;—and we are surprised to hear that his countenance was indeed energetic, yet mild; his brow prominent and bold, without sullenness: his deportment manly and erect,

[page] 429

without pride. Without the knowledge of these facts, we suppose him to have been cruel and malevolent; with the knowledge of them, we rather suppose him to have been severe; but that his severity, where it degenerated into harshness, was occasioned sometimes by hastiness of temper; sometimes by misconception of the crime which, he punished; at other times, (and perhaps partly at all times,) by the habits of the society in which he lived, these habits occasioning him to view acts of real cruelty, in a light less atrocious than we should.—If, on the other hand, we were to find that his countenance spoke the same harsh language that his actions appeared to speak, we might, without much fear of error, set him down as being really capable of malignant and atrocious actions.

Finow, the sole and arbitrary monarch of Vayaoo, and the Hapai islands, was in stature six feet two inches; in bulk and strength, stout and museular; his head erect and bold; his shoulders broad and well made; his limbs well set, strong, and graceful in action; his body not corpulent, but muscular; his hair of a jet black, and curly, yet agreeably so, without being woolly; his forehead remarkably high;

[page] 430

his brow bold and intelligent, with a little austerity; his eye large and penetrating, yet joined to an expression of mildness; his nose aquiline and large, his lips well made and expressive; his teeth remarkably large, white, and regular; his lower jaw rather prominent; his cheek bones also rather prominent, compared with those of Europeans.—All his features were well developed, and declared a strong and energetic mind, with that sort of intellectual expression which belongs not so much to the sage as to the warlike chieftain ambition sat high on his front, and guided all his energies: his deep and penetrating eye, and his firm and masculine deportment, while they inspired his adherents with confidence, struck awe to the minds of conspirators:—his actions were, for the most part, steady and determined, and directed to some well studied purpose: his resolve was fate, and those who obeyed him with reluctance trembled, not without reason. He appeared, almost constantly, in deep thought, and did not often smile;—when he spoke, in matters of some importance, it was not without first holding up the balance in his mind, to weigh well what he had to say: persuasion hung upon his lip, and the flow of his eloquence was such,

[page] 431

that many of his enemies were afraid to listen to him, lest they should be led to view the subject in a light prejudicial to their interests.

Although, in matters of consequence, he always seemed to weigh well what he had to say, in subjects of minor importance he was very quick in reply: his voice was loud, not harsh but mellow, and his pronunciation remarkably distinct. When he laughed, which was not on trifling occasions, it was so loud as to be heard at an incredible distance; and with a very strange noise preceding it, as if he were hallooing after somebody a long way off, and the same kind of noise as he always made when in a passion: and this was peculiar to him. When in his house, however, giving orders about his domestic arrangements, his voice was uncommonly mild, and very low.

In regard to his sentiments of religion and policy, they may be pretty well gathered from sundry passages in the narrative:—with respect to his religion in particular, it is difficult to say whether he had any: it is certain that he disbelieved most of the doctrines taught by the priests; for although he believed that they were really inspired, when they pretended to be so, yet he thought that frequently a great deal of

[page] 432

what they declared to be the sentiments of the god, was their own invention; and this particularly in regard to what did not suit his own sentiments. He never, however, declared his opinion of these things in public; though he expressed them, very decidedly, to Mr. Mariner, and some of his intimate friends. He used to say that the gods would always favour that party in war, in which there were the greatest chiefs and warriors. He did not believe that the gods paid much attention in other respects to the affairs of mankind; nor did be think they could have any reason for doing so, —no more than man could have any reason or interest in attending to the affairs of the gods. He believed in the doctrine of a future state, agreeably to the notions entertained by his countrymen; that is, that chiefs and matabooles, having souls, exist hereafter in Bolotoo, according to their rank in this world; but that the common people, having no souls, or those only that die with their bodies, are without any hope of a future existence.

Such was the character of the late How of the Tonga islands,—a character not without a considerable share of merit; in some respects not unworthy imitation, and in every respect

[page] 433

highly interesting.—We hare pourtrayed it at some length, because such characters do not often come under our observation; and it is proper that we should know what men are and may be in a savage state, if we wish to judge with tolerable accuracy of the human character in a civilized state, and, by comparison of the two together, to approach to a better know-ledge of human nature in the abstract; a science of all sciences the most truly interesting; a science to which all others are but auxiliary; and without which all others would be but vain subtleties, fatiguing in the pursuit, and unsatisfactory in the possession.

We come now to view the island of Vavaoo under the dominion of a man of a very different turn of mind; of a man whose intellect was of a very superior kind; and who, unlike his late father, was void of inordinate political ambition, and sought the happiness of his people, not the extension of his own power; an admirer of the arts, a philosopher among savages! But to shew better the contrast between the two, we need only mention, that, when the late king was not at his house, and it was necessary to seek for him, he was generally to be found at some public place, at some

VOL. I. F F

[page] 434

other chief's house, of at the marly'; if the present king was wanted, he was to be found at the houses of carpenters, or canoe-builders, or else up in the country, inspecting some ground to be cultivated.

[page] 435

CHAP. XIV.

The large fortress of Felletoa rebuilt—The late king appears to Foonagi (a female chief) in a dream—The charm of Tattao—Tongamana arrives from the Hapai islands respecting the Inachi—Certain political views arising from this circumstance—Permission granted to Toobó Tóe to come to Vavaoo to perform the usual ceremonies at Finow's grave—His conduct on this occasion—His astonishment at the warlike appearance of the new garrison—Arrival of Lolohea cow Kefoo from Hapai—Great storm of thunder and lightning; its effects on the minds of the people—Dreams of a number ef women, predicting the death of Tooitonga—Illness of Tooitonga—The fingers of several children cut off as sacrifices to the gods —Several children strangled—Tooitonga's death—His burial—The king prepares himself to perform the usual ceremonies at his father's grave—Accident of Mr. Mariner's sneezing: his quarrel with the king on this account: his after conduct: their reconciliation.

SOON after the burial of the late king, Finow Fiji proposed to his nephew (the present king), to rebuild large garrison at Felletoa, which might serve as strong and impenetrable fortification, in case of attack from a foreign enemy: besides which, he justly ob-served, that the garrison, being rebuilt, it might

F F 2

[page] 436

serve as a place of residence for all the chiefs and great warriors; a measure in itself highly political, as it would prevent the seditious from forming cabals and parties, which they might more easily do whilst living at a distance up the country, than they could under the eyes of the king. But it was not proposed that they should reside constantly at the garrison, and, by that means, neglect their plantations in the country, but, that each should have a house built with the usual conveniences for his wife and family, within the fencing, to reside in at night, visiting his plantations during the day; or to retire to wholly, in case of invasion, civil commotion, and whenever the king should order him to do so. This proposal of Finow Fiji being assented to by the king, the former requested permission to have the sole management of laying out the plan, and to see it carried into effect, which the latter readily agreed to.

During the time the garrison was being rebuilt, a circumstance happened which seemed to indicate that a conspiracy was on the eve of being formed, if not actually begun, and, as the circumstance alluded to is connected with a certain superstitious ceremony worthy of detail, we shall be particular in the description

[page] 437

of it, and give the account of exactly as it happened.

Foonagi, the wife of Finow Fiji, and formerly the wife of Tymomangnoongoo (a great warrior, who acted a: principal part in taking the Port au Prince),: was a woman of uncommon penetration and discernment, and, on that account, as well as from the circumstance of her being the daughter of a chief who was a friend of the late. Finow's father, was highly regarded by the late king, and who attached himself to her so mach, that it is supposed she lived with him as his mistress daring the time that she was actually the wife of her first husband. She was a woman extremely religious, and universally respected, on account of her accurate knowledge respecting all religious ceremonies, on which: subject she was frequently consulted by the chiefs; and, upon political subjects, Finow himself often; consulted her, for, in this, also, she stood eminent in the esteem of every one. To Finow she seemed, as much attached as he to her; and, after his death, mourned his loss with a sorrow beyond the reach of comfort; She, above all others, was most attentive in decorating with flowers planted by her own hand, and, with the utmost solicitude, keeping in order the

[page] 438

fytoca where lay the body of her deceased friend. For the space of six months this faithful mourner scarcely ever slept bat on his grave, watering it with her tears, and disturbing the silence of the night with her sighs. One day she went, with the deepest affliction, to the house of Mo-oonga Toobos the widow of the deceased chief, to communicate what had happened to her at the fytoca during several nights, and which caused her the greatest anxiety. She related that she had dreamed three or four nights running, that the late How appeared to her, and, with a countenance full of disappointment, asked, why there yet remained at Vavaoo so many evil-designing persons; for, he declared, that, since he had been at Bolotoo, his spirit had been disturbed by the evil machinations of wicked men conspiring against his son; but he declared that "the youth" should not be molested, nor his power shaken by the spirit of rebellion; that therefore be came to her with a warning voice, to prevent such disastrous consequences. The apparition next desired her to place in order the pebble-stones upon his grave*, and pay every

* It must here be recollected, that mourners were accustomed to smooth the graves of their departed friends, and cover them with black and white pebbles.

[page] 439

attention to the fytoca; he then disappeared. This troublesome dream she had had two or three nights running. Mo-oonga Toobó, upon hearing this account, thought it expedient to search the fytoca, to see if the charm of tattoo * had not been practised in regard to the present Finow. They accordingly went together to the grave, and, after accurate examination, they discovered several bite of gnatoo, and a wreath of flowers curiously formed in a peculiar manner, invented by one of the wives of the king, and which they recollected to have seen him wear round his neck a few days before.

This circumstance being communicated to Finow, and, coming to the ears of his chiefs, and of the matabooles of the late How, produced considerable consternation among many of them. Finow, however, with that cool presence of mind which, marked his character,

* The charm of tattoo consists in hiding upon the grave, or in any part of the fytoca, some portion of the wearing apparel of an inferior relation of the deceased, in consequence of which that relation will sicken and die; or, it may be buried in the house consecrated to the tutelar god of the family. This charm is not supposed to have the desired effect when the grave of a deceased person is made use of, unless the deceased, was of superior rank to the person on whom the charm is practised.

[page] 440

issued orders to his chiefs to keep a vigilant look out, and, without discovering the least alarm, did every thing in the way of preparation against the worst that might happen, He kept Mr. Mariner constantly near him, that he might not be accidentally separated from him in case of any public disturbance.. On all occasions he endeavoured to make the conspirators (if any such there were), believe that he was perfectly off his guard, and in conscious security, and, the better to convince them of this, he feigned to imagine that the bits of buried gnatoo, &c. must have been hidden there by some dogs in their play: by expressing himself in this way, he was in hopes of emboldening the conspirators to proceed with less caution, in their plan, under the idea that he was off his guard. All this precaution, however, and studied policy, were unnecessary, as no signs of conspiracy became evident, and, perhaps, no conspiracy existed. In the mean time, the building and fortifying the garrison with extra ditches went on with dispatch, and, in a short time, was completed to the perfect satisfaction of Finow.

Shortly after the fortress was finished, a canoe arrived from the Hapai islands with Tonga-mana, a chief of the line of Tooitonga,

[page] 441

who came from Toobo Toa, with a request to know how the inachi* was to be sent to Tooitonga, seeing that Finow had declared that no communication whatever was to be kept up with Hapai. As all on board were habited in mats, with leaves of the ifi tree round their necks, as a token of submission, and that they came upon a religious duty, they were permitted to land. After having presented cava to several consecrated houses, they came before Finow, and presented some to him, and then opened to him the subject of their mission, stating that they came with a request from Toobo Toa, that he would grant him permission to present himself at Vavaoo, to pay his last respects to the memory of the late king, by performing the usual ceremonies at his grave; hoping that, although Finow seemed determined to cut off all communication with the Hapai islands, that still he would not carry his decree to such an extent as to form an insuperable bar to the performance of a religious duty, for that he (Toobo Toa), wished to take his last farewell of a great chief, who, while living, he so highly esteemed, and whose

* The annual tribute of the first fruits of each Island, to Tooitonga.

[page] 442

memory he had now so much reason to respect After Finow had heard the subject of the embasey, he said, in reply, that be should consult his chiefs and matabooles as to what measures he ought to take, and would return a definitive answer as soon as possible. Tongamana and his party then rose up and went down to the beach, where their canoe was and passed the night in the canoe-house.

Immediately after they had departed, Finow held a council with his chiefs and matabooles; the result of which was, that Toobo Toa should be allowed to send the inachi, provided Tongamana's canoe only was sent, and that this particular canoe should he allowed to come on any after occasion, upon condition that there were no more men on board than should be sufficient to constitute a crew; or, if he encroached upon this law, the canoe was never to be allowed to come again: but the question regarding Toobo Toa's coming was reserved for a future opportunity. This resolution was made, partly from religious motives, and partly to shew the Hapai people that they entertained no fears of them, but chiefly, perhaps, to demonstrate to Toobo Toa, how well provided and well armed they were against all attacks from a foreign enemy.

[page] 443

The following morning, at cava, this resolution respecting the celebration of the inachi, on the part of the Hapai people, was communicated to Tongas-mana, upon which he departed immediately, on his return to the Hapai islands. As soon as Toobo Toa heard the permission granted by Finow, he ordered the tributes from the different islands (intended for the inachi), to be collected together, and put on board Tonga-mana's canoe. At the same time, the inhabitants of Tolboa, an island belonging to Tooitonga, eager to send their tribute for the inachi, also dispatched a canoe to accompany that of Toobo Toa, and, although this was contrary to Finow's strict injunction (that only Tonga-mana's canoe should come on this expedition), still they flattered themselves that, as it was a canoe from Tooitonga's own island, it would be overlooked. But in this they were mistaken, for no sooner did the people of Vavaoo (so jealous were they of any apparent encroachment on their liberties), perceive that two canoes, instead of one, were coming to their shores, than they raised a great clamour, contending that the Hapai people had a mind to be treacherous; that, under the mask of religion, they were coming as spies; and, making these complaints to Finow, they called loudly

[page] 444

for orders against such a proceeding, and insisted that one of the canoes should be sent back before the other should be allowed to land.

Finow, seeing the conduct of the Hapai people, and hearing the complaints, of his own, immediately gave orders that Tooitongft's canoe should be instantly sent away, else neither of them should be allowed to land. Perceiving, however, afterwards, that Tooitonga's canoe was laden with part of the tribute, and as it would have been sacrilegious to have sent back any portion of what was intended for the inachi, he ordered it to be landed, and the canoe, with all its men, who, by the by, were choice warriors, to be sent back immediately, without being allowed to set foot on shore. On this occasion, Finow, reflecting how easy it would be for any of the Vavaoo people who chose, to leave the island on this occasion, and that Tooitonga's canoe would readily receive them, because the law which he had previously made, extended not to this canoe, but only, (according to the manner in which it was expressed), to that of Tonga-mana; reflecting on this, and seeing no way to prevent the evil, he openly proclaimed to the people, that, if any wished to go and reside at Hapai, they had the opportunity of going in Tooitonga's canoe,

[page] 445

but that they "would not be permitted to return to Vavaoo. No one, however, thought proper to leave the island.

After the ceremony of inachi, the canoe of Tongamana was sent away with permission to bring Toobo Toa, and any of his chiefs that thought proper to come, even although they filled more than one canoe, provided they only staid one day at Vavaoo, just to perform the ceremonies at the grave of the late How. For the king began now to consider that it would be bad policy to impose too many restrictions on the admission of the Hapai people, as it would indicate want of strength, and a certain degree of apprehension; and on the other hand, as the fortress was very strong, and able to resist almost any adverse force, he had not so much occasion to be under alarm.

In the mean time Finow dispatched several small canoes to the outer islands of Hafooloo Haoo*, to watch the arrival of Toobo Toa, and to return with immediate notice of this event to Vavaoo, which they did as soon as they saw three canoes which hove in sight. The notice being given to Finow, he sent back several of his own canoes to meet those of Toobo Toa,

* The name given to Vavaoo and all its surrounding islands.

[page] 446

with orders that Toobo Tea's canoes should not be allowed to advance farther than the neighbouring islands, but that they should bring Toobo Toa and his party along with them up the creek to Felletoa, in the Vavaoo canoes. This was accordingly done, and Toobo Toa, and about sixty of his warriors, were landed near the fortress. They were all dressed in mats; their heads were shaven, and the leaves of the ifi tree were round their necks, according to the custom at burials. They were followed by several boys hearing a few spears, arrows and clubs. They proceeded immediately to the grave of the late How, and after having sat before it a little time with their heads bowed down, Toobo Toa arose, and, taking a sharp club from one of the boys, inflicted several very severe wounds on his own head, calling out to the deceased to witness this proof of his love and fidelity, and declaring aloud that his sentiments towards his son were the same as those he formerly entertained towards him, notwithstanding that his death had occasioned this seeming breach between himself and his son; and protesting how much he wished a perfect and friendly understanding with the Vavaoo people, that he might occasionally have the opportunity of preparing the cava for young

[page] 447

Finow; and by such and other assiduities prove his respect and loyalty towards his family: but as he supposed that the chiefs of Bolotoo had decreed otherwise, he should be contented to live at the Hapai islands, and evince his remembrance of the deceased, by sending, in Tonga-mana's canoe, the produce of his own islands as presents to his son. This speech was followed by those of several of his party, all much in the same sentiment, and then, after bruising their heads, running spears and arrows through their cheeks, thighs, and breast, they left the grave to attend to the cava of Finow. In the evening Finow, Toobo Toa, and Finow Fiji, bad a short conversation together, when Toobo Toa expressed his wish to be tributary to Vavaoo, notwithstanding it might still be thought politic, as long as any of Toobo Neuha's near relations were living, to keep him and his people at a distance, acknowledging that such a separation was the only way of 'preserving peace between the two powers. He stated, moreover, that with the view of keeping his own people from meditating either conspiracies against himself or wars against Vavaoo, (which they would he sure to do if they remained long idle), he should turn his attention to the assistance of

[page] 448

the garrison of Hihifo at Tonga, which was upon friendly terms with him, but which, he lately heard was very weak, and in great danger of being destroyed by the enemy. To the succour of his Mends, therefore, he meant to proceed to Tonga with a strong army as soon as possible. To Toobo Toa's proposal of still sending a tribute, Finow objected for two reasons, first, because Vavaoo itself yielded quite enough for the maintenance of his people, and secondly, became any tribute received from Toobo Toa might be construed by the people into an act of friendship and alliance, which ill suited with the sentiments they entertained towards the man who had formerly killed their beloved chief Toobo Neuha. As to the annual tribute for the inachi, it could not be dispensed with, because it was a religious act, and was necessary to be performed to ensure the favour of the gods, and to prevent any calamities which might otherwise be inflicted on them. Toobo Toa was obliged to accede to all that Finow had so reasonably said upon the subject; his pride, however, (as it was believed) was much hurt at feeling the necessity of coinciding in the wishes of so young and inexperienced a chief. Whilst Toobo Toa was speaking, the tears ran down his cheeks, influenced probably

[page] 449

by the feelings of his heart, for he had a great respect for the late How, a real friendship for him, and felt a sincere regret for his loss. The same evening he took his leave of Finow, by performing the ceremony of moe-moe*, and repaired with his men to the canoes, in which the following morning he departed for Hapai.

Toobo Toa was greatly pleased with the appearance of the garrison, declaring that he had

* A kind of salute paid to the greatest chief present, and consists in bowing the head, (whilst sitting cross-legged before him) to that the forehead touches the sole of the chief's foot, (who sits in like manner) and then touching the sole of the same foot, (which may be either the right or the left) first with the palm and then with the back of each hand. The ceremony is also performed by persons who may have accidentally touched any part of a superior chief's person, or any thing whatever belonging to him; and unless this ceremony is performed after such contact, they cannot eat without danger (as they suppose) of swelling up and dying. They are very subject to indurations of the liver, and pertain forms of scrofula hereafter to be spoken of, and which they conceive frequently happens from a neglect of this ceremony, after touching any thing belonging to a superior chief; They most frequently, however, perform it, without knowing themselves to have occasion for it, merely as a matter of caution. And if a man has eaten any thing without performing this ceremony when he had occasion for it, the chief applies the sole of his foot also to the man's belly, as a greater security against such swellings. Moe-moe means literally to touch or press. (See note, p. 150).

VOL. I. G G

[page] 450

never seen any thing so warlike and formidable, not even at the Fiji islands, where he had lived several years. Finow had indeed given the strictest orders to make every thing appear in as good a state as possible, producing a tasteful display of clubs, spears, and arrows, arranged against the houses, with wreaths of flowers and certain warlike decorations. Upon the whole, when the size and strength of the place,-with its situation, was taken into consideration, it was, perhaps, by far the most formidable fortification that had ever been established in any of those clusters of islands, in the midst of the southern ocean.

About a month after the departure of Toobo Toa, during which time nothing particular occurred, a fisherman from one of the neighbouring islands brought word that a small canoe had been seen coming in a direction from Hapai. In a short time the canoe itself arrived, bringing one of Finow's principal warriors, Lolo Hea Cow Keifoo, and his two brothers, young lads, who had been at the Hapai islands in consequence of the illness of their father, who had resided there, but had since died. They brought intelligence that Toobo Toa had ordered all the canoes to be got ready as soon as possible, and put in a state

[page] 451

for sea^:; and all his fighting men to hold themselves in readiness to depart at a moment's notice. In consequence of this order, Lolo Hea suspected, and indeed it was universally be1eieved, that it was Toobo Toa's intention to make a descent upon the island of Vavaoo!: hence he took the first opportunity to make his escape with his two brothers; for had he stayed to have come with the invading army, he could not in honour have deserted it, and would thus have been obliged to fight against his own countrymen*. Finow, on hearing this intelligence, was not backward in making the most judicious preparations to receive his enemy, and which he did, although he had no idea but that his intention was to land his men at Tonga, with a view to assist the garrison before spoken of; but still he held himself well prepared, according to the Tonga maxim, that is, never to suspect any thing without immediately making preparations for the worst.

To the rest of the preparations Mr.Mariner got ready a carronade, which had hitherto not been used, on account of its having been

* Such is the opinion of the Tonga islander, that be at any foreign island which is about to wage war with his own, he holds himself obliged to side with the people among whom he is (see p.188, note.)

G G 2

[page] 452

spiked. Having nothing wherewith to drill the touch-hole, he collected together a vast quantity of wood, and made a large fire, in the midst of which was the gun, of which, when hot, he readily cleared the touch-hole: it was then mounted upon a carriage; Thus Finow had three guns, six barrels of powder, and plenty of shot, for almost all the shot which had been find HI THE former attacks open the garrison, were again found and collected, Finow also sent a canoe to the islands of Togoo, to the N.W. of Vavaoo, to collect a cargo of round black pebbles, which are found there in abundance, to serve an shot. With all this ammunition, Finow was far superior to Toobo Toe, who had only two guns, and was withal very short both of powder and shot. All these preparations, however, were never required, for, shortly after, Tonga Mana's canoe arrived, bringing intelligence that Toobo Too had proceeded with his army to the assistance of the garrison before spoken of in the island of Tonga.

About this time there happened a very heavy storm of thunder and lightning, which is always considered ominous by the natives, and esteemed the harbinger of some great event, such as invasion, death of a great chief,

[page] 453

arrival of an European ship, &c. This event therefore produced, as it generally does, considerable anxiety in the minds of the people; and this anxiety was much increased by the dreams of several women. One dreamed that during the time of the inachi, Tooitonga, at the head of a number of hotooas, attacked them, and broke to pieces the consecrated yams; another, that she had been at Bolotoo, and heard a decree of Higooleo, (one of the principal hotooas,) that Vavaoo should shortly experience some great calamity, because the people had neglected some particular and important ceremonies. In this state of the public mind, parties were sent to the outer islands to keep a perpetual watch, and to bring immediate intelligence of any canoe that might appear. In the course of a little time it was remarked that Tooitonga decreased considerably in size, losing flesh every day, although otherwise in good health; it was not long, however, before he began to complain of weakness and loss of appetite. His illness beginning thus to be confirmed, occasioned his relations and attendants to have recourse to the usual ceremonies on such melancholy occasions. Accordingly every day one or other of his young relations had

[page] 454

a little finger cut off, as a propitiatory offering to the gods for the sins of the sick man*. These sacrifices, however, were found of no avail; — greater, therefore, were soon had recourse to; and accordingly three or four children were strangled, at different times, in the manner which has already been related; and invocations were made to the deities at fytocas, consecrated houses; and in the persons of the priests, but still without effect, for the gods were deaf to their intreaties; and the illness of the sacred chief grew every day more alarming. As a last resource, therefore, to excite the compassion of the deities, they carried the emaciated person of Tooitonga to the place

* Nothing is more common in these islands than the sacrifice of a little finger on occasion of the illness of a superior relations insomuch, that there is scarcely a grown-up person (unless, a very great chief, who can have had few superior relations) but if who has lost the little finger of both hands. Nor is there ever any dispute between two persons with a view to get exempt from this ceremony; on the contrary, Mr. Mariher has witnessed a violent contest between two children of five years of age, each claiming the favour of having the ceremony, performed on him, so little do they fear the pain of the operation: the pain indeed is but very trifling, from the mode, probably, in which it is performed, which will be fully described in another place.

[page] 455

where Iris provisions: were accustomed to be cooked*;—in the same manner as Finow was carried:—but notwithstanding all this, death overtook him in the course of eight days, after six weeks illness.

About a month or six weeks after the funeral ceremonies were finished, (which will be described under the head, of Religious Ceremonies, in the second volume,) Finow, who had not broken, his head (as they call it) at the grave, his father, because perhaps on a public occasion it would have looked in him like an ostentatious display of what might have been thought affected feeling, resolved, to perform this ceremony in a more private manner, accompanied only by a few of his warriors, to whom he now signified his intention. Accordingly one morning he and his men began to prepare themselves for this affair, when unfortunately an accident happened, which to us Europeans (in the present times) would not have, attracted the slightest attention; but, in the estimation of these people, was a matter pregnant with the most important and serious consequences:—for at this time Mr.

* It must be recollected that this is an act of great humility, that the high and sacred chief of Tonga should resort to the place where his victuals are cooked. See the account of the death of Finow, p. 378.

[page] 456

Mariner, on entering the house, happened to sneeze!! Immediately every one present threw down his club, for who would proceed on so important an expedition after to dire an omen*! Finow's eyes flashed with the fire of rage;—directing them full on Mr. Mariner, he cursed him with the most bitter curse, "strike your god!"—and, rising from the ground, he demanded why he came there ?—to winch he answered, "Your father would not have asked me that question; and I am surprised that you are so much unlike him, as to believe in such superstitious nonsense." This was too much for him to bear, particularly before so many of his men; and snatching up a club that lay near him, he would have knocked out his brains, if some of the men present had not pushed Mr. Mariner out of the house, while the rest held Finow. Upon this the former wished him good bye†—said that if he wanted him he might send for him, adding, that he

*To sneeze at the moment of setting out on an expedition argues, their opinion, the most fatal results: even Finow, who had a superior mind, could not efface from it the depth of the impression.

† The expression answering to this in the Tonga language is tea ge nofe. (and you remain,) and is a phrase always used in taking leave of any one.

[page] 457

did not before know that his presence was so disagreeable, Several men then came out of the house, and hurried Mr. Mariner away, lest Finow, before his passion had time to cool, should pursue him, and effect some desperate revenge: he retired, therefore, to a house near the grave. Shortly after, Finow having consulted with his men upon the subject of Mr. Mariner's sneezing, resolved that, as he was a foreigner, and had different gods, his sneezing was not to be considered of any consequence: they then proceeded to the grave to perform the ceremony of head-breaking, when Finow and all his men, inspired with enthusiasm, cut and bruised their heads in a shocking manner; Finow in particular, not contented with the usual instruments, made use of a saw, the teeth of which he struck against his skull with such vehemence and good-will, that he staggered as he went home with loss' of blood. These scenes need not be further described; we have already had enough of them.

Mr. Mariner, immediately after this, proceeded to his plantation, resolving to remain there, and see how long Finow would be contented without his company. This conduct, according to the manners and customs of Eu-

VOL. I. H H

[page] 458

ropeans, appears extremely haughty, arrogant, and presumptuous; for although Finow, in this instance, was undoubtedly much to blame in putting himself in such a violent rage, and Mr. Mariner in danger of his life, on the occasion of an accident which might so easily have happened, and might have been so difficult to avoid, yet the latter being so much the inferior, we might suppose it to be his duty first to ask pardon for the offence so unintentionally committed: but this plan would be far from producing a good effect in the Tonga islands; on the contrary, he would have been thought a mean-spirited fellow, ever willing to sink himself below the dignity of humanity, to purchase the pardon and friendship of a superior. And had he acted in this way, the king would most undoubtedly have thought meanly of him, and never again have made him a confidential friend, which always implies something of an equality.

In the evening (a few hours after his arrival at his plantation) a girl came with a message from his adopted mother, assuring him that he was perfectly safe, Finow having expressed his extreme sorrow for his own conduct: she advised him, however; not to return to the king

[page] 459

till after several invitations, or even till he came in person to request a renewal of his friendship; for although it was dangerous in Tonga to be too haughty,—on the other hand, too much submission would be as bad (upon, the principle above alluded to); besides, as she was shortly going to live at the Hapai islands along with her father, she wished beforehand to see Mr. Mariner safe against all future designs and insults from inferior chiefs, by thus counselling him to act with becoming dignity towards even the king himself, whose friendship and sentiments towards Mr. Mariner she well knew. He accordingly took her advice, and remained at the plantation ten days, notwithstanding repeated messages from Finow, and intreaties to return; and at last he so intimidated the messengers, by threatening to shoot them if they appeared again with that errand, that Finow at length resolved to fetch him himself; and accordingly one morning entered his house, and having awakened him, saluted him in the kindest and most affectionate manner, begged his pardon for his too hasty conduct, and wept abundantly. After this period they were inseparable friends.

During this reconciliation, Finow explained to Mr. Mariner the cause of his unseasonable

[page] 460

rage against him for sneezing: it was not that he had any superstitious idea of it as a bad omen, but that it might have this effect upon the minds of his men, and thus put off his intended ceremony.

END OF VOL. I.

T. DAVISON, Lombard-street,
Whitefriars, London.